Abstract

In the last few years a number of major works by Luc Boltanski have been translated into English: Love and Justice as Competences (Boltanski, 2012[1990]), On Justification (Boltanski and Thévenot, 2006[1991]), The New Spirit of Capitalism (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005[1999]) and Distant Suffering (Boltanski 1999[1993]). On Critique, first published in French in 2009, is the latest addition to this list. Here Boltanski explores the relationship between sociology and social critique and continues to develop his theoretical framework. Boltanski and his co-authors have contributed to the development of a ‘new French' pragmatic sociology. One important aim has been to develop a sociology of justice and critique. This theoretical framework locates the capacity for, and practice of, critique in the actions of actors. It is based on a model of how actors are capable of resolving disagreements through disputes (On Justification) and this model has been used to explore the way critique has transformed capitalism (The New Spirit of Capitalism).
In the 1960s and 1970s, Boltanski collaborated with Pierre Bourdieu, but the publication of On Justification signified a break with critical sociology. The reason for the break is clearly stated in his 1999 article on ‘a sociology of critical capacity':
The main problem of critical sociology is its inability to understand the critical operations undertaken by the actors. A sociology which wants to study the critical operations performed by actors […] must therefore give up (if only temporarily) the critical stance. (Boltanski and Thévenot, 1999: 364)
On Critique is a return to the parenthesis in the quote above, it explores how pragmatic sociology and critical sociology can be combined. Even though the topic is the relationship between sociology and social critique, Boltanski's main project is a reconsideration of the relationship between pragmatic sociology and critical sociology represented in the form given by Bourdieu. The book could thus also be read as a reflection of Boltanski's own academic development. It is based on six lectures that he held in the autumn of 2008 at the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt and at the Humbolt University of Berlin. He stresses in the Foreword that it should be read as ‘six talks’, and that the content should be seen more like ‘a series of remarks’ than a finished work (p. ix).
Chapter 1 introduces the reader to Boltanski's project. Starting with Weber's ‘modes of domination', Boltanski sketches out the structure of critical theories and discusses the tensions between sociology as a scientific discipline and its contribution to social critique. Critical sociology is defined as a strand of the discipline which takes social orders as its research object and tries to ‘unmask’ the ‘mode of domination’ in them (p. 3). He maintains the pragmatic position that critical theory faces several theoretical and methodological problems. Most importantly, critical theories ‘fashion a synthetic object’ (p. 1), since their object of inquiry is not directly observable. Furthermore, it ‘invariably eludes the consciousness of actors’ (p. 2). According to Boltanski this leads to a dilemma. It is up to the detached critical theorist to unmask the form of domination at play in a social order, and this unmasking must be backed up by presenting it as an objective description of reality. But at the same time ‘the specificity of critical theories is that they contain critical judgments on the social order which the analyst assumes responsibility for in her own name, thus abandoning any pretention to neutrality’ (p. 4).
For Boltanski, social critique is an important part of the ‘social foundation’ (p. 17) of sociology, and as indicated in the subtitle of the book the goal is to develop a sociology of emancipation. In chapter 2 he compares the approach taken in pragmatic sociology and the one taken by critical sociology, and evaluates their contribution to social critique. I found this section rewarding as the opposition to Bourdieu is often visible, but seldom clearly articulated in the earlier work of both Boltanski and others from the pragmatic school. This section ends with a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of the two approaches and highlights how potentially they can be combined to give social critique a stronger foundation.
This argument is followed up in chapters 3 and 4. Boltanski proposes to expand the theoretical framework for pragmatic sociology to better equip it for social critique. He links the pragmatic framework to the power of institutions through an abstract and theoretical argument on how institutions contribute to the construction of reality. He does so in a way that is highly relevant for pragmatic sociology, especially related to the interpretations of disputes and justifications and the concept of ‘tests' that was developed in On Justification. Thus, this section can be read as a re-formulation of central analytical concepts in the pragmatic framework.
In chapters 5 and 6 this new framework is applied in a discussion on more current political problems. In particular he discusses the social transformation of capitalism, clearly building on the work in The New Spirit of Capitalism. Here he analyses this ‘managerial mode of domination’, elegantly summarized in the observation that there has been a reversal: ‘from the state as a model for the firm to the firm as a model for the state’ (p. 141). This analysis is perhaps the weakest part of the book, sweeping over social changes, problems and political movements in just a few pages obviously makes it hard to do justice to the topic. So those interested in his analysis of capitalism are better off with a copy of The New Spirit of Capitalism.
Boltanski's main project is a theoretical one and the arguments are often philosophical. Being based on a lecture series, the book has a distinct oral character that makes it a good read. In 160 pages Boltanski develops an interesting and at times programmatic argument. However, only some of the theoretical implications are articulated and at places the reader will need some knowledge of the theoretical landscape he is exploring to make full sense of Boltanski’s argument. The relationship between sociology and social critique will be of interest to most sociologists. For those familiar with Boltanski's earlier work, this book represents new discussions and an interesting theoretical development, but could also work as an introduction to pragmatic sociology for the trained sociologist.
