Impostor Phenomenon and Identity-Based Microaggression Among Hispanic/Latinx Individuals in Science,Technology,Engineering,and Mathematics: A Qualitative Exploration

Abstract

Impostor phenomenon is defined as a psychological condition when some successful people do not fully ascribe their success to ability or competence, but attribute it to luck, generosity from others, or misjudgment, thereby experiencing an internal conflict. Microaggression is defined as subtle disparaging behavior that consciously or unconsciously discriminates people based on their background, personal identity, and group membership. Both impostor phenomenon and microaggression are commonly experienced in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, especially by women and BIPOC individuals—black, indigenous, or other person of color. Hence, the connection between microaggression and impostor phenomenon among BIPOC individuals needs deeper exploration. This qualitative study examined the research question: How do Hispanic/Latinx PhD students and postdoctorates in STEM describe impostor phenomenon and microaggression based on ethnic identity? U.S.-based participants were recruited using convenience sampling and snowball sampling. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 29 participants who self-reported experiencing impostor phenomenon. Interview transcripts were coded and analyzed inductively using constant comparison to develop themes. Twenty-two of the participants (18 women) experienced microaggression during training based on their Hispanic/Latinx identity. Microaggressive comments were made by faculty members, peers, and others in academia. Microaggression and impostor phenomenon were related through “othering” or feeling like outsiders, creating a sense of (un)belonging in STEM fields.

Introduction

Clance and Imes (1978) first defined the term impostor phenomenon as a psychological condition when people do not fully ascribe their success to ability or competence, but attribute it to luck, generosity of others, or misjudgment, thereby experiencing an internal conflict. Manifestations of impostor phenomenon include lowered self-esteem (Cokley et al. 2018) and self-efficacy (Walker 2018); and increased anxiety, depression (Cokley et al. 2017), and perfectionism (Pannhausen et al. 2020). Impostor phenomenon was initially viewed as an individual or intrinsic trait (Vergauwe et al. 2015). However, recent research has focused on the extrinsic or environmental factors that could trigger it.

In science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, impostor phenomenon has been studied among underrepresented minorities, including women (Chakraverty 2019; Tao and Gloria 2019; Vaughn et al. 2019) and BIPOC individuals—black, indigenous, or other person of color, in relation to their lack of belonging (Chakraverty 2020a; Chakraverty 2022; Graham and McClain 2019; Stone et al. 2018). Not only are there fewer women and BIPOC students in STEM fields but also their numbers decline in higher positions such as among faculty (Clancy et al. 2017).

They also experience disproportionately higher workplace violence, including bias, microaggression, and harassment (Acosta 2020; Robnett 2016). Yet, the connection between workplace violence and impostor phenomenon is poorly documented. A survey study showed that three-fourths of undergraduate women in physics were sexually harassed and also experienced intense impostor phenomenon and a poor sense of belonging in the physics community (Aycock et al. 2019). Women experience violence and impostor phenomenon across all STEM disciplines (Chakraverty and Rishi 2022).

Microaggression are subtle disparaging behavior that consciously or unconsciously discriminates people based on their background, personal identity, and group membership (Harrison and Tanner 2018). It is well documented in STEM fields as microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidation and may be verbal or nonverbal (Sue 2010). Microaggression and impostor phenomenon along with poor belonging in STEM fields are documented among black students and postdoctorates (Chakraverty 2020a).

The ethnonym “Hispanic or Latinx” describes “a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race” (National Institutes of Health 2015). This study used Latinx as a gender-neutral term, but preserves the terms used by participants and other authors in their research (e.g., Latina/o). Impostor phenomenon studies among Hispanic/Latinx individuals in STEM fields, studied as a standalone group (Hernandez-Seltz 2020; Leon 2020) or as a subgroup among the BIPOC community (Cokley et al. 2013, 2017; Peteet et al. 2015a), have focused on poor mental health and well-being, minority status stress, academic burnout, lower self-efficacy, academic disengagement, and distress.

Hispanic/Latinx individuals' impostor phenomenon experiences related to their ethnic identity are poorly documented and have not considered violent, unsafe learning environments (including experiences of microaggression) as potential contributors. Hispanic/Latinx individuals constitute the largest racial/ethnic minority group in the United States, constituting 18.3% (60 million) of the population (U.S. Census Bureau 2018), but received only 7% of all doctoral degrees in science and engineering in 2017 (Trapani and Hale 2019). Long training time (Stephan 2013), unsupportive learning environments, and numeric underrepresentation could make Hispanic/Latinx PhD students/postdoctorates vulnerable to impostor phenomenon (Chakraverty 2020a–c).

This research focuses on an understudied area, examining connections between microaggression and impostor phenomenon through the following research question: How do Hispanic/Latinx PhD students and postdoctorates in STEM describe impostor phenomenon and microaggression based on ethnic identity? This is a part of a larger study examining individual and environmental factors for impostor phenomenon among various groups in STEM and medicine (Chakraverty, Cavazos and Jeffe 2022), including BIPOC individuals.

Methods

Following IRB approval (2018), the author conducted qualitative interviews (Marshall and Rossman 2014) with U.S.-based PhD students/postdoctorates in STEM identifying as Hispanic/Latinx who self-reported experiencing impostor phenomenon. She advertised the study on social media, listservs, a national conference on improving minority participation in research careers, and through current participants who shared a link to the study at the Society for Advancement of Chicanos/Hispanics and Native Americans in Science, a professional society for Hispanic/Latinx STEM students (convenience and snowball sampling; Sadler et al. 2010).

Interested participants completed a 7–8-min online survey hosted on the author's institutional webpage, which comprised demographic questions, items from the Clance Impostor Phenomenon Scale (Clance 1985; used to examine psychometric properties of impostor phenomenon in the study by Lee et al. 2020), and an open-ended question about a recent impostor phenomenon experience. Participants provided their e-mail address if they wished to be interviewed. The author conducted one-time semistructured interviews online (∼30–35 min), primarily focusing on individual and institutional contributors to impostor phenomenon.

Participants did not receive financial incentives. Surveys and interviews were conducted sequentially (Creswell and Clark 2017) (see example questions in Table 1). The author developed the interview questions, conducted the interviews, recorded them with participant consent, transcribed them through a transcription company, and took additional measures (Table 1) to improve the trustworthiness of the study.

Table 1.

Measures to Improve Trustworthiness of the Study

Measure	Explanation
Nature of interview questions	The author asked simple, understandable questions (also see Chakraverty and Rishi, 2022). Example questions included: (1) What motivated you to participate in the study? (2) What do you understand about impostor phenomenon? (3) Could you share specific examples of impostor phenomenon you experienced? (4) What are some of the institutional contributors to impostor phenomenon related to your research group, institution, and/or discipline? (5) What are some of the individual contributors to impostor phenomenon? (6) How does impostor phenomenon affect your training experiences?
Consultation	The author sought regular feedback during data collection, analysis, and writing from a faculty member who worked on examining minority experiences in STEM fields. The consulting faculty member also reviewed the final manuscript.
Member checking	Transcripts were shared with each participant who could edit the transcript to accurately reflect their experiences, ensure the accuracy of transcription, and hold agency in the narrative on record for further analysis (Birt et al. 2016).
Reflexivity and researcher positionality	The author journaled her beliefs and practices that could have influenced the study design. Being a woman of color in the STEM field and a non-native English speaker herself who, at the time of the study, was a faculty member (immigrant) in the United States may have influenced data collection and analysis (Antin et al. 2015). The author wrote a memo for each interview, summarizing the salient points discussed for an audit trail during data analysis and presentation.
Addressing biases	The author held certain assumptions before conducting the interviews. Writing memos helped in addressing her personal biases. For example, the author assumed that only women experienced impostor phenomenon due to microaggression. The study shows that men too experienced microaggression and impostor phenomenon.
Sensitivity to participants	Participants were told that they could stop the interview at any time they wished, especially if sharing personal experiences seemed distressing. They could also take a break (if needed) before resuming the conversation. The author followed up with each participant after the interview through e-mail. None reported experiencing distress after the interview.

STEM, science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.

This study focuses on impostor phenomenon experiences and microaggression related to Hispanic/Latinx identity, a less understood topic. Factors other than microaggression were analyzed seperately. Semistructured interviews provided rich nuanced data (Creswell 2012). After deidentifying each transcript, the author read them twice, highlighting sections about microaggression and creating an initial list of codes (e.g., belonging, cultural, demography, diversity, identity, microaggression, minority, peer/faculty, physical/verbal, sexual/nonsexual, teaching/research).

Following coding, findings were organized into themes that were developed inductively using constant comparison (Glaser 1965; Thomas 2006).

Results

Twenty-two (of 29) participants (18 women) were found to have experienced impostor phenomenon following microaggression (Table 2) from faculty members, peers, and others in academia. Example quotes (with pseudonyms) are provided throughout the text and in Table 3.

Table 2.

Participant Characteristics

Total	N = 22
Age, years	20–29: 13 30–39: 9
Sex	Female: 18 Male: 4
Position	PhD student: 15 Postdoctoral scholar: 7
Citizenship	Foreign born: 4 U.S. born: 18
First-generation status	Ten participants had one or both parents who had a high school diploma or less
Field	Science: 18 Technology and engineering: 2 Mathematics: 2
University affiliation	Nineteen different R1 universities across 14 U.S. states

Table 3.

Quotes Shared by Participants

Instance	Participant quote
Microaggression from faculty members	My advisor often made unsolicited remarks [about her background] and has sent me back to Mexico like three times in public. He often says, “Oh, you should find a job in Mexico.” I'm like, “No. You know, I'm a legal resident. I work hard and the science is working, right.” They're really macroaggressions. People are much entitled in a very white male-dominated place. (Maria) My advisor did not have much expectation from me to achieve anything. When pregnant, he had dismissively said, “Oh, yeah. I expected that. It's a cultural thing.” Because I am Latina, he had anticipated I would get pregnant as soon as I got married. (Sofia) During my qualifiers, my committee asked, “How did you end up here, and how can the field work to improve its representation of people of color, and women, specifically?” So not only do I have to exist in this space, but you expect me to know how to fix discrimination in academia? It's something that I'm expected to be eloquent and well spoken in, because I am who I am. (Elena)
Microaggression from peers	Sometimes, my peers hear me speaking Spanish to my family and ask a lot of very weird questions like, “Where are you from? Are you sure you're Mexican? You don't look Mexican, and that doesn't sound like Spanish.” A guy that hasn't been to Mexico telling me that my Spanish doesn't feel right felt invalidating. (Adrianna) I've had colleagues asking me if there are labs in my country. I think they believe Mexicans ride donkeys and wear serapes all day. It's like, no! We have big cities and big universities, and we do research. (Maria) It is hurtful when people tell me I cannot be Hispanic because I am white, my Spanish isn't fluent, or I don't have a Spanish name. People questioning how I identify is strange. I just say, “Is Jennifer Lopez less Hispanic because she's not fluent in Spanish?” No because she looks like their idea of what a Hispanic woman is supposed to look like. (Ashley)
Microaggression from others in academia	I recently got a [research paper] review saying that you need to make sure that a native English speaker reads this. I am a native English speaker. It was totally like they just read out the last name and they said I can't speak English. That was a very explicit kind of racist comment. (Zoe) We have a tally every time we go to conference of how many times our white colleagues are going to confuse us with the help. I've been in conferences where I'm just walking to a room to hear a talk, and somebody gives me their drink. I'm like, “Yep, they thought I was here to clean.” That happens at least once every conference. You enter a room, and nobody really looks like you. That's why I feel like I don't belong. That makes it worse. (Rocio) I received a merit-based minority fellowship from the department. But it was low-level administrative work for 20 h a week [instead of research]. We had to cover the reception desk during the lunch hour and answer the phones. They set aside money, supposedly for our academic development, and then used us as labor for these low-level administrative tasks. It was a very, very negative experience. (Francesca)

Microaggression from faculty members

Participants shared being judged by faculty members based on their looks and minority status. As numeric minorities, some felt that they experienced their training differently and were held to different standards than their well-represented (usually white and male) peers. Elena shared experiencing hostility from her qualifying examination committee, while a white male peer passed it easily. As the only woman of color in her program, she experienced impostor phenomenon during her qualifying examination, fearing that she may not be good enough to complete her PhD:

Just the level of inquiry I received does not even compare to the softball questions he [the white peer] received. My committee asked a lot of questions about identity, race, representation in the sciences, and academia, that they wouldn't ask their white male PhD candidates in their examination. That didn't feel fair.

Working on a PhD was an isolating experience for many. Stella wondered if she was selected to enhance departmental diversity being a Hispanic female. She heard uncomfortable comments, for example, a faculty member discussing her with another faculty member, calling her “a really competent student, [who is] not bad looking, either.” Stella shared, “I didn't want the perception that I was given something because I am Hispanic. On top of that, I'm getting comments about my looks. That was hard.”

Some experienced harassment too. Amelia hesitated to file a complaint against her advisor, explaining

Culturally, Latin immigrant communities don't have a great relationship with the police. The idea of filing a police report was really scary. It is not acceptable in Latin culture to talk about sexual abuse. This made the impostor syndrome deeper.

Not all faculty advisors advocated for their female students who experienced harassment. Without elaborating on specific instances, Maya shared that her advisor did not “notice and try to stop anything [harassment] from happening. As a white male, he just doesn't see a lot of things happening. I was fending for myself.”

Rocio's advisor asked her many times to apply for need-based fellowships that she did not qualify for. On explaining that she was not a first-generation scientist of color experiencing hardships,

He [her advisor] asked, “But aren't you Hispanic?” I found that to be microaggression. He has no idea what it means to be Hispanic. I think he was just confusing Hispanic with someone who is not in a good place and, therefore, has hardship.

Pablo, a student from Puerto Rico, heard hurtful and insensitive comments from faculty. When a hurricane struck his hometown, he could not contact his family for 2 weeks. A faculty person told him in class, “I hope you have a house on Thursday.” Another faculty member lamented that he would not be able to cruise there anymore. Pablo considered these comments as microaggression, adding, “It was very hard receiving these comments. I was very vulnerable. It made me feel unwanted, that I did not belong, that I shouldn't be here.”

Zoe, a native English speaker, experienced impostor phenomenon when a faculty person questioned in class if English was her first language. She felt singled out and self-conscious because “He looked at me like he was a little dubious of my answer.” In all these examples, and others, participants shared feeling alienated, wondering if they belonged in the research group or department because of their Hispanic/Latinx identity.

Microaggression from peers

Participants experienced microaggression from their peers who made certain assumptions and/or asked uncomfortable questions about their looks; English and Spanish accent; and minority status. Anna called herself a “cultural minority,” experiencing impostor phenomenon when her peers did not view her as a scientist, assuming that she was someone pursuing Hispanic or feminist studies as a woman of color. When going to a university event for underrepresented minorities, a peer asked Maura to explain how she was qualified to be a minority. “It's quite blunt. People can look at me and indicate that I am not a minority just based on my skin tone. It felt odd to have to defend why I identified as minority. I felt very attacked.”

Stella heard workplace conversations where it was assumed that it was easy for people of color to find a position because “everyone's just dying to hire a young woman of color in academia, which is so not true. It plays into how unqualified I felt.” On receiving a competitive scholarship in her fifth year, Carolina's peer launched a tirade on social media saying he had not won the scholarship because he was a white male. She experienced impostor phenomenon, fearing that people assumed she was not qualified for the scholarship and not as smart as others perceived her to be, explaining, “People around me already think that I've gotten things that I don't deserve. I have conflicting feelings about affirmative action.”

In a similar example, when Vicente received a competitive fellowship from the U.S. government, his peers made comments such as “It probably helped that you were a Latino student” and “you must be the only Latino student with an NSF fellowship from this institution.” These comments made him doubt himself. He believed that he achieved success “either by luck or by mistake or actually because of my minority status.” Despite his many academic successes, Vicente experienced impostor phenomenon, also feeling:

I'm representing an entire group [of Latinos], overanalyzing if people believe what I'm saying. It's tiring. Whenever I talk about science, I'm worried people will find out that I don't know anything I'm saying. I don't feel like I ever succeeded at anything.

Peers made racialized comments too. During science discussions, Amelia's peers often asked her if she could teach them salsa dancing since she is Latin American. Amelia felt that this was inappropriate. She described her university as “not exactly the most culturally diverse campus. It's predominantly white, upper-class.” Although the Spanish diaspora is diverse, Amelia's peers stereotyped her as someone who danced salsa or liked a certain kind of music or spicy food based on their limited understanding of Hispanic culture. Julia had similar experiences where her colleagues asked her to teach them how to cook Peruvian food:

My colleagues asked if they could make food at my house, as opposed to, “Hey, can we write a paper together?” Why can't they ask me about science? I feel like, maybe I'm not supposed to be part of this group that writes papers and thinks about science. Maybe I don't fit in.

Maria, who was at a predominantly white institution, felt singled out when asked if there are research laboratories in Mexico. Her peers had formed an opinion about her abilities based on who she was (a Mexican). She found it exhausting to constantly defend that she had experienced excellent research programs during her undergraduate training. “People think because I'm from Mexico, I can barely read.” Maria felt a sense of not belonging at her current university, which was smaller and less cosmopolitan than the one she had attended in Mexico. She experienced impostor phenomenon where:

again, and again, I have to let them know. I need to advocate for myself as a Latina all the time. I don't see very many women like myself in academia. It makes me doubt if I will ever make it in academia.

Microaggression from others in academia

Adrianna felt like a second-class citizen in her department. She feared being judged as “the fiery Mexican woman.” She experienced microaggression frequently on campus. She was stopped by the campus police twice. “Once they asked me if I was homeless. I work here. I am not homeless. I was wearing my gym clothes, and it's not such a big institution. Still, they stopped me.” She tried to remain calm and not react because she feared that she would be singled out as a Mexican. “I gotta remember to take a deep breath, be a calmer, less passionate version of myself. It takes a little bit of a toll and tact.” Adrianna added, “Sometimes in meetings, people say terrible things. It takes me an hour to gather myself and actually be able to work again because I'm so upset about it.”

Regina felt lucky that her predominantly white department was trying to show diversity and her identity worked in her favor. Paradoxically, this also made her question if she was in the department as the token minority because of her minority status that she felt had both helped and hurt her: “When you have more diversity in a natural way, then it will be helpful to fight the impostor syndrome. I have been told, ‘you're the face of the program because you're a minority.’” Miguel received a Graduate Diversity Fellowship and his department often portrayed him as “the Hispanic student.” He felt that his achievements happened because “they [the department] need someone that is not white.”

Women of color were sometimes asked to do things not related to research at predominantly white and predominantly male departments. Francesca had to manage the front desk part time and the Dean told her, “Oh, look at you manning the front desk like a real professional.” She found the comment demeaning and inappropriate, thinking “I know how to be professional because I've worked at a front desk since I was 19, but also I am a scholar, so why are you talking to me this way?”

Furthermore, Pablo, a Puerto Rican student, was considered an international student by his department and asked if he was an immigrant alien. He observed, “Being at a very white university, there is a lot of cultural incompetence, lot of ignorance that I wasn't expecting to see. They have not had the experience or proper training to be more competent.”

Discussion

Identity-based microaggression among Hispanic/Latinx participants was related to impostor phenomenon through a lack of belonging, making participants question if they obtained success in STEM due to luck and their minority status. Participants felt less deserving and wondered if they had faked their success. Lack of belonging can be viewed through the lens of “othering,” “a process that serves to mark and name those thought to be different from oneself” (Weis 1995, p.17), studied earlier in relation to impostor phenomenon, racial identity (Chakraverty 2020a; Peteet et al. 2015b), and engineering identity (Chakraverty 2021).

When persistence and success in STEM are defined through social hierarchies, those diverging from dominant identities (e.g., white vs. BIPOC, male vs. female, native vs. non-native English speakers) find themselves marginalized as others or outsiders through implicit and explicit messages (Chakraverty and Rishi 2022), which could create a lack of belonging and vulnerability to impostor phenomenon.

“Othering” and marginalization occurred through identity-based microaggression—through faculty members/advisors, peers, and institutional gatekeepers at predominantly white institutions (Von Robertson et al. 2016). This occurred by questioning participants' belonging in places of learning; having low academic expectations from them; cultural incompetency; lack of cultural awareness; judgment about pregnancy; stereotypical assumptions about music, dance, and food preferences; assumptions of poor scientific training in Mexico; unsolicited advice to return to Mexico; and assumptions about getting competitive fellowships easily.

Participants feared being stereotyped as angry, fiery, or lazy, working harder to avoid group-based perceptions and being careful about how they represented the larger Hispanic/Latinx community. Those who felt pressured to modify their behavior as minorities to fit the norms of the dominant group experienced impostor phenomenon (Clance et al. 1995).

Within-group microaggression experienced by Latina/o Americans reveals certain trends: women experience more microaggression than men both in school and at work, while Puerto Ricans are vulnerable to being treated as criminals (Nadal et al. 2014). Age, education level (Nadal et al. 2014), and immigrant status (Rivera et al. 2010) are related to microinvalidation. Rivera and colleagues (2010) listed microaggression that Latina/o Americans experiences, including others questioning their intelligence and educational success; ascribing achievements (as exceptions) to their ethnicity; ignoring, talking down, and excluding from groups; questioning cultural values, looks, accent, language, and citizenship/immigrant status; assuming involvement with criminals or pursuing illegal activities; assuming all Hispanic/Latina/o individuals are poor, lazy, or indulging in revelry all the time; and pathologizing their childbearing decisions.

About 92% of more than 200 doctorate Latinas surveyed first experienced moderate to intense impostor phenomenon and microaggression at academic institutions due to their age, gender, stereotypes based on race/ethnicity, and lack of recognition or respect (Acosta 2020). Impostor phenomenon is a significant predictor of race-based microaggression, impacting the physical and mental health of minority college students and causing minority status-based stress (Hubbard 2016).

This study shows that identity-based microaggression could foster impostor phenomenon through “othering” and a lack of acknowledgment of one's minority status based on gender, race, and other marginalizing identities. Especially, female participants experienced microaggression and impostor phenomenon due to both their gender and ethnicity. Stereotypical ideation of ethnic (in)authenticity was related to looks, skin color, accent, place of origin (Puerto Rico, Mexico), and assumed interests in salsa dancing or cooking spicy food.

Ethnic identity moderates the relationship between skin color and self-esteem (López 2008), and Latina/o college students in STEM disciplines use coping mechanisms to alter their racial/ethnic identities to counter stereotyping and identity-based microaggression (McGee 2016). All this could negatively impact one's sense of belonging, integration, and success in STEM fields.

Study limitations

The findings are not generalizable to all Hispanic/Latinx individuals in STEM disciplines. Those who experience microaggression may not always experience impostor phenomenon.

Conclusions

This study concluded that microaggression and impostor phenomenon among Hispanic/Latinx individuals could occur through “othering,” creating a sense of (un)belonging. Racial/ethnic minorities continue to be underrepresented or excluded in STEM disciplines often dominated by white men, especially in higher positions (Hamrick 2019).

BIPOC individuals (especially women) are more likely to experience harassment, marginalization, racism, sexism, microaggression, bias, and other challenges due to the double-bind effect of both race and gender (Brown and Leaper 2010; Ireland et al. 2018; McGee and Bentley 2017). Fewer women from minority backgrounds complete their training and find tenure-track faculty positions at research-focused institutions in STEM despite long doctoral/postdoctoral training (Gibbs et al. 2014).

Future research should examine correlates of impostor phenomenon, microaggression, and lack of belonging among other minority groups in STEM fields.

Footnotes

Author Disclosure Statement

No competing financial interests exist.

Funding Information

This study was funded by the 2017 New Faculty Seed Grant and Faculty Research Funding Award, Washington State University, USA.

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