Childhood Polyvictimization and Psychopathic Personality Traits in Emerging Adults

Abstract

Current research suggests a link between childhood abuse, psychopathic traits, and violent behavior. However, previous studies neglect evaluating the influence of high levels of cumulative childhood victimization on the development of psychopathic personality traits in emerging adults. The present study examined the relationship between polyvictimization in six aggregate categories of childhood victimization using the Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire (JVQ-R2) and psychopathic personality traits in college women using the Psychopathic Personality Inventory-Revised (PPI-R). This study first examined the relative contributions of polyvictimization and individual categories of childhood victimization in predicting psychopathic traits, and then tested whether polyvictimization contributes any unique variance, beyond that explained by the combination of all 6 aggregate categories in a sample of 309 college women in a Southern state. Regression analyses reveal that (1) polyvictimization accounts for a significant proportion of variability in PPI-R scores, beyond that explained by any of the six categories of childhood victimization alone, (2) the categories of childhood victimization contribute little to no variability beyond that explained by polyvictimization, and (3) polyvictimization accounts for a significant proportion of variability in psychopathic personality traits, beyond that already explained by the simultaneous entry of all six categories as predictor variables. It results in further understanding of the underpinnings of psychopathic personality traits.

Introduction

Most childhood victimization research has focused primarily on childhood sexual abuse rather than understanding the impact of polyvictimization on future psychopathic personality traits. Polyvictimization refers to high cumulative levels of victimization and maybe a predictor of far greater levels of additional lifetime adversities (i.e., family unemployment, parental substance abuse, and physical and mental illnesses) and levels of distress (i.e., depression, anger, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder) (Finkelhor et al., 2011). Polyvictimization has not yet been researched to be a predictor of psychopathic personality traits. The current study aims to examine the relationship between polyvictimization in childhood and the later development of psychopathic personality traits.

Although the term psychopathy is often associated with criminogenic behavior, it can be broadly applied to describe co-occurring personality traits that can be categorized into four dimensions: antisocial, interpersonal, behavioral/lifestyle, and affective. Others have noted that individuals high in psychopathic traits often play functional roles in society, such as that of a salesperson or a CEO (Benning et al., 2018; Cleckley, 1941; Lilienfeld et al., 2015). Indeed, recent evidence suggests that psychopathy may be categorized as successful (i.e., remain in the community despite possessing traits of psychopathy) or unsuccessful (i.e., have been/are incarcerated and possess traits of psychopathy) (Fix and Fix, 2015). The base rate of psychopathy in the general population is estimated to only be 1% (Hare, 1996).

Few studies have assessed psychopathy in student populations (Forth et al., 1996; Salekin et al., 2001). Multiple studies have also failed to find significant differences in psychopathic traits among undergraduates and inmates (Chapman et al., 2003; Gao and Raine, 2010).

The current understanding of psychopathy's etiology suggests significant neurobiological bases and highlights the presence of certain social and environmental influences (e.g., trauma, parenting style, socioeconomic status) that impact the severity of psychopathic traits (Blair et al., 2006; Salekin, 2017; da Silva et al., 2012). Studies investigating psychopathic traits in children and adolescents have ascertained that there are two main trajectories for individuals with psychopathic traits: Life-Course Persistent and Adolescence-Limited (Moffitt, 1993). The Adolescent-Limited trajectory suggests that the presence of psychopathic traits in juveniles may represent normative adolescent development (Moffitt, 1993). The Life-Course Persistent trajectory is associated with more criminogenic behavior and antisocial personality traits past adolescence and into adulthood (Moffitt, 1993).

While there is plethora of research regarding psychopathic traits in men, there has been limited research on women with psychopathic traits. This is, in part, because the existing measures of psychopathy were not valid and reliable measures for psychopathic traits in women because they were measures that were normed on men. This poses significant problems with assessing psychopathy in women because underlying psychopathic traits may present differently in women than it does in men, causing underscoring on different measures of psychopathy.

For example, Nicholls and Petrilla (2005) suggest that psychopathy in women may involve coercion, flirtation, or manipulation to achieve their goals rather than the physical aggression that is common in men with psychopathic traits. It is important to note that flirtation, manipulation, or relational aggression may not rise to the level that would require law enforcement involvement, whereas the physical violence often seen in men with psychopathic traits may garner that attention (Kreis and Cooke, 2011).

Childhood polyvictimization has been found to predict trauma symptoms beyond any single type of victimization, including repeated victimization (Turner et al., 2010). Polyvictimization has been predictive of several long-term consequences, including psychological symptomatology (Silvern and Griese, 2012; Turner et al., 2012) and future legal involvement (Stanley and Goodard, 2004). In addition to trauma symptoms, the long-term effects of childhood victimization can present as future psychopathic traits. Several studies have reported associations between childhood abuse and psychopathy, including across gender and ethnicity (Boduszek et al., 2019; Dargis et al., 2016; Koivisto and Haapasalo, 1996; Lang et al., 2002; Moreira et al., 2020; Odgers et al., 2008; Weiler and Widom, 1996). Although previous studies have examined the relationship between childhood victimization and psychopathy few studies have focused on the interaction in the emerging adult population.

Current Study

The present study examined both the unique and combined effects of childhood victimization and polyvictimization on psychopathy in a sample of women college students. We hypothesized that (1) individual categories of victimization would account for little to no variability in psychopathy after the variability accounted for by polyvictimization was controlled and (2) polyvictimization would make a significant unique contribution to regression models predicting psychopathy after the effects of individual categories of victimization were controlled.

Method

Participants

A total of 339 traditional undergraduate aged women were recruited from introductory and upper-level psychology courses at a large university in the southeastern United States during the 2014–2015 academic year. Participants with missing data for sex or age were excluded because calculation of the Psychopathic Personality Inventory-Revised (PPI-R) t-scores involves both age- and sex-based norms. In addition, participants who produced invalid results on the PPI-R were excluded. Invalid results on the PPI-R were defined as a sum of the absolute raw score differences of 45 or higher on the PPI-R Inconsistent Responding (IR40) scale, indicating random responding. After applying these exclusion criteria, 309 participants were included in the final analyses. The mean age for participants was 20 years (SD = 1.18 years, range = 19–25). Most participants identified as White/European American (87.1%), followed by Black/African American (4.9%), Hispanic/Latina (2.9%), Asian American (1.9%), and racial/ethnic groups that were not listed (3.3%).

Procedures

Participants were students enrolled in introductory and upper-level psychology courses who were recruited through the department's study pool. Data were collected using Qualtrics, an online survey platform, as a part of a larger study examining early childhood experiences and adult outcomes among undergraduate students. All participants provided informed consent by endorsing their understanding of the study, and each participant was awarded extra credit for their participation. All study procedures were approved by the university's Institutional Review Board.

Measures

The Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire—Adult Retrospective Version (JVQ-R2; Hamby et al., 2011) was used to assess exposure to child maltreatment and victimization experiences before age 18. The JVQ-R2 has 34 items that cover general areas of childhood victimization (Finkelhor et al., 2005a; Finkelhor et al., 2005b; Hamby et al., 2011). The JVQ-R2 assesses both relatively common but lower severity victimizations (e.g., theft of personal property), as well as infrequent and higher severity victimizations (e.g., witnessing an explosion). The presence or absence of the victimization experienced was scored as 1 or 0, respectively, for each item. The JVQ-R2 produces a total score and five aggregate scores: Conventional Crime, Child Maltreatment, Peer and Sibling Victimization, Sexual Victimization, and Witnessing/Indirect Victimization. Higher total scores on the original JVQ reflected higher levels of childhood polyvictimization (Finkelhor et al., 2007).

The instrument has good psychometric properties, including good construct validity and test-retest reliability (Finkelhor et al., 2005a: Pereda et al., 2016). As victimization experiences on the measure are not expected to intercorrelate, internal consistency is not reported for the JVQ-R2 (Hasselle et al., 2017). Several studies have used the JVQ-R2 to ask college students to retrospectively report their childhood victimization (Alexander, 2019; Alexander et al., 2018; Barnes et al., 2016; Elliott et al., 2009; Howell and Miller-Graff, 2014; Richmond et al., 2009).

The PPI-R (Lilienfeld and Widows, 2005) is a 154-item self-report scale. The PPI-R has been used frequently to study psychopathic traits in undergraduate college student samples and nonincarcerated populations. It includes three validity scales: Virtuous Responding, Deviant Responding, and Inconsistent Responding. The PPI-R provides scores for three factors score (Fearless Dominance, Self-Centered Impulsivity, and Coldheartedness), and eight content scales (Machiavellian Egocentricity, Rebellious Noncomformity, Blame Externalization, Carefree Nonplanfulness, Social Influence, Fearlessness, Stress Immunity, and Coldheartedness), as well as a total score. For the present study, the total score was used to examine the presence of psychopathic traits. Each item is rated on a 4-point Likert scale with response options of false, mostly false, mostly true, and true (Lilienfeld and Widows, 2005).

Raw scores for the content scales and factors are tabulated and transformed into t-scores. PPI-R standard t-scores have a mean of 50 and standard deviation of 10. The PPI-R and its subscales have good test-retest reliability and excellent incremental validity (Lilienfeld and Widows, 2005; Patrick, 2006). The measure has also been shown to have acceptable construct validity with other measures of psychopathy (Lilienfeld and Widows, 2005; Poythress et al., 2010; Ray et al., 2011). Cronbach's alpha for internal consistency of the PPI-R total score in the present sample was .92.

Data analysis

The present study was modeled after the theoretical and empirical work by Finkelhor et al. (2007) for polyvictimization and studies that conceptualized and measured childhood victimization and polyvictimization in the same manner with college students (Alexander et al., 2018; Elliott et al., 2009; Finkelhor et al., 2007; Richmond et al., 2009). Hierarchical multiple regressions analyzed the relative contribution of polyvictimization and the six individual categories of victimization in predicting psychopathic personality traits. Past studies have also examined how the unique contributions of the six individual victimization categories contribute to long-term outcomes rather than on multiple categories simultaneously.

Results

A frequency table of the JVQ results for the present study are outlined in Table 1. Approximately 89% of the participants endorsed at least 1 of the 34 individual types of childhood victimization on the JVQ-R2. The mean number of victimizations experienced by the women in our sample was 5.7 (range from 0 to 25). The 34 types of childhood victimization were collapsed into the 6 aggregate categories. Participants indicated that many had experienced at least one type of peer or sibling abuse (68.9%), physical assault (64.1%), property crime (64.7%), and/or witnessed or indirect victimization (51.5%).

Table 1.

Frequency Table for the 34 Types of Childhood Victimization on the Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire

Victimization type	N = 309/frequency (%)
Endorsed at least one type of 34 types of childhood victimization	275 (89.0%)
Property crime
Robbery	107 (34.6%)
Personal theft	145 (46.9%)
Vandalism	159 (51.5%)
Physical assault aggregate
Assault with weapon	42 (13.6%)
Assault without weapon	94 (30.4%)
Attempted assault	37 (12.0%)
Kidnapping	16 (5.2%)
Bias attack	11 (3.6%)
Child maltreatment
Physical abuse by a caregiver	36 (11.7%)
Psychological/emotional abuse	53 (17.2%)
Neglect	13 (4.2%)
Custodial interference/family abduction	22 (7.1%)
Peer and sibling victimization
Gang or group assault	8 (2.6%)
Peer or sibling assault	156 (50.5%)
Nonsexual genital assault	15 (4.9%)
Physical intimidation by peers	130 (42.1%)
Relational aggression by peers	131 (42.4%)
Dating violence	20 (6.5%)
Witnessing and indirect victimization
Witness to domestic violence	28 (9.1%)
Witness to parent assault of sibling	23 (7.4%)
Witness to assault with a weapon	46 (14.9%)
Witness to assault without a weapon	92 (29.8%)
Burglary of family household	69 (22.3%)
Murder of family member or friend	21 (6.8%)
Witnessed a murder	3 (1.0%)
Exposure to random shootings, terrorism, or riots	12 (3.9%)
Exposure to war or ethnic conflict	3 (1.0%)
Sexual victimization
Sexual assault, known adult	7 (2.3%)
Sexual assault, unknown adult	2 (0.6%)
Sexual assault, with peer	46 (14.9%)
Forced sex (including attempts)	33 (10.7%)
Flashing or sexual exposure	61 (19.7%)
Verbal sexual harassment	65 (21.0%)
Statutory rape and sexual misconduct	54 (17.5%)

Given the intercorrelations between types of childhood victimizations, we also examined the number of participants who experienced victimization from one or more of the six aggregate categories. Approximately a quarter (27.1%) of the women in our sample reported having experienced abuse in five or six victimizations categories. Nearly 10% reported victimization histories in all six aggregates. Correlations among the six aggregate categories of victimization were all significant and fell between 0.20 and 0.69.

Regression analyses were conducted to examine the relative contributions of childhood polyvictimization and each of the six aggregates of childhood victimization in predicting psychopathic traits (Table 2). Multiple regression analyses were conducted in two parts. First, we examined whether of polyvictimization would significantly contribute to a model predicting psychopathic traits after the individual childhood victimization category had already been entered separately as a predictor in the first block of analysis. Second, we separately examined whether each category of childhood victimization significantly contributed the model predicting PPI-R when polyvictimization had already been entered as a predictor in the first block of the analysis. No problems with multicollinearity were detected for any multiple regression analysis.

Table 2.

Regression Analyses Examining the Relative Contributions of the JVQ-R2 Aggregates and Polyvictimization in Predicting Psychopathic Personality Traits

Criterion variable	Start Model: aggregate R²	Add: Polyvict R²-change	Start Model: Polyvict R²	Add: aggregate R²-change	Total variance ^a
PPI-R total score
Child Maltx	0.01	0.00	0.01	0.01	0.01
Property crime	0.02^*	0.00	0.00	0.01	0.02
Physical assault	0.00	0.01	0.01	0.01	0.01
Peer/sibling	0.02^**	0.04^**	0.01	0.05^**	0.06^**
Sexual victimization	0.01	0.03^**	0.01	0.03^**	0.03^**
Witness/indirect	0.00	0.01	0.01	0.00	0.01

Indicates p < 0.01, ^*Indicates p < 0.05.

The proportions of variability accounted for in steps 1 and 2 of each set of regression analyses should sum to the value reported in the total variance column. Minor differences from this expected pattern in the table are due to the rounding of values to 2 decimal places.

JVQ-R2, Juvenile Victimization Questionnaire—Adult Retrospective Version; PPI-R, Psychopathic Personality Inventory-Revised.

When individual victimization categories were entered into the multiple regression model first, the variability explained by each of the six categories of victimization were significant for the PPI-R when property crime and peer/sibling victimization were entered into the model first (see Column 1). Overall, the variability across the six categories ranged from 0% to 2%. As predicted, polyvictimization accounted for a significant proportion of variability on the PPI-R, accounting for 1% to 4% of the variability (Column 2), with the highest percentage occurring when predicting PPI-R with the peer or sibling victimization aggregate.

When polyvictimization was entered in the regression model by itself, it did not account for a significant percentage of variability for the PPI-R (0% to 1%; Column 3). However, results revealed that the individual categories of childhood victimization significantly contributed to variability beyond that accounted for by polyvictimization for the PPI-R for the peer and sibling victimization aggregate and the sexual victimization aggregate (5% and 3%, respectively; Column 4). The total variance accounted for by the combination of polyvictimization and each individual category of childhood victimization was significant for the PPI-R for those two aggregates (6% and 3%, respectively; Column 5).

Discussion

The study aimed to examine the relationship between childhood polyvictimization and psychopathic personality traits in emerging adults. Results of the present study did not match our hypothesis that polyvictimization would be a more significant contributor in predicting psychopathy beyond that of individual categories of victimization alone. The findings align with prior research suggesting that certain types of childhood victimization contribute to psychopathy. Daigle et al. (2020) argue that “the constellation of characteristics that are commonly found among people higher in psychopathic traits would increase their risk of victimization and keep them at risk for recurring victimization” (p. 887). Environmental and social effects of multiple types of traumas alone are not a strong predictor of persistent psychopathic traits in adulthood. This leaves room for additional explorations into both the impact of childhood polyvictimization as well as alternative causes (e.g., neurobiology) of psychopathic traits in women.

For instance, Farina et al. (2018) notes, “psychopathy researchers may view it as a congenital disorder, and fewer perceived benefits to treatment may limit interest in possible environmental causes” (p. 4371). Moreover, there is compelling research examining the genetic underpinnings of psychopathic personality traits in adolescents and adults (Moore et al., 2019; Rosenström et al., 2017; Viding and McCrory, 2012).

There are several limitations to the present study. First, participants in the present study were mostly white undergraduate college women. Second, the present study relied on retrospective self-report measures. Some researchers purport individuals with psychopathic traits lack insight and are notoriously dishonest, thus making them ill-suited for self-report instruments (Lilienfeld, 1994). Retrospective reports in adulthood of childhood victimization histories yield biases in reporting (Hardt and Rutter, 2004), therefore, it is possible that participants either over- or underreport their histories. Finally, due to several factors such as high academic achievement, good social skills, high socioeconomic status, and no formal criminal record, undergraduates may have a restriction of range at the high end of psychopathy scores (Salekin et al., 2001). Despite these limitations, the current study provides insight into the relationship between psychopathic personality traits and individual types of childhood maltreatment.

Footnotes

Author Disclosure Statement

No competing financial interests exist.

Funding Information

No funding was received for this article.

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