The Problem of Overgeneralization: The Case of Mental Health Problems and U.S. Violent White Supremacists

Abstract

One of the oldest and most controversial issues in the study of terrorism involves the mental health status among actors who commit this type of violence. A consensus has emerged among scholars that terrorists are relatively normal in terms of mental health, and thus, studying mental health is not a useful line of investigation. In contrast, we find a large portion of our sample of former violent U.S. White supremacists report mental health problems before and/or during their involvement. Individuals with mental health problems may be attracted to the White supremacist movement because of the ideological similarities to certain types of mental health symptoms such as paranoia, elevated levels of anger, and a sense of persecution. Additionally, results suggest that violent White supremacist groups do not actively filter prospective or current members for mental health problems. Findings provide evidence for the ongoing need to examine mental health factors among a variety of terrorist organizations and suggest that the emerging consensus may be an example of overgeneralization.

Keywords

political violence extremism mental health

Introduction

Research on terrorism has grown substantially since 9/11, and these efforts have increased our knowledge in significant ways (Silke, 2007); however, a number of questions remain unanswered. One of the oldest and most controversial questions involve the mental health status of actors who perpetuate this type of violence. Acts of terrorism are intended to instill fear in a population or government and commonly result in the physical harm or death of civilians (Hoffman, 2006). The purposeful, violent, and destructive nature of terrorism suggests that perpetrators may suffer from mental health pathologies when compared with members of the general population.¹ As such, early terrorism studies focused on identifying distinct personality types or personality profiles with little success (Crenshaw, 1981; Laqueur, 1987; Pearlstein, 1991; Post, 1990; Victoroff, 2005). More recently, terrorism scholars have reached the consensus that terrorists are “surprisingly normal in terms of mental health” (Sageman, 2004, p. 83; see also Bakker, 2006; Hoffman, 2006; Silke, 2008). For instance, Post (2005) concluded, “The concepts of abnormality or psychopathology are not useful in understanding terrorist psychology and behavior” (p. 616). Additionally, scholars argue that when individual extremists suffer from mental health problems, terror organizations prevent these individuals from joining or remove them after detecting their instability due to the liability these individuals pose (Horgan, 2005; Post & Gold, 2002).

In this article, we explore the relationship between mental health issues and terrorism by examining a sample of violent U.S. White supremacists. We argue that the consensus surrounding the psychological normality of terrorists is premature and reflects the problem of overgeneralization. As part of overgeneralization, the current consensus ignores conflicting evidence that suggests a more complex relationship (see Gill & Comer, 2017; Gottschalk & Gottschalk, 2004; Gruenwald, Chermak, & Freilich, 2013; Weenink, 2015). Overgeneralization as it relates to mental health and terrorism studies reflects the tendency to apply findings from a limited number of samples based on a limited range of ideological orientations more broadly than is warranted (Bamber, Christensen, & Gaver, 2000). Although the relationship between mental health and terrorism is dismissed in a number of studies, we highlight the ongoing need for research in this area and present findings on the topic from a sample of U.S. violent White supremacists. Specifically, we provide evidence demonstrating heightened levels of mental health problems among our sample and explain why movements associated with the U.S. far right might be inclined to accept such individuals as members of their organizations. We address these issues using a sample of individuals who were involved in violent acts motivated by ideological concerns directed toward civilian populations, which is consistent with various definitions of terrorism (Crenshaw, 1991; Schmid, 2012).

The following section begins by reviewing the existing literature on mental health in the United States and its relationship to violence. Next, we review the literature that highlights the existing consensus regarding mental health and terrorism and then discuss the U.S. White supremacist movement and the methodology used to examine mental health among former members of U.S. White supremacist movements. Last, we discuss the study findings and conclude with recommendations for policy and additional research on mental health and terrorism.

Mental Health in the United States

Generally speaking, a mental health problem refers to a condition that adversely affects a person’s psychological and emotional well-being (e.g., how we think, feel, act, relate to others, and manage stress) and exert varying levels of impact on a person’s daily life (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.). Additionally, biological factors (e.g., genes and brain chemistry) and life experiences (e.g., trauma, abuse) both contribute to mental wellness and illness (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.). Furthermore, mental wellness and mental health disorders should be considered “points on a spectrum” with sometimes ambiguous boundaries that separate the two (Taslitz, 2007).

Recent evidence suggests that an estimated 4.1% of Americans aged 18 years and older experienced severe mental illness, while 18.6% of adults experienced symptoms of any mental illness in the past 12 months (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2012). Additionally, 3.9% of adults aged 18 years or older had serious thoughts of suicide in the past year (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2012). Some of the most common disorders in terms of prevalence rates include anxiety disorders (28.8%), impulse-control disorders (24.8%), mood disorders (20.8%), major depressive disorders (16.6%), and substance use disorders (14.6%) (Kessler & Wang, 2008).

A large number of studies have examined the relationship between mental health and violence (e.g., see Stuart, 2003). Studies offer conflicting conclusions regarding the prevalence of violent behaviors among persons with mental illness (Link & Stueve, 1994; Slate & Johnson, 2008; Torrey, 1998). Many researchers argue that most individuals with mental health disorders are no more likely to be violent than members of the general population (Friedman, 2006; Hiday, 1995; McCampbell, 2001; Scott & Resnick, 2006); however, other scholars have found a significant relationship between mental illness and violent behavior (Brennan, Mednick, & Hodgins, 2000; Nordstrom & Kullgren, 2003). While a straightforward causal relationship between mental illness and violence is not supported by the empirical evidence, this does not mean that the two are completely unrelated.

The Consensus on Mental Health and Terrorism

The overarching scholarly consensus describes terrorists as individuals with “normal” backgrounds who are no more likely to suffer from mental health problems than the average person (Crenshaw, 1981; Hewitt, 2003; Horgan, 2005; Merari, 2010; Post, 2005; Sageman, 2004; Silke, 1998; Venhaus, 2010). Research supporting the normalcy consensus found that subjects did not suffer from Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) Axis I diagnosis (Post & Gold, 2002), had childhood backgrounds that were normal and absent of conduct disorders² (Sageman, 2004), and were surprisingly “intelligent” and “humorous” with no symptoms of psychosis and demonstrating “no particular personality type” (Crenshaw, 1981, p. 390). Some scholars also argue that the act of suicide bombing to achieve martyrdom is not indicative of a mental health disorder because the behavior is considered honorable in some subcultures (Sageman, 2004). Indeed, Silke (1998) conducted one of the most comprehensive and critical reviews on the topic of mental health and terrorism and concluded that such a relationship is overstated and largely inaccurate (Silke, 1998).

As opposed to mental health, the normalcy consensus focuses on a variety of other social and political factors to explain involvement in terrorism (Post & Gold, 2002; Sageman, 2004). For instance, scholars argue that group dynamics and organizational psychology (rather than individual pathology) best explain terrorist involvement (Horgan 2010; Post, 2005; Post & Gold, 2002). These studies are informative; however, myriad conditions serve to catalyze violent behavior, and it seems premature to avoid further study of the potential link between terrorism and mental health problems (Weine et al., 2015).

While the existing consensus suggests the psychological normalcy of terrorists, a comprehensive review of the literature provides a more complicated picture with findings that provide some support for the association between mental health problems and terrorism (Gottschalk & Gottschalk, 2004; Gruenwald et al., 2013; Spaaij, 2010; Weenink, 2015). For instance, research that examined both Palestinian and Israeli terrorists found heightened levels on the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 subscales that measure indicators of psychopathology, paranoia, depression, and schizophrenia (Gottschalk & Gottschaulk, 2004). Another study that examined police files of radical Islamists found that the prevalence of mental health problems was higher than what is found among the general population (Weenink, 2015). When examining a specific method of terrorism, research on mental health and suicide bombing found more than one third of the individuals who engage in this type of violence had preexisting suicidal tendencies (Merari, 2010). Indeed, this characteristic “may have played an important role in their willingness to become martyrs” (Merari, 2010, p. 119).

Examinations of far-right terrorist incidents also find elevated levels of mental health issues among “loners” or lone actors (Corner & Gill, 2015; Gruenwald et al., 2013; Spaaij, 2010). One possible explanation for these findings is that individuals with mental health problems prefer to operate alone or they are denied group membership during a screening phase (Corner & Gill, 2015; Horgan, 2005; Post & Gold, 2002; Spaaij, 2010). Specifically, researchers argue that terrorist groups may “expel” or “exclude” individuals who are emotionally unstable, pathological, or disturbed because they represent a “security risk” and threaten to destabilize the group (Post, 2005, p. 617; Post & Gold, 2002, p. 89). Another possibility, however, is that open source data may include more exhaustive examinations of lone terrorist offenders as compared with members of terror groups. In this respect, it is likely that open source data underestimate the extent of mental health problems among members of terror groups.

Although a comprehensive understanding on the topic is incomplete, existing studies that constitute the normalcy consensus cast a wider “net” than is warranted. Indeed, attempts to discourage further research regarding the relationship between mental health and terrorism may be an example of “knowledge destruction techniques” (Andrews & Bonta, 2010). Given the extent to which conflicting research exists on the relationship between mental health disorders and terrorism, scholars should be cautious about uncritically accepting the current consensus. In contrast, we agree with recent assertions that “the evidence for normality . . . is less unambiguous than currently accepted” (Weenink, 2015, p. 18) and calls for additional research on the subject. This study helps fill this need by examining mental health among former members of violent U.S. White supremacist groups. However, before addressing this question it is necessary to describe the White supremacist movement and its history of involvement in domestic terrorism.

White Supremacist Movement

White supremacists adhere to ideological beliefs that involve genocidal fantasies against Jews, Blacks, Hispanics, gays, and anyone else who might be opposed to White power. White supremacists see themselves as victims of a world that fails to acknowledge their natural superiority (Berbrier, 2000; Blee, 2002), and they desire a racially exclusive society where non-Whites and other people who they believe to be subhuman are vanquished, segregated, or at least subordinated to Aryan authority (Simi, 2010). White supremacist movements include a broad overlapping web of groups such as Ku Klux Klans, neo-Nazis, Christian Identity, racist neo-Pagan believers, and racist skinheads.³ Members of White supremacist movements have a long history of violence and are one of the oldest groups in the United States to engage in domestic terrorism (Blee, 2005; Chalmers, 1965; Simi, 2010; Trelease, 1971); therefore, we asked the following research question, “To what extent are mental health problems found among a sample of U.S. violent White supremacists?”

Method

Data and Analysis

This study utilizes a life history methodology with a sample of former members of violent White supremacist groups to examine experiences before, during, and after involvement. The interview format involved both structured and unstructured components to examine subjects’ earliest memories moving forward to the present. Members of the sample provided a rich and detailed history of their lives that involved themes such as family socialization, mental health and family history of mental health, romantic relationships, job attainment and stability, reasons for joining and leaving extremism, and involvement in criminal and violent behavior. Life history interviews are commonly used by social scientists as a tool to gather data pertaining to self-concept, social relations, and the biographical experiences that influence human development.

This methodology provided rich data to help understand the development of mental health problems and how the symptoms were linked with involvement in the White supremacist movement. The second author’s long-term ethnographic fieldwork with far-right extremists provided the basis for initial contacts with former White supremacists. Additionally, a snowball sampling technique was used where each of the initial subjects was asked to provide referrals to other former extremists who might be willing to participate in the study. This technique produced contacts that would not otherwise be accessible using traditional means of contact such as the Internet or mailing lists (Fleisher, 2000; Wright, Decker, Redfern, & Smith, 1992). Multiple individuals were used to generate unique snowballs, and thus, only a small segment of the subjects was acquainted with one another. Interview sessions averaged between 4 and 5 hours; however, a small segment of subjects participated in extended interviews that involved dozens of interview hours over the span of several days. Subjects lived in 15 different states across all regions of the country. Interviews were conducted in public settings such as restaurants and coffee shops and private settings such as the subjects’ home.

In terms of mental health, subjects were asked whether a medical practitioner had ever diagnosed the person with a mental health problem. Subjects who responded affirmatively were probed for further details, including the specific diagnosis, when this diagnosis occurred, and various other details related to the issue. In addition to self-reports regarding physician diagnoses, we also coded self-reports of suicide attempts and other relatively clear instances of maladjusted behavior (e.g., self-mutilation) as evidence of mental health problems. Alcohol and substance abuse can also be viewed as a type of mental health problem and, in fact, is listed in the DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Substance use problems, however, were coded separately from all other mental health problems, and findings regarding substance use problems are reported as distinct frequencies. We did this to prevent inflating the mental health findings given the ubiquitous nature of substance abuse within the White supremacist culture (Hamm, 1993; Simi & Futrell, 2009, 2010).

All interviews were tape recorded, transcribed, and analyzed. In-depth qualitative studies are appropriate for developing theoretical models and analyzing social processes (Becker, 1966; Carlsson, 2013). We analyzed the data using a modified grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2006; see also Berg, 2007; Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Miles & Huberman, 1994) that included various coding steps, such as open or line-by-line coding and comparative coding to determine differences and similarities within and across our subjects. These techniques helped us identify and extract relevant empirical and conceptual properties present in our data. Codes were used to organize the data into similar concepts. Deductive codes were identified from the existing literature, while inductive codes emerged from the initial phase of “line-by-line” analysis (Berg, 2007; Charmaz, 2006; Lofland, Snow, Anderson, & Lofland, 2006).

Sample Characteristics

Respondents included 38 male and 6 female subjects representing a wide variation in terms of age and socioeconomic status. Three subjects were between the ages of 19 and 25 years, 6 subjects were between the ages of 26 and 35 years, 33 subjects were between the ages of 36 and 45 years, and 2 subjects were aged 46 years or older. With regard to current socioeconomic status, 4 individuals described themselves as lower class, 20 as working class, 15 as middle class, and 5 as upper class. The wide distribution of socioeconomic status is consistent with previous studies of White supremacists (Aho, 1990; Blee, 2002). The level of group involvement for members of our sample included 7 individuals who founded a White supremacist group and 37 subjects who were either core or peripheral members. Overall, the length of participation among the subjects ranged from 3 to 21 years. Only three subjects were raised in a household with immediate relatives who were involved in extremist groups; however, a majority of the subjects (n = 28) were socialized during childhood with ideas somewhat consistent with White supremacist ideology such as racism and/or anti-Semitism.

Findings

Frequencies

As previously described, the overarching consensus among terrorism scholars suggests that mental health factors are irrelevant to the study of terrorism (Silke, 1998). We argue that the consensus surrounding this topic is an example of overgeneralization, and in contrast, a majority of our sample reported experiencing mental health problems either preceding or during their extremist involvement (57%), and almost two thirds (62%) of the interview subjects reported attempting suicide and/or seriously considered suicide. In terms of substance use, 73% of the subjects reported having problems with alcohol and/or illegal drugs. More specifically, 64% of the subjects reported experimenting with illegal drugs and/or alcohol prior to age 16 years. Early experimentation with alcohol and illegal drugs is typically an indication of a more general high-risk lifestyle and predicts a variety of unhealthy outcomes (Calvert, Bucholz, & Steger-May, 2010).

Finally, a majority of subjects reported a family history of mental health problems (59%). Family history of mental health problems is important for a variety of reasons. First, some mental health problems may be hereditary and thus more likely to be transmitted from one generation to the next (Biederman, Faraone, Keenan, Knee, & Tsuang, 1990; Sullivan, Neale, & Kendler, 2000). Second, simply living in an environment characterized with mental health problems may increase the likelihood of onset by means other than biology. Indeed, the risk factors that violent extremists experience during childhood and adolescence are numerous and may lead to later participation in violent extremist organizations (Simi, Sporer, & Bubolz, 2016). Additionally, mental health problems may be more common among members of the White supremacist movement because of lifestyle choices immediately preceding or during movement involvement. Substance abuse is common among White supremacist members (Bjoro, 1997; Bubolz & Simi, 2015; Simi et al., 2016), and prolonged use may lead to cognitive disorders (Williams & Skinner, 1990; Zeigler et al., 2005), including an increase in anxiety (Prat, Adan, Perez-Pamies, & Sanchez-Turet, 2008), depressive disorders (Bavring & Olbrich, 1996; Merikangas & Gelernter, 1990), and suicidal tendencies (Bavring & Olbrich, 1996). We conclude by discussing how some White supremacist groups were receptive toward individuals with mental health problems, which we refer to as a mutual attraction based on the congruence that exists between mental health problems and the ideological characteristics of White supremacist groups. To provide additional context, we elaborate on these finding in the section below by using in-depth qualitative data.

Qualitative Context

The following section provides detailed accounts that are drawn from the life history narratives. As stated above, our research findings are consistent with a number of studies that also support the idea that mental health plays an important role in violent extremism. At the same time, our findings contrast with earlier studies that suggest that terrorist groups uniformly filter and exclude individuals with mental health problems from participation because of the potential threat that they represent to the organization. We suggest that there is likely substantial variation in the filtering process across different types of violent extremist organizations.

Mental Health Problems and Attraction to the Group

Numerous studies have highlighted the issue of mental health problems among current or former terrorists; however, few studies have relied on in-depth qualitative data to examine the relationship. Findings from this study illustrate how terrorist groups may attract individuals with a history of mental health problems because the group may align with certain personality characteristics (Jager, Schmidtchen, & Suellwold, 1981). Furthermore, individuals with a history of mental health problems may have been disproportionately rejected by conventional social networks and, thus, drawn toward marginalized social groups such as an extremist organization.

The White supremacist movement’s collective sense of alienation from mainstream society may resonate with someone who possesses a similar sense of personal persecution. In turn, White supremacist organizations may target individuals with specific anxieties and depressive mind-sets because they may be more likely to be receptive to the ideology (Blazak, 2001). For many participants in the current study, trauma and mental health issues began early in life, and these experiences contributed to later involvement in the White supremacist movement. Specifically, study participants that we analyzed described numerous incidents of traumatic events that occurred during childhood and were also indicative of mental health problems. For instance, the following subject described the co-occurrence of suicidal behavior and extreme forms of violence during adolescence all of which occurred before his involvement in violent extremism.

When I was a kid, I was hospitalized three times for one-month periods for psych assessment as a result of suicide attempts. Each were overdoses. . . . The first suicide attempt was at 12, but I was not hospitalized. Second attempt I was 14, 15, and that’s when they all happened. Then the last one resulted in a three-month forensic lockdown unit. It was like an adolescent suicide treatment center is how they described it. . . . I went to a medical doctor once, probably ’99, maybe ’98. I was like, ‘I’m nuts. I can’t stop fucking hurting people,’ and he said I was epileptic. . . . He wanted to prescribe me Epival because he said my bad behavior was impossible to stop and that seizure medication would help me. (Dean, April 15, 2012)

Previous research demonstrates that childhood risk factors such as physical abuse, emotional and physical neglect, parental abandonment, living in households with substance abuse, family disruption, and witnessing serious forms of violence lead to cumulative disadvantage that results in adolescent conduct problems and eventual participation in violent extremism (Simi et al., 2016). Dean was homeless beginning at the age of 12 years and lived on the streets until his early 20s. The negative conditions he experienced preceded his first suicide attempt at the age of 12 years. Prior to leaving home, his childhood memories include sexual abuse, physical abuse, and his mother’s “psychotic breakdown” that involved trying to burn the family home to the ground. Around the age of 18 years, a White supremacist group approached him and provided shelter and propaganda in the form of literature and music. Dean described how the propaganda provided him with an explanation for his long history of negative life experiences. The interview data also revealed other subjects who described observing individuals with mental health problems who were attracted to the movement.

There’s a lot of bi-polar or what would fit the typical scenario of bipolar . . . there’s a lot of that in [the movement]. I think that’s one of the things that draws them. Because they are around other people like that. We had a few of those. I think a lot of our guys were just of a different breed really. . . . Like me, I can turn the violence off [snap] like that, you know, like a light switch, and there were a few guys that it took them a while to get over it. . . . To me, the ones that can’t are the ones you got to worry about . . . so like I said, we had guys that came and went and you could tell they weren’t playing on a full deck. (Darren, July 23, 2013)

Interestingly, Darren described the attraction that individuals with mental health problems may feel when presented with the opportunity to associate with others who may be experiencing similar mental health issues. The tendency to develop and maintain homogenous social networks (“birds of a feather flock together”) is a long-standing sociological finding (Kandel, 1978; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). For instance, research found that individuals with psychiatric disorders were more likely to marry and have children with a significant other that also had a psychiatric disorder (Nordsletten et al., 2016). These findings underscore how social similarities shape and influence the selection and maintenance of different types of relationships. The following individual offers her observations about the high prevalence of mental health problems among White supremacists and how these problems are exacerbated by movement participation.

I would say a lot [of people in the movement have mental health problems] because even when it came up . . . in kind of private conversations there were a lot of people that would admit to it. . . . I made a joke one time with a guy I knew for years about him [being] a crack baby and one of his friends is like “yeah his mom actually smoked crack when she was pregnant that’s not cool.” . . . I’ve known a couple people in the movement that have committed suicide that were depressed or on meds. . . . A lot I think too if you are kind of on the edge or maybe predisposed I think just a lot of the crap with it. The isolation and the paranoia and stuff can really bring it out. (Raven, April 29, 2014)

Research has consistently shown that individuals with mental health problems have difficulty managing positive social relationships and maintaining employment (Huxley & Thornicroft, 2003). Thus, individuals who feel excluded and isolated from traditional social groups may be inclined to join a deviant subculture for acceptance. Raven not only described how individuals who are “predisposed” may be more inclined to become involved in the movement but also described how movement characteristics may enhance certain aspects of mental health problems (Gill & Corner, 2017; Horgan, 2003). Indeed, research has shown that certain environmental “triggers” and stressful life events can exacerbate mental health problems for those who previously have been able to manage the symptoms under different circumstances (Lin, Ensel, Simeone, & Kuo, 1979). For instance, movement participation is often stigmatized, and members may feel increasingly rejected from mainstream society (Simi & Futrell, 2015). There is also a strong likelihood that members will be confronted with numerous and ongoing stressful events such as physical assaults, substance abuse, and relationship conflicts (Simi & Futrell, 2009). Although individuals may be attracted to the group because of “ideological likeness,” the unhealthy and sometimes dangerous conditions they encounter may further complicate preexisting psychiatric conditions (Gill & Corner, 2017; Horgan, 2003).

Lack of Group Filter

Previous studies regarding mental health and terrorism found that terrorist organizations engage in activities to filter, or screen, individuals with mental health problems from joining the group (Horgan, 2005, 2010; Post & Gold, 2002). Scholars argue that terror groups prevent individuals with mental health problems from joining because of the threat their instability poses to the maintenance of the group. In contrast, our data suggest that White supremacist organizations do not prevent members with mental health problems from joining and may actually prefer members with certain types of mental health problems. Instead of “screening” out individuals with mental health problems as other scholars have suggested (Horgan, 2005), we find a mutual attraction between unstable individuals and White supremacist movement organizations.

Yeah there were a lot of ‘em that had mental issues. . . . I think it had a lot to do with the kind of people these groups attract. You know people who are already on edge with not much stability in their lives. And the groups will pretty much take anyone who comes along. They don’t really care much you know they’re not very selective. They need bodies is really what’s it’s all about. (John September 14, 2016)

. . . when I came back from the Aryan Nation’s people that were doing all the drugs and where I said, “Oh, I’m going to get them clean,” but still kept doing the drugs with them. They were still around. They were no longer recruits but at the same time, they weren’t highly respected because everybody said they’re good for sending them out to get in a fight or do dirty work because they’re drunks and they do drugs and whatever. (Amy, June 23, 2012)

As illustrated, individuals with mental health problems, addictions, and other impulsive tendencies may provide an important function for the White supremacist movement as they may be more volatile. Indeed, the very act of repeatedly placing oneself in a position of danger without consideration for the consequences may be valued among various types of violent groups (Yablonsky, 1997, pp. 113-114). Our data suggest that individuals with mental health problems were not expelled because they posed a liability to group structure but rather valued for their ability to engage in impulsive forms of violence. Any potential liability the individual created for the group was outweighed by the benefit gained through an increased number of members willing to engage in violence and the old adage “beggars can’t be choosy.” The lack of screening may also reflect ineffective leadership among some segments of the White supremacist movement (Windisch, Ligon, & Simi, 2017).

Discussion and Conclusion

Although relatively little empirical research has been conducted as it relates to the mental health status of terrorists, a consensus exists that terrorists are no more likely to suffer from mental health problems than members of the general population. Scholars have debunked the misconception that terrorists are simply crazed lunatics, but the normalcy consensus has neglected contradictory evidence pointing to a relationship between mental health and this type of violence. As such, the normalcy consensus is both premature and extends beyond what the evidence warrants.

The current study found that the majority of our sample reported mental health problems that existed before or during involvement in politically motivated violence. Social movements based on antidemocratic principles and authoritarian impulses may attract individuals with certain predispositions such as mental instability. Of course, not all people who join White supremacist groups or other antidemocratic movements suffer from mental health problems, but rather, there may be a type of synergy that exists between unstable individuals and movements that valorize violence as a preferred mode of expression. Additionally, we found evidence that contradicts the existing conclusion that terrorist organizations screen and filter individuals with mental health problems from joining the organization. These individuals may not be screened during recruitment (Horgan, 2005) and, in fact, may be a preferred type of member because of ideological likeness and unrestrained violent tendencies.

The findings from this study conflict with the existing consensus on mental health and terrorism and point to two key issues. First, greater caution should be taken in terms of ascribing relevance (or the lack thereof) related to the issue of mental health among terrorists until a broader range of studies with a more diverse sample of extremist ideologies are analyzed. Second, it is possible that previous studies may underreport mental health problems due to methodological limitations. For instance, reports of trauma and mental health problems may not emerge during shorter, less in-depth interviews; interviews without multiple sessions; and/or interviews that do not directly address mental health issues. Studies relying on secondary or open sources may also underreport mental health problems. In short, there is a strong likelihood of “false negatives” when relying on open data sources to assess the prevalence of mental health problems. Conversely, it is also possible that our subjects overreported mental health problems, although we think that this is unlikely due to the generalized stigma associated with mental health disorders (Link & Phelan, 2001). Additional research that utilizes intensive life history focused on mental health among members of violent social movements would be beneficial and may change our understanding of the relationship between mental health problems and terrorism. If such a relationship is revealed through the use of rigorous research methodologies, we may be able to intervene in meaningful ways that reduces the likelihood of individuals participating in political violence.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded by the National Institute of Justice 2015-2019 ‘‘Empirical Assessment of Domestic Disengagement and Deradicalization (EAD3)’’ (NIJ - 2014-ZABX-0003), the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation (HFG) 2012-2014 “Desistance from Violent Right-Wing Extremism”, and the Department of Homeland Security 2013-2015 “Recruitment and Radicalization among Far-Right Terrorists.” The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as necessarily representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, HFG, or NIJ.

Notes

ORCID iD

Bryan F. Bubolz

Author Biographies

Bryan F. Bubolz is an assistant professor in the Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. His research interests include street gangs, desistance, violent extremism, and domestic terrorism.

Pete Simi is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology at Chapman University. His research focuses on political violence, social movements, and street gangs.

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