Abstract
With rapid growth of online social network sites, the issue of health-related online communities and its social and behavioral implications has become increasingly important for public health. Unfortunately, online communities often become vehicles for promotion of pernicious misinformation, in particular, that HIV virus is a myth (AIDS denialism). This study seeks to explore online users’ behavior and interactions within AIDS-denialist community to identify and estimate the number of those, who potentially are most susceptible to AIDS-denialist arguments—“the risk group” in terms of becoming AIDS denialists. Social network analysis was used for examining the most numerous AIDS-denialist community (over 15,000 members) in the most popular Russian SNS “VK.com.” In addition, content analysis was used for collecting data on attitudes toward AIDS-denialist arguments and participants’ self-disclosed HIV status. Two data sets were collected to analyze friendship ties and communication interactions among community members. We have identified the core of online community—cohesive and dedicated AIDS denialists, and the risk group: users who communicate with core members, and, thus, can be more susceptible to the AIDS-denialist propaganda and their health behaviors (e.g., refusing treatment). Analysis allowed to significantly reduce the target audience for possible intervention campaigns and simultaneously increase the accuracy of determining the risk group composition.
Introduction
With rapid growth of online social network sites (SNSs), the issue of health-related online communities and its social and behavioral implications has become increasingly important for public health and health care (Centola, 2013). Such research focuses not only on positive outcomes of online groups use such as strong emotional support (Chung, 2014) but also on cases of misinformation and pernicious health practices spreading via the Internet and SNS such as well-known antivaccination or proanorexia movements (Yom-Tov & Boyd, 2014).
This work continues and complements the previous study of the AIDS-denialist online community in Russian SNS “VK.com” (Meylakhs, Rykov, Koltsova, & Koltsov, 2014). The AIDS denialists is a movement, which denies either HIV existence or causal relationship between HIV and AIDS. Frequently, AIDS-denialist beliefs lead people who live with HIV to refuse HIV treatment, which results in HIV-related diseases and death from AIDS. Thus, AIDS-denialist online community represents a serious public health threat, associated with higher morbidity and mortality from AIDS and HIV-related diseases, and the spread of HIV among population.
Previous research (Meylakhs et al., 2014) which was based on qualitative netnography methods has revealed a number of rhetorical strategies of persuasion which is used by the AIDS denialists to influence newcomers at the AIDS-denialist online communities and on those group members, who doubt the HIV science (doubting users). However, not all group members and visitors are equally susceptible to AIDS-denialist propaganda. Thus, this study seeks to explore the social structure of the AIDS-denialist online community from quantitative perspective to identify and estimate those, who potentially are most susceptible to AIDS-denialist arguments—“the risk group” in terms of becoming AIDS denialists.
There are also practical grounds for the research objective. Information campaigns and public health interventions, which use the Internet as a delivery platform are one of the most common ways for struggle against the spread of HIV (Bennett & Glasgow, 2009). According to Noar, Palmgreen, Chabot, Dobransky, and Zimmerman (2009), audience targeting and segmentation techniques should be used to increase effectiveness of such interventions. SNS have been already used for HIV prevention interventions (Jaganath, Gill, Cohen, & Young, 2012). Therefore, relatively accurate detection of risk group in terms of becoming AIDS denialists can be very helpful for interventions that are directed against AIDS denialism on SNS.
Literature Review
Network Analysis of Online Health Communities
Online health-related groups are created around a lot of medical issues, including cancer, diabetes, HIV/AIDS, smoking, obesity, and so on. There are several types of online health communities. The most frequent one is online support and patient self-help groups (Bar-Lev, 2008; Coursaris & Liu, 2009; Mo & Coulson, 2008; Setoyama, Yamazaki, & Namayama, 2011; Shi & Chen, 2014). Health care professionals as well as patients become members of online communities prompting “doctor–patient” communication (Santana et al., 2010) or professional knowledge sharing (Stewart & Abidi, 2012). Other studies focus on social movements in the domain of public health, particularly on HIV/AIDS (Vijaykumar et al., 2014) or (anti)vaccination movements (Kata, 2012). Research of these communities mostly focuses on relationship between online users’ behavior, coping behavior, and health outcomes depending on characteristics of participants, interaction, and content.
There are numerous studies that use social network analysis to explore community structure and interaction among participants in online health-related groups such as smoking cessation community (Cobb, Graham, & Abrams, 2010), diabetes forums (Chomutare, Årsand, Fernandez-Luque, Lauritzen, & Hartvigsen, 2013), health care (Gruzd & Haythornthwaite, 2013) or cancer-related groups (Himelboim & Han, 2014) on Twitter. Cobb et al. (2010) found that friendship and communication networks within the online forum are consistent with the core–periphery structure; and individual metrics of social network integration (e.g., centrality) were associated with increased likelihood of not smoking. Thus, smoking cessation behavior is associated with higher engagement with members of online forum. Gruzd and Haythornthwaite (2013) found that the community is sustained by “a strong core of active participants . . . , who lead in posting and prominence in the network.” Also, they showed that attention giving from the core to other group members sustains the community vitality. Meanwhile, Chomutare et al. (2013) discovered that the most central and influential members are often patients who were more experienced in coping with the disease (with more years since diagnosis). It means that a few experts become an authority in the online community and act as mentors for the majority of newcomers and newly diagnosed patients. Additionally, Himelboim and Han (2014) found that health care providers and institutions are not the main sources of health information and did not enable formation of dense and sustained communities.
Thus, network analysis of social ties and interactions within online health-related communities is used to identify leaders, explore influence, and understand interrelation between characteristics of online user behavior and some health conditions.
Spread of Behavior and Social Contagion on Networks
Another research direction in the domain of health behavior is the studies of epidemics and behavior diffusion through social networks (Smith & Christakis, 2008). Behavioral phenomena such as emotions or consumption can be seen to spread like an infectious disease, from one to another via face-to-face interaction or mediated communication. One of the most prominent works by Centola (2010) showed how the network structure of who is connected to whom critically affects the extent to which a health behavior spreads across a population. The recent work demonstrated that social contagion concept can describe a spread of a wide variety of such health-related behaviors as obesity (Christakis & Fowler, 2007), smoking (Christakis & Fowler, 2008), drug use (Mednick, Christakis, & Fowler, 2010), or alcohol consumption (Rosenquist, Murabito, Fowler, & Christakis, 2010) through networks.
Several studies report that online health information–seeking behavior is associated with better awareness for treatment decisions, increased patient satisfaction, and better medical outcomes in general (Jamal et al., 2015; Longo et al., 2010; Siliquini et al., 2011). We assume that partaking in online health-related community may affect actual health behavior greater than just online health information seeking because social contacts strengthen information perception. Participation in HIV/AIDS online communities provides an access to others who have similar experience and may result in decreasing health-related uncertainty and increasing health condition predictability (Keating & Rains, 2015). Participation in an online AIDS-denialist community may increase awareness of patients over their health condition in the wrong way, that is, persuade newcomers to adopt AIDS-denialist views. Adherence to AIDS-denialist beliefs is not just a cognitive aspect of individuals but may cause further changes in actual health behavior, such as lack of condom use (Bogart & Bird, 2003), refusing HIV testing (Bohnert & Latkin, 2009), and antiretroviral treatment (Bogart, Galvan, Wagner, & Klein, 2011; Kalichman, Eaton, & Cherry, 2010). Social contagion can be a mechanism of influence of AIDS-denialist beliefs; there is evidence of similar possibility of being influenced by these beliefs that is based on studied outcomes of online health communities (Murthy, Gross, & Oliveira, 2011; Myneni, Cobb, & Cohen, 2016). Thus, engaging into an online AIDS-denialist community through interaction with its core members raises a risk of being affected by these beliefs and of negative health outcomes.
Research Questions
Studies of online communities have shown that a small group of users may have a significant influence on other members. Identification of these users is helpful for understating functioning of a community (Tang & Yang, 2010) and can be useful in reaching different public health policy goals (Zhao, Greer, Yen, Mitra, & Portier, 2014). Specifically for an AIDS-denialist online community, detection of core members means identification of the source of influence in the group.
The ultimate goal in the context of HIV/AIDS public health policy is decreasing the influence of AIDS denialists and prevention of spread of AIDS-denialism beliefs. It is next to impossible to dissuade the leaders of this community from their views (Nattrass, 2013). However, leaders detection helps to determine which community members may be affected by them. The analysis of interaction between group leaders and other members allows us to detect and describe the risk group of users who are most likely to be affected by AIDS-denialist propaganda.
Method
Data Collection
The object of this study is the largest online group of AIDS denialists on the most popular Russian SNS “VK.com,” which is open for everybody who is willing to join. By the end of the study, this group amounted to 15,000 members. The group page consists of a short description section with the mission and rules; members list; the main message board called “the wall”; discussion boards for specific topics and sections for videos, audios, and references. Besides joining the group, users may post, comment, and like the group content and add each other to their “friend lists.” The data on users’ activity and “friendship” relations are in open access. This research deals only with the data publically available from SNS server. The data were collected automatically using application programming interface software specially designed for this project.
We define user’s belonging to the online community through participation in the group’s activity and consider only users who left posts, comments, or likes in the group. This approach follows the interactional intention of community concept (Fuchs, 2008; Rheingold, 1993) and allows us to avoid a bulk of inactive users. Two data sets were collected to analyze “friendship” and communication relations. The “friendship” network data set includes the following: (a) the data from the group’s “wall” with users’ activity scores and the content (starting from the date of the earliest post, December 2, 2008, and until January 20, 2015); (b) the metadata of all users (gender, age, location, etc.); (c) the data on “friendship” relations among the users. The communication network data set additionally includes the following: (a) the data from discussion boards on the users’ posting activity and (b) the data on communicative relations among the users: “likes,” comments, and mentionings. Both data sets were filtered by excluding deleted or banned user profiles.
Content Analysis
According to Hsieh and Shannon (2005), there are three main approaches of qualitative content analysis that are widely applied in health studies: conventional, directed, and summative. An approach used in our study is closer to the summative content analysis, which is usually applied for understanding the context of content usage. We analyzed posts and comments to identify users’ attributes relevant for our study: HIV status and attitude toward AIDS-denialism beliefs. As a result, we have received a descriptive summary of users’ utterances and sentiments on related issues.
The HIV status attribute could be positive, negative, or unknown/closured. Positive or negative HIV status was assigned to user if we found a direct information on the status, such as a reference to HIV-test results, mentioning years since HIV diagnosis or HIV-treatment experience, as, for example, the following post demonstrates: I got “+” on the tenth week of my pregnancy.
Attitudes toward AIDS denialism were split into four sentiment groups: devoted AIDS denialists, doubting users, so-called “orthodox” users (users who believe in HIV science and whom AIDS denialists dubbed “orthodox”) and users, whose HIV beliefs could not be determined by the analysis (“unknowns”). Adherence to AIDS denialism was assigned if a user expressed resentment and mistrust with regard to doctors who treat HIV, AIDS centers, or AIDS metanarrative, that is, standard and one-size-fits-all picture of HIV and AIDS, devoid any nuances that are familiar from popular medical discourses (for more detailed explanation and analysis, see Meylakhs et al., 2014). In the following quote, the informant justifies his AIDS denialism by questioning the standard scenario of HIV progression, according to which an HIV-infected person dies within 5 to 7 years.
They (doctors) have been saying to me for 15 years, that I’m going to die tomorrow!!!
“Doubting” category was assigned to a user, if he or she directly claimed that he or she is uncertain, which arguments—of AIDS denialists or of those who support accepted HIV science were true, or asked for advice, “which road to take”—based on AIDS denialism or HIV science: Citizens, so answer me, the illiterate, the question—continue taking pills or stop.
“Orthodox” category was assigned to user, if he or she expressed statements in favor of the official medicine theory or against the group’s beliefs, for instance, demonstrated a positive attitude regarding HIV treatment: I myself have taken therapy for 10 years, gave birth to a healthy child, and who is not treated will die for sure 100%.
Network Analysis
First, we analyzed the “friendship” network. Nodes in the network are users participating in the online group. Ties are mutual “friend” relationships between them. The analysis of network characteristics was combined with personal activity scores and personal attributes extracted from content analysis to identify the community’s core. We examined how status of a dissident is connected to user behavior within the group. “Friendship” network is important because it reflects the informal social structure of a group, its cohesion, and clustering. From an individual perspective, “friendship” relations also reflect some kind of trust and amount of intragroup social capital (Ellison & boyd, 2013; Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2011).
Second, we analyzed the communication network between core and peripheral members to identify the risk group. Ties appear when one member comments on or likes a post (or a comment) left by another, or when one member mentions another in his post. Thus, communication network is directed and weighted. Gephi and R software were used for network and statistical analysis.
Results
Identifying the Community Core of AIDS Denialists
We consider leaders as the most active users who generate content and receive positive feedback because new and socially approved content is the main contribution into the group’s vitality and development. Table 1 shows that the communication activity is distributed unequally among the group participants: A minority of users produces the majority of group activity. This result is consistent with previous research on online groups in general (Nielsen, 2006), and health-related groups in particular (Carron-Arthur, Cunningham, & Griffiths, 2014; Chomutare et al., 2013; Mo & Coulson, 2010; van Mierlo, 2014).
Group Activity Scores.
The graph metrics of the “friendship” network are shown in Table 2. This community is composed of isolates (66.4%) and at least three subcommunities (Figure 1). Isolates are users who are not connected to anyone via “friendship” relations. User participation by content contribution is associated with inclusion in the giant network component (chi-square = 214.109; degrees of freedom = 1; p < .000). It means “likers” tend to be an atomized audience, while content contributors tend to bond with each other and form a single connected component.
Graph Metrics for “Friendship” Network.

“Friendship” network of group participants (red—AIDS denialists; yellow—doubting members; blue—“orthodox” members; gray—unknown; larger vertex size = higher activity).
We analyzed the relationship between user’s activity scores and “friendship” network centrality within the online group. We used the standard set of centrality measures (degree, betweenness, and closeness [Freeman, 1978]) and added “group involvement,” which is the ratio of degree centrality to the total number of SNS member’s “friends” (Kwon, Stefanone, & Barnett, 2014). Also, we added duration of user membership per days since the date of the first post in the group to control these correlations.
Table 3 shows that activity and networking behavior are positively correlated in the AIDS-denialist community. The strongest correlation is between the number of the users’ “friends’ within the group (degree) and the number of received likes, so members who receive more positive feedback are more central. Thus, leadership in the online AIDS-denialist community is associated with a larger number of “friendship” ties. This result is consistent with previous findings, which suggests that leaders could be identified as those, who have the highest frequency of posts and the highest network centrality (Carron-Arthur et al., 2016; Gruzd & Haythornthwaite, 2013; Schweizer, Leimeister, & Krcmar, 2006; Stewart & Abidi, 2012).
Relation Between “Friendship” Network Centrality and Communication Activity of Users.
N = 1,719. bN = 5,695. cN = 5,419. dN = 1,571.
Pearson correlation is significant at the .01 level (two-sided).
But are these leaders actual AIDS denialists? To verify this, we conducted a content analysis of posts and comments to identify HIV status and attitudes toward AIDS-denialism beliefs. We analyzed only 1,434 users because not all members contribute by posting a text. The rest of the members just give “likes,” which is not enough to identify these attributes. It was found that 528 members were adherents of AIDS-denialism beliefs, 168 members posted sentences in favor of the medical “orthodoxy,” 232 members expressed doubts toward both dissident and “orthodox” theories and chose neither of them, 506 members posted nothing to reliably identify their HIV beliefs (in total 4,768 together with nonposters). We mapped members’ attitudes on the “friendship” network (Figure 1). The graph visualization shows the largest cluster of cohesive and highly active members is the core of the AIDS denialists.
Finally, we ran a logistic regression to test relationships between adherence to AIDS denialism and online behaviors within the group. Four kinds of user properties were used: activity (measured as the number of posted messages, “likes,” and received feedback “likes”); “friendship” network centrality (measured as degree, betweenness, and closeness centrality); inclusion into “friendship” network clusters (clusters were obtained by applying the Louvain algorithm [Blondel, Guillaume, Lambiotte, & Lefebvre, 2008]); and available user’s metadata as control variables (gender; total number of friends on SNS and HIV status; see Table 4).
Logistic Regression Model, Unstandardized Coefficients.
p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
The model indicates that adherence to AIDS denialism is positively and significantly related to the number of posts and received “likes,” which is consistent with high activity of group leaders. Somewhat surprisingly, the number of comments has a weak negative effect on adherence to AIDS denialism, this may mean that a large number of comments indicates user’s uncertainty. User’s inclusiveness into certain “friendship” network clusters shows the strongest effect in the model, but different types of centrality have no effect at all. Finally, male users are a slightly more likely to be dedicated AIDS denialists than females. Thus, adherence to AIDS denialism is associated mostly with high user online activity and inclusiveness into some community clusters. In general, this community structure is similar to other social networks found in health-related online groups (e.g., Chomutare et al., 2013; Cobb et al., 2010; Gruzd & Haythornthwaite, 2013; Stewart & Abidi, 2012).
Identifying the Risk Group Potentially Susceptible to Becoming AIDS Denialists
For further analysis, we defined the core of dedicated AIDS denialists as members who share AIDS-denialism beliefs and are connected by “friendship” relations with at least one other dedicated member. This core counts 276 users. Furthermore, we can identify a certain set of users who are more likely to be affected by them—the risk group. The periphery is too large, full of accidental users, and not sufficiently differentiated to effectively determine the risk group within it.
We used social contagion theory as a theoretical framework. According to Dictionary of Psychology social contagion is the spread of ideas, attitudes, or behavior patterns in a group through imitation and conformity (Colman, 2008). According to the social contagion theory, a direct interaction between an ordinary member and a core member bears the risk of the former being affected and adopting AIDS-denialist ideas. Thus, in this study, risk group was defined as a set of peripheral members who engage with core members through comments and especially through “likes.”
Studies comparing posters and lurkers in online health-related self-help groups showed posters scored significantly higher in receiving emotional and informational support compared with lurkers (Mo & Coulson, 2010; Setoyama et al., 2011). Likewise, Chen and Shi (2015) reported that informational and emotional support increases with a greater intensity of communication in HIV/AIDS online group. Thus, the members with the greater intensity of interactions are more exposed to be affected by AIDS-denialism beliefs in our case.
The graph metrics of communication network are shown in Table 5.
Graph Metrics for Communication (Commenting and Liking) Network.
Core AIDS denialists who were determined in previous analysis were found within the communication network. The page of the group itself was included in the network and assigned to the core. The highest relative frequency of interaction (Table 5) indicates that communication between core members and other users takes an important place in group activity. However, communication inside the core is much more intensive than core–periphery communication and all the more than among periphery. We suppose, there is some sort of echo-chamber effect—AIDS denialists comment and “like” each other reinforcing the support of their beliefs.
To identify the risk group, the network was transformed in the following way:
Only the core–periphery ties were considered.
The lower and upper thresholds were set for weighted degree among peripheral members to cut off accidental members and members who are suspiciously heavily involved in interaction with the core (high engagement with the core at least indicates a good awareness of AIDS-denialism tenets). The lower threshold for weighted degree was 3. As an upper threshold, 1% of peripheral members with highest weighted degree were cut off. A share of users were cut off because network properties such as weighted degree have no growth limit (Clauset, Shalizi, & Newman, 2009).
The transformed network counts 1,889 nodes and the preliminary risk group—1,650. Adherence to AIDS denialism determined through content analysis allows us to verify and clarify the composition of the actual risk group.
The preliminary risk group composition:
A total of 181 members were adherent AIDS denialists (34.2% from all dedicated AIDS denialists).
A total of 100 members shared “orthodox” beliefs (59.5% from all detected “orthodox” members).
A total of 185 members were doubting and undecided (79.7% from all doubting members). The highest percentages of doubting members in the risk group shows a high accuracy of network approach based on the social contagion theory to identify a risk group of possible AIDS-denialism adopters.
Beliefs of 1,184 members remain unknown. There were 314 users among them, who were coded in content analysis and that is 62% from all unknown members who appeared in the risk group.
Dedicated AIDS denialists and “orthodox” users were excluded from the final risk group, as the first are already AIDS denialists, and the second have stable proscience views and even criticize dissidents. Thus, the final risk group counts 1,369 users and almost all doubting members (79.7% from all) appear in the risk group (Figure 2).

Communication network between the core members and the final risk group (red—AIDS denialists; yellow—doubting members; gray—unknown; larger vertex size = higher activity).
Discussion
Summary of Findings
This study investigated the AIDS-denialist online community on the leading Russian SNS. Using social network analysis combined with content analysis, we have identified the core of online community—a cohesive set of devoted AIDS denialists, and the risk group, which is not equal to all peripheral members appearing in the online group. The risk group is a set of users who engage with core members through online communication and may be more susceptible to the AIDS-denialist propaganda. The analysis allowed us to significantly reduce the target audience for possible intervention campaigns and simultaneously increase the accuracy of the risk group composition (1,369 users from the risk group is more than 10 times less than whole online group population counting over 15,000 users).
Risk Group and Potential Health Behavior Outcomes
As online health information–seeking behavior is one of the sources for illness representation, it leads to changes in illness cognition (Hagger & Orbell, 2003) and usually positive changes in medical outcomes (Jamal et al., 2015; Longo et al., 2010; Siliquini et al., 2011). Partaking in online health-related community may affect actual health behavior greater than just online health information seeking because social contacts strengthen the effect on illness representation or coping motivation of a patient (Cobb et al., 2010). Therefore, partaking in harmful health-related online communities raises a risk of misinformation, adverse changes in coping behavior, and negative health outcomes. The available data (Meylakhs et al., 2014) indicate that interactions with core AIDS denialists in the online community raises and enhances doubts of some newcomers about standard illness representation—causes, consequences, timeline, identity, and controllability of HIV/AIDS. Being part of the risk group that we have identified in our study means to be more exposed to the patterns of AIDS-denialist coping behavior. Individuals from the risk group may follow some of such patterns: refuse HIV testing and antiretroviral treatment, stop visiting AIDS centers, and stop tracing medical indicators (Bogart & Bird, 2003; Bogart et al., 2011; Bohnert & Latkin, 2009; Kalichman et al., 2010). Thus, information interventions are needed to prevent their adoption of AIDS denialism and its further spread.
More research on influence of AIDS denialism on HIV-positive online group members is needed. Of particular interest are longitudinal and case control studies that could detect the size of the effect of AIDS-denialist propaganda that is communicated from hard-core denialists to the risk group, different factors associated with higher or lower susceptibility to AIDS-denialist views, and real health behavior changes that occur after having become an AIDS denialist.
Limitations
The approach we use in community definition, considering posters and likers only as group’s members has some limitations, the most important being that “lurkers” and passive audience of group subscribers are excluded from the research focus. They can possibly be affected by the group’s content and adopt AIDS-denialism ideas without direct interactions with group members. Another limitation is that we analyze only publically available data on users’ interactions and exclude private messages exchanged between them, which are inaccessible due to technical and ethical reasons. Another limitation of this study is that we do not have data on real health behaviors of group members and, therefore, cannot observe specific changes in their coping behaviors and health outcomes occurred under the community’s influence. Furthermore, we do not have data on personal biographies and the context of participation such as coming to the online community before or after the diagnosis which may influence user’s perception of and attitude to AIDS denialism. Finally, a methodological limitation is that the community detection algorithm used in the study does not identify overlapping communities in the friendship network.
Footnotes
Authors’ Note
The study received funding from the projects “Internet Use and Internet Users: Cross-country and Cross-regional Comparisons” in 2016 and “Health Economics: Developing Practical Tools for Making of Decisions in Healthcare” in 2017, both carried out within the framework of the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE). The empirical data were collected by using the “VKGroups” and the “VKContentNet” software developed in the “Center for Sociological and Internet Research,” Saint Petersburg State University. An earlier version of this article was presented at the 2016 International Conference on Social Media & Society.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article: This study received funding from the projects “Internet Use and Internet Users: Cross-country and Cross-regional Comparisons” and “Health Economics: Developing Practical Tools for Making of Decisions in Health Care.”
