Cultivating Youth Proenvironmental Development: A Critical Ecological Approach

Abstract

Ecopsychology has demonstrated the need to reestablish the moral relationship between human beings and their surroundings while promoting the proenvironmental behavior needed to confront the current ecological crisis. However, this individual level approach has resulted in interventions that isolate individuals from their historical, social, and cultural contexts. Moreover, missing from the literature is an analysis of identity formation and proenvironmental socialization in children and youth. In this article, I will present findings from an ethnographic case study with a group of young environmental activists in Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico, that describes the interconnectedness of collective practices and individual development. This study demonstrates how young activists enact their environmental identities through the transformative and collaborative process of teaching others. By caring for and working with elementary school children, this group of high school and college students learns to behave in ways that are ecologically conscious while, at the same time, fulfilling their social role as mentors and environmental activists. Understanding how children and adolescents develop their attitudes and behaviors toward the environment through social interactions is paramount to the possibility of building a new society.

Introduction

Ecopsychologists assert that Modernity as an ideological and material project has forced a division between our identity as humans and that of nature, separating humanity from those elements other-than-human (Doherty, 2009). Through the reconceptualization of human progress and the technocratization of many processes of daily life, Modernity acts in opposition to the physical world in an attempt to objectify, manage, control, and ultimately subordinate it while privileging human existence and its perceived needs (Fisher, 2002). This rupture not only has prompted a hasty, unprecedented, and uncritical consumption of the globe's limited resources, but also has compromised individuals' psychological and physical well-being ever since modern societies have come to believe that they “have no ethical obligation to our planetary home” (Roszak, 1992, p. 14). The consequences of this split are tangible and severe: a pathological state of disengagement from the reality of the natural world, a dichotomized understanding of ecological problems as either individual or environmental ones, and a degraded process of psychogenesis resulting in irrational attitudes and behaviors toward the environment (Kidner, 1994; Maller, Townsend, Pryor, Brown, & St. Leger, 2005; Milton, 2009; Roszak, Gomes, & Kanner, 1995; Rust, 2008; Searles, 1960; Shepard, 1982). In order to deal with these afflictions, ecopsychologists have proposed an array of “naturalistic” and “experiential” therapies and interventions that both reestablish the moral relationship between human beings and their surroundings (Maller et al., 2005), and promote the proenvironmental behavior needed to confront the current ecological crisis (Rust, 2008).

Nevertheless, critics of this individualistic approach to psychological analysis and intervention have argued that this perspective focuses almost exclusively on the cognitive aspects of individual behavior, which attempt to bring about change in people's actions through personal transformation in knowledge, attitudes, and values (Hargreaves, 2008; Schensul & Tricket, 2009). Through the privileging of individual outcomes over that of communities as the targets of social change, these individual-centered interventions risk to isolate individuals from their historical, social, cultural, and ecological contexts (Brewer & Gardner, 1996; Sarason, 1981, in Schensul & Tricket, 2009). Additionally, the absence of a multilevel, ecological approach to community change can result in the undermining of local explanations of change, the nontransfer of technical and analytical skills to local populations, an increased dependence on outside experts to provide solutions, and, as a consequence, unsustainable results over time.

A multilevel or ecological approach allows for a more flexible and comprehensive understanding of social behavior and change (Berg, Coman, & Schensul, 2009; Bronfenbrenner, 1989; Foster-Fishman, Nowell, & Yang, 2007; Schensul, Berg, Schensul, & Sydlo, 2004). The use of an ecological approach can aid individuals in identifying and evaluating resources, as well as supportive and stressful elements in their surroundings (Nastasi, Schensul, Balkcom, & Cintrón-Moscoso, 2004). It can also assist researchers, service providers and residents in analyzing power relationships within and across particular levels, and in considering the numerous ways in which these relationships influence and affect behaviors and decisions at each level and among individuals and groups. This emphasis on multilevel, ecological analysis stimulates the integration of influential aspects from the social and natural surroundings, which provides a more holistic perspective with which to understand human activity and its impact on the environment.

The Critical Ecological Approach

In this article, I argue that a critical ecological perspective is particularly useful in examining how youth are socialized into proenvironmental behavior and activism, and how collective practices contribute to young people's development of positive orientations toward the natural and socially constructed environments. I apply this perspective by examining three interrelated levels—local context, social structures, and individual development—where the work of a youth-led environmental education group intersects as a public organization, on the one hand, and an intellectual and transformative space for its members, on the other.

The critical approach suggested here expands the social ecological perspective by analyzing how these multiple and interactive systems at the individual, group, community, and policy levels support or oppose structures of social inequality and dependence. While ecological issues may simply diminish the quality of life for people in industrialized countries at the present time, they clearly threaten the survival capacity of others less privileged in the rest of the world (Crate & Nuttal, 2009; McMichael, Woodruff, & Hales, 2006; Whiteford & Whiteford, 2005). Thus, a critical ecological conceptual framework moves beyond the unmasking of psycho-social problems to privilege and promote efforts geared toward understanding and reducing disparities and increasing social justice (see e.g., Barlett, 2002; Gonzalez, Moll, & Amanti, 2005; Schensul, & Berg, 2004; Schensul & Schensul, 1978; Weis, 1990).

The concept of critical consciousness is central to the critical ecological framework for research and related action (Ginwright, Cammarota, & Noguera, 2002; Martín-Baró, 2006; Watts & Guessous, 2006). In a study carried out in Chicago, Watts, Griffith, and Abdul-Adil (1999) demonstrated how African American youth increased their critical consciousness skills after being exposed to exercises and dynamics that prompted social analysis and critical thinking—thereby promoting the process of sociopolitical development. Researchers concluded that only a conceptual framework that incorporates personal, cultural, social, and spiritual domains could explain the production of a collective consciousness that simultaneously encourages social justice behaviors and values (Watts & Flanagan, 2007; Watts & Guessous, 2006; Watts, Williams, & Jagers, 2003). The concept of critical consciousness embedded in the ecological perspective, hence, “articulates the relationship between the collective battle against social ills and the advancement of personal well-being” (Watts & Guessous, 2006, p. 60), which Fisher (2002) has similarly proposed as a key component for a “radical” exercise of ecopsychology. The underlying idea is that the individual and society are “two sides of the same human-development coin” (Watts et al., 1999, p. 256). Therefore, “the qualities that young people need to develop and improve themselves are related to the qualities they need to develop and improve their society” (Watts & Guessous, 2006, p. 72). Engaging social issues and forces outside the individual thus becomes an integral part of the process of identity formation (Youniss & Yates, 1997), which consequently supports the development of social capabilities and competencies (see also Fox, Prilleltenksy, & Austin, 2009 for a complementary argument).

Berg et al. (2009) also argue for a multilevel approach to youth development demonstrating that individual level psychosocial and behavioral change can occur as a result of collective social engagement and social change efforts at multiple levels. In their intervention, the authors encouraged youth to utilize an eco-critical framework to examine their “multiple selves,” as well as the inequitable practices and issues that are affected by social, cultural, and political factors that must be transformed. They show that working collectively on multilevel, social change activities strengthens interpersonal relationships among youth, while at the same time promoting individual and collective efficacy. More importantly, this approach concurrently “situates individuals in a social system, refutes the idea that meaningful change can occur by intervening with the individual alone, and provides an analytic framework with which to identify sources of influence, power, and oppression” (Berg et al., 2009, p. 346).

Both of these examples support the importance of youth sociopolitical development and the relevance of utilizing a critical ecological approach, but little is known about the potential of these theoretical advances in relation to youth environmental socialization, identity formation, and activism. This article attempts to address this gap by presenting an ethnographic case study of an action research-oriented organization, Conuco,¹ geared to exploring urban ecological issues with elementary school children in Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico. Through the ethnographic case study approach, I illustrate how the process of creation and involvement in the activities of this organization strengthens the critical consciousness and collective proenvironmental behavior of the members. Guiding this inquiry are the following questions: (1) Why do these young people create, develop, and sustain an advocacy group that can result in important social justice work and experiential learning activities?; (2) How does Conuco, in particular, engage with public schools to integrate an alternative, environmental education curriculum into the school's educational program?; and (3) What does this effort mean for the members of Conuco, and how do they change through this experience?

Research Methodology

In order to answer these questions and address the void in research mentioned above, I searched for and identified an organization founded and led by young people between the ages of 17 and 25 with the explicit intent of addressing issues of social and environmental justice in Puerto Rico. Inspired by the work faculty at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) are carrying out in Rio Piedras and the advocacy work of local and international environmental organizations, Conuco developed a series of ecological workshops for children with the objective of raising awareness about and promote action on social and environmental problems in their community and the island. Through partnerships with school administrators and teachers, Conuco's members visit the schools almost weekly to voluntarily offer these workshops or to take the children outside for activities around the neighborhood. Organizationally, Conuco consists of one general coordinator in charge of overseeing the implementation of school activities and developing relationships with collaborators. Additionally, for each school (four in the neighborhood of Rio Piedras) there is one facilitator who is responsible for planning, adapting, and implementing the curriculum, as well as disseminating information through academic channels, community meetings, and the mass media. In every school, Conuco works directly with a teacher or librarian, and one group of children. The number of students in each group ranges from 10 to 25 at any given time, depending on students' attendance and conflicting schedules.

The selection of Conuco enabled me to document and analyze the expression of individual and collective efficacy as demonstrated through its processes of organization, decision-making, and implementation of action strategies. However, although ethnography is well suited to the study of people in their natural settings, following Conuco proved to be a challenge. All of the members, except for one still in high school, were full-time undergraduate students at the UPR. In addition, all held part-time jobs either inside or outside the university. Their individual obligations were such that it was extremely difficult for them to meet regularly, and when they finally did, they spent a significant amount of time talking about issues unrelated to the meeting agenda—topics nevertheless important to the development of relationships and group coherence. Therefore, the research design required a high level of flexibility and improvisation on my part to set up appointments or to attend particular activities announced frequently at the last minute. Accordingly, the general coordinator's preferred mode of communication was through e-mails and phone text messages, which were used constantly to announce events.

The ethnographic research lasted approximately 8 months, from August 2008 to April 2009. As suggested before, this research included different types of data such as in-depth interviews, participant observations, and an ethnographic content analysis of documentary materials. Given the voluntary character of the organization and the complex life of its members, participation varies significantly at any given time. At one point during the research, the list of members included approximately 15 people, although not all were actively involved or available for interviews. In spite of that, I conducted 90-min interviews with seven of the most active members and held informal conversations with at least eight others during the various organizational activities. This ensured that I discussed the central issues of the study at least once with each member.

The flexibility of ethnography allowed me to address multiple stakeholders and collect different types of data across different interacting settings. In-depth interviews were carried out with Conuco's collaborators (n = 5) and with local experts in the areas of environmental education and activism (n = 3). Over 30 separate participant observations took place inside and outside classrooms, including meetings, public presentations, and advocacy campaigns. Finally, nearly 200 documents (including newspaper articles, legislative bills, instructional and campaign materials, Webpages, e-mails, DVDs, and photographs) produced by the organization were gathered for analysis.

Interviews, e-mails, and observations were transcribed and then entered into a computerized data management program for analysis and coding. Utilizing a deductive/inductive approach, I examined the material for themes related to the research questions as well as other unexpected topics that emerged from the initial analysis. Finally, all the data were recoded and analyzed, resulting in three major domains presented below: local context, social structures, and individual development. After presenting the data, I will discuss the findings in light of the above theoretical discussion on the critical ecological approach, and briefly suggest contributions to the field of ecopsychology and research on youth proenvironmental behavior.

Findings

Local context

Rio Piedras, an urban mixed-income neighborhood in the heart of Puerto Rico's capital city, is confronted with a number of environmental issues that range from a lack of vegetation and climate pollution, to high population density, poverty, and social inequality. These environmental and social problems have a greater impact on low-income children in particular, given that they are more vulnerable and greatly exposed to these risks. For instance, many of these children walk to school circumventing piles of garbage, drug paraphernalia, and other hazardous materials. They also share their playgrounds with drug users and dealers, and inhale the air that has been contaminated by construction sites and a surplus of vehicles, among other pollutants. When it rains, most streets get flooded because the ravines have been dried out, channelized, or filled with rubbish. Moreover, young children in Rio Piedras are also vulnerable to other social malaises found in urban centers such as economic marginalization and exclusion, violent behavior, racism, and an ideology that views them as a “minority subculture” (cf. Barlett, 2002, p. 4), treating them with suspicion and hostility.

Through the facilitation of environmental workshops in the neighborhood's elementary schools, Conuco became increasingly aware of the precarious realities and voiceless state of children, and, at the same time, their lack of knowledge and experience regarding environmental concerns. Nonetheless, instead of discouraging the group's actions, this new knowledge has given them a raison d'etre to continue their efforts. This is how one of the school facilitators explained it:

I got interested in working with them, because I felt that no one was paying attention to them. […] So I felt that it was my responsibility in part. […] I think that they are growing up in a very difficult environment that includes problems with economic and social situations, discrimination, violence, so many things at the same time.

To address these concerns, Conuco has adopted a reformist approach to school change that critiques the government of Puerto Rico and particularly the Department of Education (DEPR), which they believe is not giving environmental education the attention it necessitates. Since 2001, there have been at least three attempts by local legislators to amend the Organic Act of the DEPR, which would authorize the development of environmental curricula for all grade levels. Yet, none of these attempts have been considered in the House of Representatives or the Senate. In fact, during the most recent public hearings on this matter (in 2006), the previous Secretary of Education, the President of the Teachers Association, and the President of the General Board of Education, all stated that environmental education was already included in the science curriculum and therefore there was no need to change public policy.

In actuality, the DEPR has published few guidelines in the last decade to provide teachers with activities to incorporate in their science courses (see e.g., Departamento de Educación, 2001, 2003). Nevertheless, when I interviewed two of the consultants who worked on the guidelines' development, both stated the need to create public policy regarding environmental education and agreed with Conuco that this topic has not been a priority for the DEPR. One of them clarified the difference between environmental sciences and environmental education, stating that while the former is a subdiscipline of the natural sciences, the latter is a “transformative experience” that develops from “an interdisciplinary vision that integrates science with educational, social, and cultural processes.” Thus, adding activities to the science curriculum is nothing more than a partial solution to the problem and does not address concerns of systemic change and curricula integration. Moreover, the other consultant confessed to me that in many cases the DEPR did not provide training to teachers on how to integrate the additional activities into the curriculum, and that the guidelines have not been distributed extensively enough to have any significant effect.

Social structures

Attempting to address some of these structural issues requires organization and collective participation by multiple stakeholders in the social, political, and cultural arenas. Conuco represents one such effort by proposing a new model of school and community partnership in which content-specific groups assist educational institutions in the preparation of students.

When in the classrooms, Conuco's main objective is to increase elementary school teachers' and students' ecological awareness through the integration of visual arts and media. This goal is achieved through activities targeted at increasing children's critical thinking and advocacy skills regarding ecological and social justice concern. For example, one of the classroom activities was to develop a media campaign to persuade the current governor not to revoke an executive order signed by the previous administration designating the Corredor Ecológico del Noreste (CEN) as a Natural Reserve.

The campaign consisted of having the elementary children paint a message to the governor stating the reasons why the CEN should be protected. During the workshop, the elementary students learned about the ecology of this coastal region while engaging in positive actions to protect and preserve the environment. After completing these workshops in the different schools, a group of children took the messages to the governor's house, which attracted the attention of the local media. Other workshops discuss issues related specifically to Rio Piedras such as the new municipal redevelopment plan, the city's climate, and the benefits and possibilities of creating a school garden. Outside the classrooms, elementary students have participated in a reforestation project with the college students, and visited a recently opened neighborhood garden.

In preparation for these workshops and outside activities, the members themselves learn technical and professional skills that range from public speaking, research methods, and audiovisual techniques, to strategies for effective advocacy and teaching. Funding for these activities is received through small grants that the members collectively write. All of these activities are supported through an intricate social network that includes professionals in different fields, fellow college students, community residents, and environmental activists. For instance, the mother of one of the members holds a faculty appointment in the College of Education at UPR and plays a relevant role assisting Conuco with strategic guidance, networking facilitation, and access to university resources. In one instance, this professor offered some of her students the opportunity to partner with Conuco in the development of the organization's lesson plans. The preservice teachers were able to develop lesson plans with a grassroots organization, with the added value of their work potentially being put immediately into practice. For Conuco, this experience represents a crucial aspect of its modus operandi, that is, their ability to accrue resources from a variety of sources to accomplish particular tasks and objectives in an effort to increase their social capital and continue functioning. Through this strategic partnership, the group recruits extra hands for a project that otherwise might not be completed or that would have to wait indefinitely until the group's membership increased.

Individual development

Conuco's social persona is intimately related to the particular interests that have brought its members together. While two of the participants have been actively involved in the environmental movement prior to forming Conuco, the others had not participated in environmental activism until joining the organization. The later members confessed to having been attracted to the organization not by a proenvironmental interest in itself, but rather because of other personal concerns such as “improving public education,” “teaching art to children,” “exploring the self,” and “contributing to society.” Although they have joined the organization following different interests, the interviews revealed certain commonalities, such as a desire to effect change through the reform of classroom education and partnership with teachers.

The opportunity to teach in a classroom for the first time allowed each individual to gain a new understanding of the realities of public schooling. This new perspective helped many of the group to confront or, sometimes, reaffirm a generalized negative sentiment toward the educational system as a whole, and public teachers in particular. Although this prejudice was seldom recognized in the meetings in which I participated, it repeatedly emerged during informal conversations, often after a difficult day in school or when discussing structural matters concerning the DEPR. By the end of the research, only one member had shown interest in the possibility of becoming a certified teacher.

Similarly, all participants expressed the belief that each individual has a social responsibility, and accordingly, that membership in Conuco has given them the space to contribute to that society. In relation to these points, one interviewee stated:

I believe we are now in a critical state regarding the country, the environment, where it would either get spoiled, or start getting better. […] Also, it's upsetting that the majority of people do not care; thus, the importance of environmental education. […] It is not only what one can do, but to get others to do something as well.

The process of teaching, learning, and reflecting about the social and ecological issues affecting the school community has made these individuals more conscious about their behavior in other aspects of their life. Hence, developing an environmental identity meant, for instance, learning to view themselves as part of all that is around them, which has led one of the participants to conclude that a better psychological relationship with the surroundings would help decrease other social malaises. For this participant, the development of a critical ecological consciousness or an environmental identity thus translates into a stronger will to improve personal and societal circumstances:

I think that through environmental education one starts to appreciate this world, which we are all part of as well. […] Once you learn to love it, to take care of it, then you take care of yourself. Then you see everything as part of the cycle of life. For me, that will cut off violence. […] It also could be seen as a resource, as a way of seeing what's around you, but also within you. You feel good when you plant a tree, all of those things, all the psychological benefits that come from being integrated and well with nature. […] That's why I think environmental education is so important. […] For me, everything is connected to everything else. Everything, everything!.

For many members, becoming active in the organization meant increasing their own proenvironmental behaviors, such as participating in workshops, seminars, and outdoor activities; joining other advocacy and educational campaigns; or simply spending more free time reading about ecological and environmental topics. For those new to the environmental movement, these activities were regarded as transformative experiences that have provided them with alternative conduits for expressing themselves while reducing their ecological footprint. For the members already involved in the movement, Conuco represented continuity in their personal development as advocates.

Discussion

The first two categories of analysis, local context and social structures, suggest that collective behavior requires structured opportunities and the ability to conduct strategic networking. This information has proven important to understanding Conuco's work both as oppositional to the state's stance on environmental issues and as reformist as they attempt to transform schools at the local level through an alternative model of school/community partnership. In addition, Conuco's collaborations demonstrate the critical role of a supportive infrastructure in the gestation and sustainability of youth-led voluntary work. The third and last category, individual development, conversely describes the personal meanings that this experience has for individual members, emphasizing both the various interests that brought them together and the positive outcomes gained from participating in this effort.

As the data presented above demonstrate, individual proenvironmental behavior can occur as a consequence of collective action and sociopolitical development. In this case, this group of young activists enacts their “green” identities through the transformative and collaborative process of teaching others. By caring for and working with elementary school children, these individuals learn to behave in ways that are ecologically conscious while, at the same time, fulfilling their perceived social responsibility as mentors and environmental activists. Consequently, Conuco presents a transformative project that seeks to enhance elementary school children's cognitive and experiential knowledge through the analysis of the social and natural environments–a process that the group claims is similar to their own personal and collective organizational one. Although the impact of Conuco's project on the elementary school children is outside of scope of this particular article, I argue that the sentiments of empathy and solidarity toward these children and their communities, as well as the sociopolitical awareness present in this group, are crucial driving forces behind individual members' proenvironmental actions and their conceptualization of social and ecological change.

Conuco's work has not only resulted in the members' growth as individuals, but has also demonstrated the possible benefits of “opening” public institutional practices to external groups with shared interests and commitment to change. Nonetheless, for the most part, these initiatives have taken place at the local level, and in the case of public schools, many have been established in cooperation with only a handful of teachers or administrators. These factors raise questions about this group's potential to bring about structural change and their transferability to other settings and contexts. Therefore, more research is critically needed to understand the nature of these collaborations and the impact they have on local stakeholders and the broader society in which they take place.

Conclusion

Although ecopsychology has demonstrated the need to reestablish the ecological self by renewing the union between the “inner” life and the “outer” world (Roszak, 1992), this discipline can benefit from an approach that simultaneously stresses the relation between one's development and social responsibility, and the improvement of one's group. The utilization of a multilevel approach has proven useful in linking the subjective aspects of the individual experience with relevant elements of the social strata. Of most significance for this study are Conuco's conception of social responsibility, their collective self-perception and representation, and their proposed model of school/community partnership. Thus, even when individual actions are important and encouraged, engaging in collective practices seems to be more necessary and worthwhile, since it reflects and reinforces personal commitment, while allowing for opportunities to advance social change.

Notes

Pseudonyms were used to protect the privacy of individuals in the study.

Original quotes are in Spanish. All translations were made by the author.

Footnotes

Acknowledgment

I wish to acknowledge Jean Schensul, Margarita Moscoso, and Karen Dyer for their insightful comments on an early version of this article.

Author Disclosure Statement

No competing financial interests exist.

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