Affordable Housing in Regions with Naturally Occurring Asbestos

Introduction

Several researchers argue that the lack of affordable housing in numerous cities across the globe now constitutes a global housing crisis. ¹ This situation could move cities to annex undeveloped land, or new cities could materialize. In turn, researchers hold that more than a million square kilometers of additional lands will become urbanized by 2030. ² One worry is that some regions could contain sources of naturally occurring asbestos (NOAs) in rocks and soil, especially considering that geologists continue to find new deposits. ³ The problem is that living within proximity to NOAs can cause adverse health effects when people inhale asbestos fibers as they are released into the air during dust storms and when people engage in activities that disturb these materials. ⁴ Owing to these conditions, new cities and expanding municipalities in regions with NOAs should create anticipatory protocols to avoid harming people who are seeking affordable housing, which could count as acts of environmental injustice. Although this point sounds straightforward, creating such measures requires facing two problems.

First, this situation lacks precedent, meaning that there are not readily available cases of NOAs and environmental justice (EJ) to consult. Without any previous examples to study, figuring out the best course of action depends on extrapolating from similar cases, along with adding other measures. Although such comparisons could yield some insights for developing “best practices” in these scenarios, the dissimilarities between cases suggest that inherent limitations remain. In turn, relying on previous instances will not provide sufficient assistance for municipalities that must contend with NOAs.

Second, the effects of asbestos ingestion take decades to manifest, which would qualify such cases as instances of slow violence. ⁵ This fact makes culpability a challenge because we will not know if people have been injured until long after their exposures. If such cases are not thoroughly examined, municipalities could end up hurting people because they did not sufficiently safeguard residents' health. Owing to these conditions, this study explores how municipalities can take proactive steps to avoid creating conditions for environmental harm and injustices when dealing with environmental dangers such as NOAs.

To illustrate the significance of this topic, I review the history of cases that involve environmental justice and asbestos-related illness. Next, I show how NOAs could be a substantial issue for municipalities that are dealing with shortages of affordable housing that could turn to urban expansion as a way to remedy such problems. Through using a pluralistic approach to environmental justice, I identify ways that cities might be able to avoid incidents of environmental injustice if they choose to develop areas with deposits of NOAs. In closing, I identify some future areas of research that would benefit from additional exploration.

Asbestos and Environmental Justice: An Abridged Review

Asbestos are six silicate fibers that are found in rocks and dust that remain invisible to the unaided eye, and people have used them for several purposes, from insulating homes to making fire-retardant rugs and clothing. ⁶ Despite their usefulness, when inhaled, the small fibers can lead to illnesses such as mesothelioma, lung cancer, and they are suspected of causing autoimmune disease. ⁷ Owing to the lengthy latency periods, which can take several decades, workers often do not suspect that they have been exposed to these dangers. ⁸ To make matters worse, the life expectancy of people with mesothelioma is typically <1 year from diagnosis. ⁹

Most of the people who develop these illnesses are men who mined asbestos, worked in industries such as shipbuilding, and applied it commercially while insulating buildings. ¹⁰ In addition, families of asbestos workers also developed the aforementioned illnesses when workers inadvertently brought the fibers home on their clothes. ¹¹ Owing to the unjust distribution of harms that stem from industrial and occupational sources, there have been several cases wherein asbestos and EJ intersect. Although not exhaustive, the list hereunder exhibits that there is a substantial history of asbestos-related cases that raise concerns for environmental injustice. These cases have conditions that differ from NOAs, but there are enough similarities that can provide common ground for conversation about the inherent dangers of asbestos. ¹² Through examining them, we understand why we should care about the possible dangers that NOAs present.

For example, perhaps the most well-known case was the mining operation in Libby, Montana, where 10% of the towns' folk suffered from asbestos-related illnesses due to mining although the company was allegedly aware of the danger. ¹³ Along with this incident, South Africa has seen numerous harms to human health due to mining, and researchers argue that this instance qualifies as an act of environmental injustice. ¹⁴ In addition to mining, diseases from asbestos also affect people in the manufacturing sector, as it occurred in France, counting as a concern for justice. ¹⁵ Although the aforementioned incidents show how asbestos exposure in the workplace can lead to disease, these minerals will imperil people outside of occupational settings.

Consider, for instance, that medical professionals warn that asbestos fibers are deadly in any form, and there is no known level of exposure that is safe. ¹⁶ One issue is that, despite this reality, regulatory agencies have established thresholds that permit exposures. ¹⁷ These conflicting accounts could give the impression that there is no risk of being in proximity to these materials, and this notion is not true. Although one could argue that NOAs are not as harmful as the concentrations that are found in industrial environments, instances of mesothelioma in the absence of primary or secondary exposures from occupations could suggest otherwise. For example, a recent study shows that living within proximity to NOAs can lead to illness. ¹⁸ What is more, through analyzing numerous cases of asbestos exposures, specifically focusing on noncommercial and instances involving low exposures to asbestos, Gunnar Hillerdal makes a compelling case that a threshold limit for safe exposures remains unrealistic. ¹⁹ Although there are no cases that have been linked to environmental injustices, this study indicates the problems that one could expect to encounter when developing on lands where NOAs exist.

For example, research from Luo et al. shows that asbestos was found on surface soil and rocks in Da-yao, a poverty-stricken town in southwest China. ^{20 , 21} Owing to the numerous cases of mesothelioma—and young people—that developed asbestos-related illness (which is inconsistent with mesothelioma), Luo et al. argue that this situation could be the consequence of a lifetime's exposure to asbestos that exists in the environment. ²² Owing to the serious nature of this situation, we can better understand why some residents of El Dorado County, California, were worried when, in 2006, a discovery of NOAs near them attracted the attention of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and researchers. ²³ Marc Schenker, a researcher who participated in the largest study of NOAs near urban centers in California and cancer, holds: “Our findings indicate that the risks from exposure to naturally occurring asbestos, while low, are real and should be taken seriously… We hope public efforts will now shift to understanding the risk and how we can protect people from this preventable malignancy.” ²⁴

In turn, the aforementioned cases should give us reservations about developing land to meet the housing needs of residents in numerous areas across the world with NOAs. Recently, after local geologists discovered NOA in the area, the city of Henderson, Nevada decided to postpone annexing land that contained NOAs until after the city could reach an agreement with developers, which one would assume includes safety measures. ²⁵ To bring the matter to the public, they posted several items of information regarding asbestos and asbestos-related illnesses on the city's website. ²⁶ Despite experiencing rising housing costs and a lack of affordable housing, their reservations show that they prioritize residents' well-being. ²⁷ This emblematizes the minimum requirements for developing in areas with NOAs. Aside from Henderson, El Dorado Hills, and Da-yao, there are several regions of concern, revealing that NOAs are a global issue.

For example, Washington, Alaska have NOAs, and 44 of California's 58 counties have deposits. ²⁸ The Eastern Seaboard has numerous sites, from Maine to Georgia. ²⁹ Italy has NOAs that raise concerns. ³⁰ The same is true for parts of Australia. ³¹ Deposits are also located in Turkey. ³² These spots are some of the locations that we know contain NOAs, but it could be the case that there are spots that remain completely unknown. ³³ Owing to any number of factors such as shifting geographies that involve climate change and population growth, there will be an increased need for urban and suburban lands for new neighborhoods.

The point here that deserves emphasis is that cities will continue to expand dramatically during the next several decades, which could reveal additional concerns for NOAs. For example, as mentioned earlier, research from Seto et al. holds that >1.0 million square kilometers of land has a significant probability of becoming urban by 2030. ³⁴ Although this area is global, Seto et al., hold that China, India, and Nigeria will greatly expand their urban areas, and the majority of these people will be fairly poor, with at least 25% of them living in absolute poverty. ³⁵ Bearing these studies in mind, concerns about the safety of living close to NOAs should receive adequate attention from urban leaders. Through appropriate action, they could avoid creating towns or expanding current ones that would be subject to the asbestos-related conditions in Da-yao.

Let us imagine a worst-case scenario. Considering that marginalized groups are often displaced from urban centers, one would not be mistaken to hold that they could become victims of environmental injustice—due to market forces and municipal actions or inactions. That is to say, through having to relocate to more affordable housing in areas with asbestos deposits, people who are socioeconomically challenged could be subject to the harmful conditions that are associated with NOAs. Such instances would qualify as cases of slow violence, as mentioned earlier, wherein the injuries are not known due to the lengthy periods as described earlier. A research strand already exists that focuses on real estate and environmental health disparities, and the issue of NOAs reveals another challenge that requires attention. ³⁶ What is more, as cities search to find solutions to shortages of affordable housing, expanding into areas that contain NOAs could prove to be the only remaining or feasible option. Municipalities could be “forced” to contend with these circumstances while pursuing solutions to housing problems.

Inadvertently, such actions could qualify environmental injustices, bearing in mind that many of the people who would live in those homes would be socioeconomically disadvantaged. ³⁷ These groups could include minorities, immigrants, and others who are dealing with the hardships of displacement and expensive housing costs. People who have a financial advantage are not subject to the aforementioned restrictions, meaning that they have more choices of where they want to live. Owing to these conditions, it could be advantageous to assess whether municipalities should allow the development of areas that have deposits of NOAs, focusing on how to avoid injuries and environmental injustice. To examine such possibilities, I consider such prospects against a pluralistic EJ framework that includes distributive justice and political recognition to determine a range of effects from living close to NOAs in the following section.

Anticipatory Assessments of Environmental Justice and NOAs

Evaluating instances of EJ require addressing how a minority group has been harmed when compared with the broader population, accounting for the distributive dimensions of justice. Specific characteristics that fall under this category include harm to physical health, mental health, traditional forms of knowledge, and cultural identity (among others). ³⁸ In addition, a framework for EJ also requires that we pay attention to aspects of political recognition. ³⁹ This notion entails that we must consider if people receive meaningful recognition that allows them to be included in decisions of a political nature that will impact the quality of their lives. ⁴⁰ Such an idea necessitates that people who will be affected by policy decisions are included in these discussions, and they must have the ability to weigh in on relevant decisions in a meaningful manner. ⁴¹ Applying this kind of EJ framework to NOAs in this instance requires that such actions will be anticipatory, meaning that people are included in debates beforehand, rather than after they have been harmed.

Despite appealing to this framework as a way be proactive against environmental injustice, one could object to the aforementioned position, holding that any attempt to provide them with housing in inherently dangerous environs is inevitably racist and/or classist. Such an argument would rest on the notion that minorities have been historically and repeatedly jeopardized when it comes to issues such as housing and zoning. ⁴² Developing lands near NOAs for affordable housing could be another environmental injustice that deals with real estate.

This challenge is formidable, and it demands substantial consideration. The wrong way to respond to such a claim would be to point out that there are instances where affluent families defend living in areas with significant deposits of NOAs. If wealthy people choose to remain in neighborhoods with NOAs, then the socioeconomic status of people should be irrelevant because it is not consistent with the distribution criteria of EJ as mentioned earlier (i.e., environmental harms and benefits). This situation is a reality in the affluent suburb of El Dorado Hills, east of Sacramento discussed earlier. ⁴³

Some residents of El Dorado chose to leave, whereas others remained, and select citizens challenge the motivations behind regulatory bodies such as the U.S. EPA, holding that their intentions are ill-founded. ⁴⁴ This view reveals that El Dorado's residents can opt to stay or move—depending on how they feel about the risks associated with living in an area with NOAs. The point is that they have the ability to move, assumingly, due to their affluent status. When it comes to developing land with deposits of NOAs, families that are challenged economically might not be able to easily relocate if they did decide that they no longer want to endure the risks of living near NOAs.

Another possibility that deserves attention is that, due to limited terrain, there could be instances wherein building in a region with NOAs is the only option, requiring us to abandon the term “option.” If this were the case, then cities would need to shoulder the burden of safely developing measures that would practically eliminate any risk of NOA exposure, and they should not abandon efforts to secure other forms of housing that do not have NOAs. Such measures would count as sound steps to avoiding environmental injustice. ⁴⁵

Considering that regulatory agencies have developed similar protocols for carrying out human activities in these areas, they should contribute to research efforts that would virtually eliminate risk. For example, the U.S. EPA has identified procedures that can lessen exposures to NOAs, which include institutional controls such as zoning regulations, restricting activities on private property, developing enforcement tools, creating a long-term maintenance plan, and training and awareness programs. ⁴⁶ They also identify practical measures to physically reduce risk, such as capping and covering asbestos, a practice that was employed at a high school in El Dorado Hills. ⁴⁷ Through thinking about such measures as a beginning point, they could collaborate with experts to develop practices that would create safe living conditions.

Although the aforementioned points consider some of the ways that municipalities could plan to prevent harm, their strategy must also have ways to include the voices of people who would populate these neighborhoods. That is to say, they should have the opportunity to work as equal partners alongside geologists, medical experts, developers, and municipal officials, assuming that municipalities are able to identify these would-be residents beforehand. If such a measure is unfeasible, then information could be shared that appropriately conveys most, if not all, possible dangers. Through understanding the risks and the preventative efforts that would be employed, they could make better-informed decisions about dwelling in these locales. By providing pathways to inclusion, cities could avoid offending the recognition aspect of a pluralistic EJ framework. In addition, cities would learn about how people feel about living in these areas, which could influence future decisions about how to overcome the challenge of lacking affordable housing.

Conclusion

This study showed that a lack of affordable housing suggests that urbanization will continue to increase dramatically. Such measures will require developing lands that could contain NOAs. This reality is worrisome when considering that geologists are still discovering deposits, and the case of Da-yao exhibits that living near NOAs can be detrimental. Apart from this instance, the case of El Dorado Hills reveals that people can choose to live with NOAs nearby. Henderson's decision to postpone annexing land with NOAs suggests that they prefer holding reservations.

Although none of the aforementioned cases involve EJ per se, they reveal that NOAs can and should be addressed when discovered, especially when encountered as a means for creating affordable housing. In turn, future research should focus on scientific and socially informed protocols for development in regions that have NOAs, which must employ an EJ framework that includes distributive justice and political recognition. Considering that the character of such a challenge remains unending, the enthusiasm associated with the drive for discovering environmentally justice solutions must keep pace.

Author Disclosure Statement

No competing financial interests exist.

Funding Information

No funding was received for this article.