Sexual Coercion and Women's Education: A Pilot Study

Abstract

The impact of sexual violence on women's university education is a major concern on university campuses. This pilot study examined educational outcomes among 27 female undergraduate students who experienced various forms of unwanted and sexually coercive behaviors. Using semistructured interviews, participants described the impact of sexually coercive behaviors on academic performance, engagement, attitudes, and mental health. The results revealed that the majority of women experienced a negative impact on various aspects of their education, including decreased engagement and a drop in grades following sexually coercive behaviors. A lack of focus and concentration was identified as the most common mental health impact contributing to academic difficulties.

Introduction

Sexual violence occurring on college and university campuses has received increased attention in Canada and the United States in recent years. While focus on this problem has resulted in a number of positive changes within universities, it has also highlighted the high rates of sexual violence that continue to be seen on university campuses today. Sexual violence is commonly defined as any physical or psychological act or attempted act that targets a person's sexuality without their consent and includes sexual assault, sexual harassment, stalking, and sexual exploitation.

Studies conducted beginning in the late 1980s provided strong evidence that women who attend academic institutions were at substantial risk of sexual violence. Estimated prevalence rates of various forms of sexual violence on campuses in the United States and Canada range from 3% to 45% of surveyed women students (Fisher and Sloan 2007; Fisher et al. 2000; Ontario Women's Directorate 2013). This variability is due, in large part, to differences in defining sexual violence, whether lifetime prevalence of sexual victimization is investigated versus occurrence within a specific time frame, and whether the source of data is self-reports or formal reports. One of the earliest and most comprehensive studies using a representative sample of female undergraduate students at Canadian universities found that more than one in four women had been sexually assaulted (DeKeseredy and Kelly 1993), with similar results found in research conducted in the United States (Fisher et al. 2000). While other studies at individual Canadian universities report more variable rates of sexual violence (Cammaert 1985; DeKeseredy et al. 1993; Finkelman 1992; Harrison and Lafreniere 2015; McDaniel and van Roosmalen 1991; Senn et al. 2014; University of Alberta 2000), it is clear that sexual violence is common among university women and has seen little change in recent years (e.g., Senn et al. 2014). Studies demonstrate that university men also report having experienced a high level of unwanted sexual behaviors, both as students and throughout their lives (O'Sullivan et al. 1998; Turchik 2012).

The impact of sexual violence is associated with a number of serious negative outcomes for women. While the physical, social, and mental health sequelae of a wide range of unwanted sexual behaviors on women, including those attending university, are well-documented (e.g., Amar and Gennaro 2005; Campbell et al. 2009; Fisher et al. 2000; Jordan et al. 2010; National Union of Students 2010), less is known about how these experiences impact the education of female students. Early studies addressing sexual harassment among students, however, reported that undergraduate and graduate women who had experienced inappropriate sexual behavior by peers or by someone in a position of authority over them (e.g., professor and teaching assistant) felt that the incidents negatively affected their academic standing and grade point average (GPA), and resulted in lower satisfaction with the academic environment, negative physical and behavioral symptoms, as well as various forms of disengagement from school work, (Benson and Thomson 1982; Cortina et al. 1998; Fitzgerald et al. 1988; Hill and Silva 2005; Huerta et al. 2006; Reilly et al. 1986; van Roosmalen and McDaniel 1998).

Research addressing the impact of a wider spectrum of sexual violence experiences has found similarly negative impacts on some aspects of women's education. In a study investigating both sexual harassment and assault in academia, researchers found that women students who experienced sexual violence compared to women who felt less accepted and respected at the university described more negative treatment of women on campus, and reported being less likely to return to the university if they had to make the choice again (Cortina et al. 1998). A survey of unwanted sexual experiences among undergraduate women found that 15% of students who experienced sexual assault reported spending less time with other students and 31% reported that these unwanted sexual experiences worsened their ability to concentrate on their studies (Finkelman 1992). Similarly, findings from the National Union of Students (2010) report on the impact of stalking, violence, and sexual assault found that women experienced a variety of effects on their learning, including a loss of confidence and deterioration in their mental health. Research addressing unwanted sexual experiences, including sexual assault and sexual coercion (pressure or force to engage in unwanted sexual activity), among Canadian university students found reports of less time spent on academics, impairments in academic functioning or performance, and negative impacts on grades (Newton-Taylor et al. 1998; O'Sullivan et al. 1998; University of Alberta 2000).

Several recent prospective studies directly address the relationship between sexual violence and academic performance. Jordan et al. (2014) followed 750 undergraduate women at an American university and found that women with prior sexual victimization entered university with lower GPA and tended to earn lower grades during their first year. Similarly, women who were sexually assaulted during their first semester experienced a drop in their GPA. The degree of impact on women's academic performances was related to the severity of their victimization, such that women who experienced forcible rape represented the highest percentage of students with a GPA below 2.5/4. In another recent study, Mengo and Black (2016) examined 74 case files of male and female service users of a campus-based resource in the United States and found that students who experienced both physical/verbal and sexual violence from an intimate partner experienced a significant drop in their GPA and students who experienced sexual victimization were more likely to leave the university than students who experienced physical/verbal victimization. Students' GPA significantly declined following any type of victimization experience. Furthermore, 24% of those who experienced violence left the university, with more students who experienced sexual violence leaving compared to those who experienced physical/verbal violence from an intimate partner.

It is evident that addressing the educational impacts of sexually violent behavior on undergraduate students is increasingly seen as an important area of investigation and research. Preliminary findings indicate that, in addition to impacts on mental health, women may experience negative effects in the areas of academic achievement and engagement and these effects may be seen among a range of behaviors, including sexual harassment and sexual assault. It is clear that more attention and research are needed to examine and understand a fuller range of educational outcomes for women experiencing sexual violence on university campuses. In particular, women's descriptions of their experiences and specific areas of educational and psychological impact can provide a more nuanced understanding of educational needs and interventions.

Purpose of this study

This qualitative study was designed to contribute to this developing area and explore more fully the range and scope of educational impacts. In this pilot study, we asked women students about their experiences of sexual violence and their perception of how these incidents affected their overall education. Based on preliminary discussions with students who described experiences of various forms of sexual violence as coercive, we decided on using the term coercive sexual behavior to inquire about these experiences. Coercive sexual behavior, similar to sexual violence, was defined as any verbal or physical unwanted sexual behavior ranging from comments to touching to sexual assault. The qualitative and open-ended nature of the study contributed to understanding both how students described coercive behaviors, the range and type of impacts on their education and learning environment, as well as how they perceived these behaviors to impact their mental health. The study provides much-needed data to help understand the educational impacts of campus sexual coercion on Canadian universities.

Methods

Participant demographics

Participants in this study were 27 female undergraduate students attending universities in large urban centers in southern Ontario, Canada. The average age of participants was 21.32 years. Students were in years 1–4 of their undergraduate programs (Table 1), and a small number had graduated by the time of the interviews. The programs/faculties they attended included arts and science, life sciences, social sciences, humanities, and engineering. The majority of participants (60%) self-identified as members of racialized minority groups that included Asian, South Asian, Caribbean Canadian, and African Canadian.

Table 1.

Participant Characteristics

Characteristics	N (total = 27)	Percentage
Racialized minority	16	59
Immigrant status	9	33
Current living situation
Off campus with family	14	52
Off campus with roommates	6	22
Off campus alone	3	11
Campus housing	2	7
Off campus with romantic partner	1	4
Year of study
First year	2	7
Second year	8	30
Third year	5	19
Fourth/final year	8	30
Graduated	4	15

Consistent with student housing patterns on campuses in large urban centers in southern Ontario, Canada, most of the student participants were commuters and lived off campus at the time of the interviews (93%), mainly with family members. Only one student stated that she was residing in campus housing.

Interviews

Semistructured interviews were conducted over the academic year in two time frames that were several months apart (fall term and spring term). The study was designed to capture the personal “lived experiences” of the participants. This approach allowed participants to describe the phenomenon under investigation in their own words. Interviews were structured around several areas of students' experiences, including the nature of sexual coercion and sexual violence, disclosure of the sexual behavior and help-seeking, direct and indirect educational impacts, as well as impacts on mental health. Basic demographic information was also collected. Participants were asked broad, open-ended questions about their experiences, (e.g., Can you tell me what happened, Did you take any action on this or tell anyone?) and elaborated to the extent they were comfortable with. This allowed participants to describe fully their own experiences related to sexual coercion. Prompts were used within each of these areas to facilitate understanding of the nature, scope, and extent of participants' educational experiences. Interviews ranged from 1 to 1.5 h.

Procedures

Institutional review board approval was obtained before data collection. Participants were recruited through online advertisements on social networking, student and research websites, and flyers posted in approved university centers. Study participants were interviewed in a private university office. Interviews were conducted by a registered psychologist and Doctoral or Master's level students in a clinical and counseling psychology program.

Results

Data analysis

Interviews were transcribed and read by three coders. Phenomenological content analysis was used to categorize and gain understanding of meaning within the data (Braun and Clarke 2006; Finlay 2013). This method of data analysis is used to examine transcripts, interpret, and code material into emergent “themes” within areas outlined by the study questions and discussed by most or all respondents. Coders reviewed themes until consensus was reached. Identified themes included (1) the nature and scope of women's sexually coercive experiences, (2) disclosure and help-seeking, (3) impacts on education and attitudes, and (4) the emotional impacts of coercive behaviors. Content themes were then discussed and reviewed to understand the essential meaning of participant experiences and subthemes within each category.

The nature and scope of women's sexually coercive experiences

Women in this study described the circumstances and characteristics of the sexually coercive behaviors they experienced (Table 2). Participants reported various forms of sexually coercive behaviors, including sexual comments, harassment, sexual pressure, unwanted sexual advances, exposure, and sexual assault. Isolated, one-time incidents of unwanted coercive behavior were described, as well as long-term, repeated behaviors.

Table 2.

Characteristics of Sexually Coercive Experience

Incident characteristics	N (total = 27)	Percentage
Type of threat/pressure
Verbal pressure	16	59
Physical contact	14	52
Social pressure	9	33
Implicit career threat	3	11
Timeframe of incident(s)
Continuous events	16	59
Isolated event(s)	11	41
Location of incident
On campus	15	56
Off campus	12	44
Type of location
Residence/around residence	6	22
Campus (e.g., library or café)	5	19
Home (participant or perpetrator)	5	19
Public space (e.g., mall or subway)	5	19
Classroom	4	15
Workplace	2	7
Use of alcohol/drugs
Use by participant	7	26
Use by perpetrator	7	26
Perpetrator gender, male	27	100
Relationship to perpetrator
Romantic partner	7	26
Stranger	7	26
Friend	5	19
Classmate	3	11
Dorm-mate	2	7
Academic supervisor	1	4
Employer	1	4
Coworker	1	4

Threats and pressures for sexual contact described by women included verbal pressure (e.g., intimate partners verbally pressuring for sex), physical contact (e.g., blocking the participant's exit from class, touching during class exercises, and being “groped”), social pressure (e.g., suggestions that everyone was “getting together” and the participant should also do this), and implicit career threats (e.g., statements that certain behaviors were good for “getting ahead” in a particular career path). One participant described a coercive incident in the following way:

We were in my [residence] room and just going to get food or something…So I went back…and then he was like, on me–that's all I remember…just remember his hands all over, and I think he kissed my neck. I didn't know how to react. I ended up telling a couple friends…I don't remember the details that much, I just remember, it all happened within two minutes.

Participants also reported incidents involving sexual comments or sexual innuendo made by classmates, other students living on residence, and on one occasion a faculty member. One participant shared a coercive incident that occurred during a class exercise. She described the incident in the following manner:

There's a male student there…he does a lot of over-touching…and it's really uncomfortable. [One time we were doing an exercise]….he goes and locks the door and we're alone…and he's like, “oh no, I just want some privacy…there's nothing to worry about.” I said to unlock the door and let me out. He got mad at me, but he did open the door and let me out.

One participant who held part-time employment as a student described coercive behaviors in her workplace in the form of continuous sexual harassment as well as a sexual assault. She described the events in the following way:

There was a lot of workplace harassment…that was fairly extensive and difficult.

…so there was a period of months where there was really extensive harassment.

He would text me or call me…ask me to meet him places and things.

Locations and circumstances of sexual coercion

Participants described circumstances and areas in which sexually coercive behaviors occurred (Table 2). The majority of behaviors occurred on campus (56%) in venues such as libraries, cafés, and classrooms. Residences were also frequently noted as a location where sexual incidents or sexually coercive behavior occurred. Two participants, for example, described incidents where a group of males residing in the same residence made sexual remarks to them or made them concerned about their physical safety. Both participants revealed that the respective groups of men were under the influence of alcohol when this behavior occurred. The use of alcohol or drugs by either the student experiencing sexual coercion or by the perpetrator was noted in only a minority of cases (N = 7, 26%). Cases that did include alcohol, however, were described as involving very heavy use and intoxication, and in one instance, lack of recall of all events.

Laboratories and classrooms were also identified as places where unwanted sexually suggestive comments were made. One participant described an ongoing problem where a male student made inappropriate comments as she left class. These began as complimentary comments about her appearance such as “you look nice today,” and escalated over time to more explicit statements and sexual propositions. On one occasion, this male student made physical contact which the participant perceived as very threatening.

Participants also described off-campus incidents of sexually coercive and unwanted behaviors (44%), which occurred in public places such as shopping malls, movie theatres, subways, bars, and the workplace, as well as within individuals' homes. One participant described an incident at a bar she went to with friends where alcohol was involved. She explained she had only limited recollection of being separated from her friends and finding herself with a stranger in an isolated location. She was unsure of what had occurred, but felt she had not consented to any sexual contact.

Several participants revealed incidents of unwanted touching in public spaces (both by strangers and by people known to them) and being followed by strangers in public areas. These were described as “threatening” and “scary.” In addition, some participants reported other off-campus sexually coercive behaviors that occurred during school-related events. For example, one participant shared her discomfort at attending campus-sponsored events where students met with representatives of businesses related to their field of study. She stated that some of the representatives were overly “friendly” and described the situation in the following way: “…it's obvious they're coming on to you. One guy put his hand on mine, for example. At the…events, these guys are in their 30's and 40's… They give you their cards, we trade numbers and emails.”

Five women stated that they had experienced sexual coercion by their boyfriends or partners in their homes.

Perpetrators of sexual coercion

Perpetrators of sexually coercive behaviors in this study were male and were identified as romantic partners (26%), strangers (26%), friends (19%), or classmates (11%). Smaller percentages of dorm-mates, employers, coworkers, and academic supervisors were also identified as perpetrators (Table 2).

Participants who reported a romantic or intimate partner as the perpetrator of unwanted sexual behavior stated that they experienced verbal or physical pressure to engage in sexual activity. Some women described pressure to engage in sex based on threats to end the relationship. Others experienced “guilting” one into having sex by questioning the participant's love for them. Physical pressure was also mentioned, including the use of physical force to engage in sexual activity or the romantic partner initiating sex when the participant was drunk or falling asleep. Two participants noted that alcohol was involved in the incident with a romantic partner.

Over 25% of participants revealed instances of sexually coercive behaviors perpetrated by strangers, both students and nonstudents. The situations described included being pursued while walking home alone from a friend's university residence, being grabbed at a mall, and having strangers “hitting on” them aggressively. One participant stated that a man exposed his genitals to her in a public area. Another participant described a situation where a stranger approached her as she was eating at a campus restaurant and became personal and aggressive toward her. She then received text messages from him, which became increasingly distressing and to which she did not respond. The situation made her so uncomfortable that she avoided the building where she initially met the person and was forced to restrict her movements on campus.

Male friends were also mentioned as perpetrators. One participant shared an incident where a friend could not accept the relationship as simply platonic and continually pressured her to engage in a romantic and sexual relationship. Others discussed incidents where the friend exerted physical pressure to engage in unwanted sexual behavior. In many cases, the behavior was described as “uncomfortable,” involved “unwanted attention” and left the person feeling “creeped out.”

Coworkers and employers were also mentioned as perpetrators. In these cases, participants noted that the behaviors involved harassment, including inappropriate touching and unwanted sexual comments, and sexual assault. These behaviors were perceived as extremely distressing.

Disclosure of Sexual Coercion

Most study participants (93%) disclosed the unwanted sexual behaviors, and most of the disclosures (85%) were made informally to friends, family members, romantic partners, coworkers, dorm mates, and a faculty member who was considered a friend. Of the 12 (44%) participants who indicated that they had disclosed to a more formal target (e.g., police, school registrar, and family doctor), 9 (33%) of these were disclosures to educational or campus support personnel. These formal academic disclosures were directed to a staff member, an academic supervisor, a campus wellness/school counselor, campus police, a residence advisor/residence don, a professor (also a friend), or a staff member at a women's center on campus and accessibility services. One participant who disclosed to academic services shared her experience as follows:

I actually kind of liked that experience…because I felt like there were other people there that have issues, it made me feel better…they told me to go to accessibility services to see what they could do…the experience was okay, it didn't make a difference, but I felt like I was part of a group in a way…so I liked that part. The registrar was helpful.

Some participants stated that they were unsure of where to seek assistance, were unaware of campus counseling services, and felt that this information was not widely distributed. Participants who used university counseling services spoke positively about their experiences, saying it was helpful to have their experience validated, to hear the perpetrator's behavior labeled as inappropriate, and to receive help accessing accommodations for coursework. One student mentioned the following: “One thing I tried to do that was a little positive was, we do have a women's centre at school, and I did go to it to seek some kind of help or understanding, and they had pamphlets…” However, one participant commented on the lack of awareness of how to seek services and noted that school counseling services were limited in the number of sessions offered.

Some participants in this study also commented on the perceived barriers to disclosing the incident(s) to formal, academic supports. Several students mentioned not reporting due to a previous negative experience with reporting; others mentioned that they did not want to appear as if they were “overreacting” to the situation, felt “ashamed” and “stupid” about what happened, or felt that the university administration would neither believe them nor “do anything about it.” One student stated the following about what stopped her from disclosing to academic supports: “I was too ashamed, so I didn't tell them what was going on. I didn't want to admit that I'd failed because of something so stupid.”

Educational impacts of sexually coercive behaviors

The impacts of sexually coercive behaviors on students' academic and educational lives occurred across several domains, including aspects of academic performance, campus engagement, and perceptions of the institutional environment and programs of study (Table 3). Almost every participant in this study discussed some educational impacts resulting from experiencing sexually coercive behaviors.

Table 3.

Educational Impacts of Sexually Coercive Experiences

Perceived impact	N (total = 27)	Percentages
Any perceived impact on education	26	96
Academic performance
Decrease in grades/GPA	18	67
Missed/dropped courses	10	37
Career trajectory changes	10	37
Late/missed assignments	8	30
Extensions/deferrals	7	26
Financial consequences	6	22
Consider program/school/course transfer	4	15
Academic and social engagement
Campus events
Decrease in participation	17	63
Increase in participation	2	7
Social events
Decrease in participation	14	52
Increase in participation	1	4
Class
Decrease in participation	10	37
Increase in participation	0	0
Extracurricular activities
Decrease in participation	5	19
Increase in participation	1	4

GPA, grade point average.

Academic performance

The majority of students indicated that their experience of sexual coercion had some impact on academic performance. As seen in Table 3, this included decreases in grades (GPA), missing classes, changing their thinking about future career possibilities, and missing assignments or being late submitting assignments, as well as asking for deferrals. Six (22%) students felt that their experiences may have had financial consequences such as costs associated with dropping courses or taking additional courses. One participant explained that her grades suffered following a number of unwanted sexual experiences because her ability to succeed in courses was hindered by feeling uncomfortable around male students in her classroom, as well as male professors. She explained her feelings in the following way:

If I'm in a group with all [males], I would do really bad…In university, I was in a group of three and two of them were guys and I was so afraid to talk to them. It put a block in my learning…I was frozen. Also, if it's a male teacher and I would want to go for help, I won't.

Similarly, one student shared that she would ask a friend for help with course questions rather than speaking to a male professor with whom she felt uncomfortable. This resulted in lower grades overall and led her to switch to a more female-dominated major. Switching or rethinking one's career plans to less male-dominated careers was noted by other participants as well. One participant stated that she was rethinking a legal career because of the possibility of having to work late hours. The sexually coercive incident she experienced made her more concerned about safety, particularly when alone at night. Another participant mentioned the following:

I've always been waffling on the idea of…because it's a very male-dominated field. I was imagining, what if this had happened while I was in the work force and I had to go back to my job during the week…maybe it's warped…but it's a very “boys club” attitude. I was thinking of going into a workplace like that, I don't know if I could handle it. I'm still not completely sure.

Campus academic and social engagement

Students were asked about their engagement with academic and social activities on campus. Academic engagement refers to students' identification with and behavioral involvement in the academic aspects of school. Social engagement refers to students' identification with and behavioral involvement in the social aspects of campus life.

The majority of respondents (81%) stated that their experiences impacted their overall campus engagement and led to a decrease in participation in campus events (63%). A smaller number of participants stated that they decreased their participation in classes (37%). In social activities, the majority described some decrease in social participation (52%) and a smaller number in extracurricular events (19%), for example, avoiding parties on or off campus, especially when alcohol may be involved, or avoiding networking events where men would be interacting with young female students. Others mentioned a general change in their social activities, preferring to socialize less. One participant mentioned socializing less with classmates since the perpetrator was a mutual friend and she was uncomfortable being around him.

It should be noted that a small minority of students indicated that they increased their engagement in both academic and social activities. One participant explained that the social expectation that she should be silent after experiencing sexual coercion encouraged her to speak out more on women's issues and increased her awareness of the problem. This in turn led to her speaking out about violence against women to others and led to her becoming more engaged in activities outside of residence (where the event occurred).

Perceptions of academic environment

The vast majority of student participants (96%) stated that their experiences of sexual coercion had an impact on their perceptions of the academic and learning environment. This included negative changes in their attitudes and feelings of safety. One participant spoke about questioning the value of school following her experience of sexual coercion. This feeling of apathy about education as well as a sense of lowered academic ambition following the incident was exemplified in this participant's statement:

I really did question kind of like, why I was even going to school at all. I felt really purposeless and directionless, like it was almost like a waste of my time to be doing my assignments, like everything was really just pointless, there was no point in doing this. It didn't feel like it was making me happy or benefiting me in any way.

Others felt disappointed in their schools, stating that the school should be addressing these problems more and should be a place to learn, not a place to be “picked up” or harassed. This sentiment that school is a place to gain an education was echoed by a number of participants.

As previously mentioned, feelings of safety and security were adversely affected after both on- and off-campus incidents of sexually coercive behaviors. Some women stated that they avoided areas on campus where they might run into the perpetrator, thereby limiting their freedom and comfort to move around on campus. Others found themselves avoiding classes held at night as a result of fear that another incident could occur. One student who reported that a classmate made sexually inappropriate comments about her appearance stated that she began to worry about what she wore to class out of fear and would leave class early to avoid him. As a consequence, she missed important information that was presented toward the end of lectures.

Psychological impacts of sexually coercive behaviors

Participants were asked about their responses and feelings following experiencing sexually coercive behaviors. Almost all participants (96%) stated that there was some emotional or mental health impact of their experiences, although the range of severity was wide (Table 4). Most commonly reported was difficulty concentrating or loss of focus during lectures and when completing tests and assignments (78%). The reasons underlying the lack of focus varied and included being preoccupied with the incident or thoughts of the incident and being wary or feeling somewhat unsafe during lectures (e.g., if the perpetrator was in the same lecture or feeling uncomfortable around predominantly male classmates). One student explained her difficulty concentrating thus: “While it was happening, my concentration was completely abolished. The course I was doing was already very difficult for me. It needed all my focus. I had a negative association going to that class afterward from this incident.”

Table 4.

Mental and Physical Impacts of Sexually Coercive Experiences

Perceived impact	N (total = 27)	Percentage
Any impact	26	96
Difficulty concentrating/focusing	21	78
Preoccupation or fear	21	78
Physical symptoms	13	48
Anxiety	11	41
Depression	9	33
Confidence in academic performance	7	26
Trauma symptoms	2	7

Another shared her experience in the following way:

I couldn't focus. Mostly because my mind would be filled with so many thoughts…and then I wouldn't be thinking of class. I would be aware that he's there, and I would be thinking about protecting myself…if there's a guy sitting next to me, I'd be thinking of how to do well without ever talking to him.

The majority of students also reported being preoccupied (78%) for a period of time with what had occurred. Some levels of self-reported anxiety (41%) and depression (33%) were noted by students as well, although several participants stated that these feelings were not very serious for them. Of particular concern was the description of a loss of confidence in academic performance, which was mentioned by seven participants (26%).

Discussion

This study investigated the impact of sexual violence on women's education. While knowledge of the physical, social, and psychological harms of sexual assault and other forms of sexual victimization is well documented (Campbell et al. 2009), other harms and, in particular, the impacts on women's education and learning are not well understood. Researchers have only recently begun examining how women's academic performance and education in general could be affected by unwanted and coercive sexual experiences (e.g., American College Health Association 2013; Cortina et al. 1998; Finkelman 1992; Jordan et al. 2014). This study contributes to this growing field and provides undergraduate women's descriptions of the sexual coercion they experienced while attending university and the specific impacts these experiences had on academic performance, engagement, and mental health, as well as their attitudes toward the university environment.

This exploratory study demonstrated that unwanted sexual and coercive behaviors affect women's education negatively in a number of ways. The results revealed that varied types of educational outcomes beyond performance can be impacted by sexual violence. Participants discussed the ways in which sexually coercive behaviors adversely affected their grades through missing lectures and assignments, by dropping or not completing courses, and even transferring academic programs or schools. While women described experiencing a range of sexually coercive behaviors that may have a differentiated impact on their education, most of the women in this study described negative psychological effects that influenced their overall behaviors and attitudes. Importantly, some students noted a change in their views of education, their future careers, and the educational environment. These findings support the need to examine educational outcomes beyond GPA and to include engagement as well as perceptions and attitudes toward school as important aspects of women's education, which may suffer adverse impacts of sexual violence.

Data from this study also revealed widespread mental health and emotional impacts associated with sexual violence. Although the severity of these impacts was variable, the majority of participants described some impact on their psychological state, with difficulty concentrating being the most prevalent. This finding, while consistent with previous research on violence impacts (e.g., Jordan et al. 2010) and current mental health surveys indicating high levels of psychological distress, including depression and anxiety among university students (American College Health Association 2013), also sheds new light on possible connections between university women's psychological well-being and their academic success. The disruption in concentration reported in this research hindered some participants' abilities to study and focus during lectures, and may have led to decreases in academic achievement. Students with existing mental health challenges, in particular depression and anxiety, which can affect their ability to focus and concentrate, may experience exacerbation of this interference as a result of sexual coercion experiences. Similarly, the loss of confidence in academic performance reported by some students may be associated with existing psychological distress, but further eroded by their experiences of sexual coercion. While this study is limited by the small sample size and the retrospective nature of the self-report on mental health impacts, these findings suggest that the more complex interaction of sexual coercion impacts on mental health and subsequent educational outcomes is an area in need of more nuanced investigation.

The results of this study indicate that all forms of coercive and unwanted sexual behaviors may affect women's education. While negative impacts ranged from a temporary interference with concentration to extreme measures of avoidance and even transfer of programs, these occurred across the spectrum of coercive behaviors. These overall results suggest that all forms of sexual violence ranging from harassing comments to sexual assault may detract from a safe learning environment and must be considered in any discussion of the harmful effects of unwanted sexual behaviors. Much of the focus on campus sexual assault in recent years has highlighted “rape culture” and sexual assault. Results from this study suggest that for some students, other forms of gender-based victimization, including harassment, were significant and resulted in adverse effects. As the range of sexual experiences noted in this study was broad and does not permit the identification of unique or differentiated influences of sexual violence characteristics on educational impact, the investigation of these specific influences is highlighted as an important area for further research.

It is important to note that participants in this study described sexually coercive behaviors that occurred both on and off campus. While many studies focus on campus-only sexual violence and address the serious consequences that women can face in this environment, this study highlighted the importance of considering sexual coercion that occurs off campus as well. This study, while asking women about their experiences during their time at university, revealed the general and well-known risk of sexual violence for young women more generally (Fisher et al. 2000; Jordan et al. 2010; Ontario Women's Directorate 2013). These findings support the fact that female students may be exposed to sexually coercive behavior in a variety of contexts. It is important to understand that sexual violence in students' lives may impact their health and education regardless of the locations and circumstances in which it occurred.

This study supports other emergent research on the negative impact of sexual violence for women students (Benson and Thomson 1982; Jordan et al. 2014). These results support the need for greater awareness of the impact of unwanted sexual behaviors on women's education and strengthened prevention and intervention programs addressing this within postsecondary institutions. Although not a planned focus of this study, participants raised issues relating to disclosure of sexual violence experiences and the available supports, revealing a number of areas of potential change at universities. Many universities have acknowledged the need to improve and increase campus information and resources. New policies addressing sexual assault at universities advocate broader dissemination of information on services and access to healthcare, as well as reporting options. Information about what constitutes sexual violence and the range of unwanted and coercive behaviors should also be included in addition to information about the varied nature of victim-perpetrator relationships.

Study limitations

This pilot study has several limitations that should be noted. These findings are based on a small sample of women undergraduate students attending universities in a large urban setting in Ontario, Canada. As many of the students were not residing on campus, these findings may vary from postsecondary institutions with a large number of students living in residence. Participants in this study represented a cross-section of ethno-cultural groups and the majority was racialized. Examining the intersections between racialization, sexual violence, and impacts on education is critically important, however, could not be adequately addressed within this pilot work. Future research should more explicitly explore this important issue in both Canadian and American contexts.

Footnotes

Acknowledgment

This research was supported by a research grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council awarded to the first author.

Author Disclosure Statement

No competing financial interests exist.

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