Unpacking Police and Policing in New York City Through the Lens of Caribbean Immigrants

Abstract

Immigrant perceptions of the police and policing hold important implications for police departments, police administrators and immigrants. In the aftermath of several police killings of African-Americans and the harsh and oppressive treatment of immigrants during the Donald Trump administration (January 20, 2017 to January 20, 2021), immigrants in the United States are becoming increasingly wary of the police. During the past three to four decades, research on immigrant perceptions of police and policing has proliferated, especially in the United States where a large number of immigrants reside. Despite the proliferation of scholarship on immigrant perceptions of police in host communities, research examining Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of police and policing is almost non-existent. In an attempt to bridge this gap, the current study utilized a qualitative approach to gather data from 37 Caribbean immigrants in New York City (Boroughs of Brooklyn, The Bronx, Queens, Manhattan, and Staten Island) between June and July 2023 to ascertain their perceptions of the police in New York City. The findings indicate a lack of confidence, high levels of distrust and avoidance of the police in New York City. Five themes emerged from the dataset, namely: (a) bias, (b) poor treatment of Blacks, people of color, minorities and immigrants, (c) unlikable, (d) caring professionals, and (e) avoidance.

Keywords

police immigrants perceptions Caribbean New York City

Introduction

In 2020, approximately 3.4% of the world’s population (258 million) was comprised of persons who resided in countries where they were not born (otherwise known as immigrants; Han et al., 2020). This immigrant population includes immigrants from every Caribbean island for which data are available, with Canada, United States, and the United Kingdom being prime destinations for Caribbean immigrants. The United States has historically been one of the jurisdictions to which people from disparate corners of the world migrate to (Chenane et al., 2017) and migration from the Caribbean to the United States is nothing new. Indeed, Foner (2001) noted that within the past four decades, there has been a colossal migration of Caribbean peoples to New York City, one which is deemed to be the largest influx of Caribbean immigrants in the history of Caribbean migration. This gargantuan migration of Caribbean peoples to New York City has implications for this grouping of migrants which includes, but is not limited to, acculturation and policing issues. Not surprisingly, data on Caribbean immigrants indicates that in 2019 there were approximately 4.5 million Caribbean immigrants residing in the United States and this represented 10% of 45 million immigrants or foreign-born population of the United States (Lorenzi & Batalova, 2022).

The data presented above points to the notion that the demographic picture of the United States is experiencing change (see Tamir & Anderson, 2022 for support). In addition to the data, research has indicated the presence of substantial populations of Hispanics, Asians, and Africans residing in the United States (Armenta & Rosales, 2019; M. I. Khondaker et al., 2017; Ndika, 2013; Tamir & Anderson, 2022; Wu et al., 2011) thus contributing to population differences in that jurisdiction. In the context of differences, approximately 30 years ago, Hall (1993, p. 43) argued that the central question of our time is how we develop “the capacity to live with difference.” Hall’s (1993) postulation is ever-more prescient in the 21st century in light of fears of immigrants, immigrants fear of police, inequality, and the inability of many American-born people to live with the differences of “the others” based on race, religion, socio-economic status, ethnicity, and immigration status.

Within the past 5 to 10 years, immigrants in America has been given increased attention with focus on the legal status of immigrants and their impact on the American economy. Despite this increased attention, it is argued that a neglected area of focus is understanding immigrants’ perceptions of the police (Choi, 2019; Jung et al., 2019; Wu, 2010). Admittedly, while there is some scholarly work on immigrant views of the police in the United States (Akinropo, 2018; Armenta & Rosales, 2019; Chenane et al., 2017; Wu et al., 2013, 2017) as well as in New York City (D. Chu et al., 2005; D. C. Chu & Song, 2015; M. S. Khondaker et al., 2016), much of the research focuses on Latino, Bangladeshi, Vietnamese, Chinese, Korean, and Arab immigrants. The result of this is that there is a gap in the research on Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of police and policing in New York City.

Instead of classifying all immigrants’ perceptions of the police and policing in New York City as the same, it is important to examine the perceptions of subgroups of immigrants as they have different cultures and may have different experiences with police officers and policing in their adopted social milieus. Therefore, as a result of cultural barriers, lingering threats of deportation, unfamiliarity with the criminal justice system (including the police), and the demanding acculturation process, it is important that the perceptions held by different immigrant groups toward police and policing in the United States are memorialized. As a result, the author of this article submits that there must be an exploration of different components of the police/immigrant nexus, that is, Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of police and policing in the United States and/or Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of police and policing within specific geographic locales in the United States.

Due to the aforementioned lacuna, the current study attempted to shed light on perceptions that Caribbean immigrants hold toward police officers and policing in New York City and is aimed at providing a deeper and more nuanced insight into the phenomenon under inquiry. The current research drew upon data gathered from five Caribbean immigrant rich Boroughs within New York City (Brooklyn, Queens, The Bronx, Manhattan, and Staten Island). The study’s participants were asked to provide personal insights, reflections, and perceptions of police officers in New York City based on their lived experiences, observations, and interactions with members of the NYPD. These perceptions are aimed at shedding light on the dynamics, challenges, and feelings of Caribbean immigrants in relation to police officers and policing in New York City and attempted to answer the following research questions (RQ):

RQ1: To what extent do Caribbean immigrants in New York City feel that they are fairly treated by members of the New York Police Department?

RQ2: Do Caribbean immigrants in New York City feel that they are treated with respect by members of the New York Police Department?

RQ3: Do Caribbean immigrants in New York City trust members of the New York Police Department?

RQ4: Do Caribbean immigrants in New York City have confidence in members of the New York Police Department?

RQ5: Are Caribbean immigrants in New York City given the opportunity to be heard by members of the New York Police Department?

RQ6: Are Caribbean immigrants in New York City treated in a biased manner by members of the New York Police Department?

Site Selection

New York City was selected as the site for this study as data by Lorenzi and Batalova (2022) indicated that for the period 2015 to 2019, New York was the second most populous state in the United States with Caribbean residents (25%), after Florida with (41%). Furthermore, as the researcher has easier access to Caribbean immigrants in New York City when compared to Florida, it was decided to situate the study in New York City. Additionally, Pelias (2011) submitted that New York City provides a dynamic vantage point to analyze the perspectives of Caribbean immigrants and to represent their voices and this provided another rationale for utilizing this locale. As New York City is a location with a multi-racial and multi-cultural society, it was viewed as a phrontistery for researching perceptions that Caribbean immigrants hold toward the police and policing in New York City and the factors that shape those perceptions.

Literature Review

Research on immigrants’ perception of policing and police officers is a relatively new, but growing area of scholarly inquiry, partly fueled by Capiophobia (fear of police) experienced by immigrant populations. As scholarship on Caribbean immigrants is limited to non-existent, literature from studies on other immigrants in the United States is used to highlight the phenomenon. Across the spectrum of immigrants, different groups of immigrants view and explain things differently due to cultural differences (Arisukwu, 2012). Therefore, understanding the specific perceptions of these disparate groups is important as it provides insights into their thinking, functioning, and culture (Ainsworth, 2002).

The postulation by Ainsworth (2002) and Arisukwu (2012) is supported by Crowder and Tedrow (2001) with specific reference to Caribbean immigrants in New York City as they submit that it is nearly impossible to sensibly compare Caribbean people in New York City to other racial and ethnic grouping. This is premised on the notion that Caribbean people in New York City are confronted with unique barriers and challenges due to their phenotype as being “Black,” though they share similar challenges faced by Asian and Latino immigrants. Importantly, this study expands the knowledge base of the immigrant/police intersection by providing insights into Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of police and policing.

In a study using data from over 400 Chinese immigrants, the authors examined issues of race/ethnicity, immigration, and policing with a focal point being the perceptions of Chinese immigrants toward the police. The results showed that the majority of Chinese immigrants rated the police positively in overall performance and specific areas of effectiveness, integrity, and demeanor (Wu et al., 2011). While in another study using 444 Chinese immigrants (151 from New York City and 293 from Toronto), the results indicated that Chinese immigrants in Toronto held more positive overall perceptions of the police than did their counterparts in New York City (D. C. Chu & Song, 2015) and this paints a not too convincing picture of the perceptions toward the police in New York City.

Research by Armenta and Rosales (2019) on Mexican immigrants’ perceptions of the police in Los Angeles and Philadelphia has indicated that Mexican immigrants express a great deal of ambivalence about the police in the United States. Similarly, in a study with 14 Nigerian immigrants residing in San Antonio, Texas, the author reported that the participants held overwhelmingly negative opinions about police in the United States (Akinropo, 2018). In a similar vein to Akinropo (2018), Pryce (2016) in a study conducted in Alexandria, VA, with 13 Ghanaian immigrants, reported that the study’s participants held negative perceptions of the police, specifically, that their skin color and foreign accent placed them in a disadvantageous position when dealing the local police.

Methods and Materials

Taguchi (2018) submitted that qualitative research is focused on the acquisition of knowledge and not on the measurement of influence or strength of relationships. Similarly, Eisenhardt and Graebner (2007) and Shahzad and Arslan (2023) pointed out that qualitative approaches are particularly useful for attaining practical insights from empirical insights when there is little existing knowledge about a phenomenon or when there is variance in the available scholarship. As there was little available scholarship on Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of the police in New York City, the study adopted a qualitative approach. Phenomenology was the qualitative approach used in this study as phenomenological research is aimed at exploring individuals’ lived experiences and the meanings they attribute to those experiences (van Manen, 2023). In light of the aforementioned, phenomenology was deemed most appropriate for this study as it was envisaged that the data from the participants experiences would allow them to attribute meanings to those experiences via their perceptions and through their lens.

Sampling

In this study, two non-probability sampling techniques were used as the selection of the sample was determined by the objectives of the research which were specific (van Manen, 2023). First, initial participants were selected purposively to elicit knowledge of the phenomenon under inquiry. Second, snowball sampling was used to recruit other participants who were recommended by members of the initial sample as they knew of persons who met the study’s criteria. The inclusion criteria for participants were that participants must be: (a) 18 years and older, (b) residing in New York City, (c) be a Caribbean immigrant, and (d) must have had contact with the NYPD.

Recruitment

Participants for this study were recruited using a variety of strategies. First, the researcher recruited Caribbean immigrants residing in New York City through his network of personal contacts. Second, the researcher asked the individuals who were initially recruited to recommend persons known to them (Caribbean immigrants) for participation in the study. Third, flyers were left at places in New York City that are known spots of congregation of Caribbean immigrants (market places, churches, West Indian restaurants, etc.) asking interested persons to contact the researcher. Finally, several NGOs and Caribbean community-based organizations were contacted, and they also provided participants for the study.

Data Collection

The data for this study were collected by way of a semi-structured interview guide which contained two sections and 25 questions. Section one collected demographic data, while section two contained open-ended questions. In section two, questions were posed to each participant in a fixed sequence while allowing the researcher the opportunity to probe partially answered questions and unresolved issues. The questions were aimed at garnering data on the participants’ perceptions of police and policing by the NYPD. Empirical data for this article is drawn from fieldwork conducted by the researcher over a period of 8 weeks, between June and July 2023.

In pursuit of knowledge from the participants, the researcher first gained the trust of all participants by informing reassuring them that the study was purely academic and information provided will be used only for research purposes, kept confidential, and not shared with anyone. The participants were also informed that they would not be judged, their identities will not be revealed, and that their participation in the study would facilitate enhanced knowledge on the relationship between the NYPD and Caribbean immigrants in New York City.

Twenty-one of the participants were interviewed face to face. The other 16 participants were interviewed over the telephone as they were unsure of the researcher and the researcher’s agenda (though this was explained) and were unwilling to meet physically. Another rationale proffered by the participants who were interviewed over the telephone was that the COVID-19 pandemic was not too long gone, and they were not keen to have in-person contact with the researcher. As a result, they were interviewed over the telephone. Furthermore, time constraints and distance between the researcher’s location and the participant’s areas of residence also precluded conducting some interview in a face-to-face manner. On average, the interviews lasted 45 to 55 min, were recorded with the consent of the participants, and later transcribed by the researcher.

After data were collected from the 37th participant, it was realized that data saturation was attained (Tight, 2024) and that collecting data from other participants would most likely not yield new information and that additional interviews would be redundant (Corbin & Straus, 2008; Creswell, 2014). In qualitative research, data saturation is the most frequent approach used to determine the adequacy of a sample. Thus, based on data saturation being attained, the researcher opined that the sample size was adequate enough for the study. This position is congruent with that of scholars Guest et al. (2006) and Neuman (2006) as it relates to sample size and data saturation in qualitative research.

Data Analysis

In qualitative research, there is a desire for transparency in the study’s outcomes, and this is usually evidenced through the data analysis. The outcome or final product (report, thesis, article, chapter) in qualitative research is constructed around “thick descriptions” defined as “a complete account. . .of the phenomena under investigation as well as the rich details of the data collection and analysis processes and interpretations of the findings” (Roller & Lavrakas, 2015, p. 363). An important component of this process is the rich, thick description of the process, and this revolves around detailing the development of codes as well as the coding procedures (Morrow, 2005). In light of this, the analysis as well as the development of codes and the coding procedures are highlighted and discussed in the following paragraphs.

As this study utilized a qualitative approach, the data analysis employed thematic analysis to analyze the narratives of the participants. Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-step approach to thematic analysis was utilized to seek out themes and answer the RQ. This involved the researcher becoming familiar with the data through constant reading and immersion of the researcher into the transcripts of the participants’ narratives, generating initial codes, generating initial themes, conducting reviews of the themes, defining and naming the themes, and constructing a report of the themes (writing up the themes). The study utilized open coding and inductive method as espoused by Maxwell (2005). In using this approach, the researcher did not have any pre-existing codes prior to beginning the coding process, but allowed the data analysis process to be conducted on the participants’ narratives and thus allow recurring ideas, thoughts, and ideas to come to the forefront before highlighting them as themes. The resulting transcripts were analyzed by the author of this article and used to elicit themes and to answer the RQ.

Participants

The 37 participants included 22 (i.e., n = 22) females and 15 (i.e., n = 15) males, who ranged in age from 30 to 68 years. Four participants fell into the age group 26 to 35, eight participants were aged 36 to 45, fourteen were in the age group 46 to 55, ten participants were aged between 56 to 65, and one participant was in the age group 66+. Twenty-nine of the participants self-identified as African descended, two as East Indian descended, two as mixed, and four as other. Twenty of the study’s participants resided in Brooklyn, nine resided in Queens, three resided in The Bronx, three in Manhattan, and two resided in Staten Island. Thirty-four of the participants indicated their socio-economic status as being middle class, whereas three indicated their socio-economic status as being lower-class. Eller et al. (2007) and Warren et al. (2006) both shared the view that people’s perceptions of the police are formed via evaluations and interpretations from: (a) direct, and/or (b) indirect contact with police officers where individuals generate specifically formed attitudes and judgments that are related to police departments, police officers and the profession of policing in general. In this study, every participant had both direct and indirect contacts with police officers in New York City.

Results

The results of this study are based solely on data elicitation conducted on the narratives of 37 Caribbean immigrants in New York City. It should be noted that during the interviews with the Caribbean immigrants, several participants skirted around some of the questions, others attempted to circumvent answering certain questions by asking the interviewer to answer the question (e.g., What do you think and how would you react if you were in my position?), while others gave partial responses to some questions, even after the researcher used probing questions to elicit the information. In keeping with good qualitative research practices, the researcher did not attempt to force and/or coerce participants when they appeared unwilling to provide answers to any of the questions. The researcher attributed the non-willingness to answer some of the questions to the sensitive nature of the study and unfamiliarity with the researcher.

As the study was qualitative in nature, carefully selected participant quotes are used to give participants a voice in the outcomes while contributing to credibility and transparency of the research. This position is emphasized by Morrow (2005, p. 256) who proffers the following: “An overemphasis on the researcher’s interpretations at the cost of participant quotes will leave the reader in doubt as to just where the interpretations came from [however] an excess of quotes will cause the reader to become lost in the morass of stories.” In sum, when carefully used, participant quotes contribute transparency to qualitative studies.

Answering the Research Questions

As it relates to RQ 1 (To what extent do Caribbean immigrants in New York City feel that they are fairly treated by members of the New York Police Department?), 27% of the participants reported that to a large extent they do not feel that they are treated fairly by members of the NYPD, 16% of the participants felt that to a large extent they were treated fairly, and 57% of the participants failed to proffer an answer to this question, even when probed. Answers to RQ2 (Do Caribbean immigrants in New York City feel that they are treated with respect by members of the New York Police Department?) revealed that approximately 51% of the sample felt that they were treated disrespectfully by police officers of the NYPD.

In terms of trust (RQ3: Do Caribbean immigrants in New York City trust members of the New York Police Department?), 32% of the Caribbean immigrants in this study indicated that they do not trust police officers and the NYPD as an organization, 22% of the sample indicated that they have great trust in members of the NYPD to conduct their policing mandates, and the remaining participants alluded to the notion of neither trusting nor having distrust for police officers and policing in New York City. Answers to the fourth RQ (Do Caribbean immigrants in New York City have confidence in members of the New York Police Department?) demonstrated a bit of equivalence as 41% of the Caribbean immigrants who participated in the study indicated that they have high levels of confidence in members of the NYPD, while 33% mentioned that they have no confidence in members of the NYPD.

Forty-six percent of the participants indicated that in their interactions with police officers of the NYPD, they were given the opportunity to be heard when making reports or when involved in situations of conflict (RQ5: Are Caribbean immigrants in New York City given the opportunity to be heard by members of the New York Police Department?). Conversely, 25% of the study’s participants indicated that they were not given the opportunity to be heard by members of the NYPD and were often shut down when seeking to provide explanations. In answering the final question (RQ6: Are Caribbean immigrants in New York City treated in a biased manner by members of the New York Police Department?), 35% of the participants in this study indicated that they felt and saw bias during their interactions with NYPD police officers, 20% of the participants felt that there was no bias exhibited to them, and the remaining participants pointed out that “it was neither here nor there with them.”

Themes

Several themes emerged from the dataset and this included, abuse, corrupt, uniformed gang, bias, professionals, and racism. However, the top five themes that emanated from the dataset are as follows: (a) bias, (b) poor treatment of Blacks, people of color, minorities, and immigrants, (c) dislike for the police, (d) caring professionals, and (e) avoidance. These themes are discussed below.

Theme 1: Poor Treatment of Blacks, People of Color, Minorities, and Immigrants

Participant 10 (a 51-year-old male—Queens) proffered the following view, “They have a tough job to do, but in many cases they treat black folks like we are still slaves”, while participant 11 (a 57-year-old female —Queens) stated, “My views on the police from the NYPD maybe biased and are primarily based on some of the circumstances that I have seen happening to young black men and men of color in New York at the hands of police officers who treat African-Americans and Black immigrants poorly.” According to participant 32 (55-year-old male —Staten Island):

While I respect the police in all countries, the history of corruption and abuse of people color, including the migrant population in NYC is frightening. I will not chance running into a bad one [police officer] as their training or lack of training could lead to innocent people being dead at the hands of NYPD police. I am especially fearful of driving while being black.

In a similar vein, participant 35 (30-year-old male—Brooklyn) opined, “They are a corrupt and systematically racist organization that aids in the victimization of minority persons and members of immigrant communities.” Another poignant view emanating from the narratives of the participants was that of participant 31 (68-year-old male—Brooklyn) who submitted the following, “They often times act like a uniformed gang and are not all honest and fair in their interactions with certain groups, like immigrants. They provide more support and benefits to rich and white communities more than others and make up numerous excuses for it.”

Theme 2: Police Officers as Professionals

Not surprisingly, some of the participants view members of the NYPD and their organization in a positive light and referred to them as professionals. For example, participant 7 (a 43-year-old male—Brooklyn) proffered the following, “Most are good officers; they treat people with respect and try to do their jobs to the best of their abilities.” Similarly, participant 12 (56-year-old male—Brooklyn), opined, “I think we have great cops in New York, it’s just that the bad ones let the good ones look bad, remember they are people just like us and we all has a job to do.”

Participant 18 (44-year-old female—Brooklyn) was adamant in support of the police in NYPD as she stated, “There are definitely great policemen in NYC. There is a great sense of mutual respect among them and individuals in communities/neighborhoods and schools.”

Another view on the professional nature of the police in New York City emanated from participant 15 (41-year-old male—Brooklyn) who submitted, “I have no issues with the police in NYC. They don't bother me personally. They are professionals who are here to do a job and I feel safer whenever they are around.” Participants 33 and 37 proffered support for the notion that members of the NYPD are professionals. According to participant 33 (51-year-old female—Brooklyn), “I view the police as helpful, generally unbiased and they gets the job done in a timely manner,” while participant 34 (57-year-old female—Brooklyn) pointed out, “Most of them [members of the NYPD] treats us fairly and professionally.”

Theme 3: Bias

Bias was an undercurrent running through the narratives of most participants. Some participants were blunt with their responses, whereas others were more expansive. For example, participants 2 and 3 stated, “They are biased against us [immigrants]” (participant 2—64-year-old female—Brooklyn) and “They can be very biased against people of color, mainly immigrants” (participant 3—56-year-old female—Brooklyn). A 46-year-old female participant (participant 26) from Queens was of the view that members of the NYPD can be fair, “However, within the last 10 years, the discrimination against blacks, whether immigrants or African American, seemed to have taken a racial undertone that is scary to be honest.” In a similar vein, to participant 26, another view that was proffered was, “I find the police from the New York Police Department abuses their power and treats Blacks unfairly” (51-year-old male—Queens).

Theme 4: Avoidance

The theme avoidance appeared in the narrative of several of the participants’ narratives as several participants mentioned “avoiding,” “keeping away,” “staying away,” and “not interacting” with members of the NYPD. However, this theme is succinctly captured in the narratives of two participants. In the words of participants 24 (30-year-old female immigrant—Brooklyn),

“I know to keep my head down and avoid them [the police] unless needed. Even when I see them engaging with us, I respect it and take note of it from a distance. I don’t want to come in contact with police unless it is necessary. The best way to do so is to avoid them all together unless a situation is happening where I truly believe their presence is required.” In a similar vein, participant 25 (52-year-old female —The Bronx) submitted, “I respect them, but do not want to have any interaction with them for any reason”, while participant 16 (51-year-old female—Brooklyn) stated quite stoically, “I don’t interact with them too much.”

Theme 5: Dislike for Police Officers

In response to the question regarding views of the police and policing in New York City, participant 5, a 63-year-old female from the Bronx, simply responded, “Not likeable.”

For another participant (49-year-old female—Manhattan), her response was:

I dislike the way the police in New York operate. For instance, they fake care on the beat to show face, but in a car accident, domestic violence situation, shooting or robbery, they have laughed, ignored, dismissed, lied, provoked and not protected immigrants, Blacks, and people of color. It’s upsetting to see them do this time and time again.

Discussion

This study set out to examine the perception held by Caribbean immigrants residing in New York City toward police and policing in that locale, and there are various contributions resulting from the current scholarship. For instance, a larger number of Caribbean immigrants in this study believed that they were not treated fairly (27%), when compared to those who felt that they were treated fairly by members of the NYPD (16%). This finding demonstrates the views of a small cross-section of the participants, nonetheless, it is a significant finding as it aligns to previous research indicating that immigrants are of the view that they are unfairly treated by police officers in host countries (Sarpong, 2021). On the other hand, 16% of the participants felt that they were treated fairly by members of the NYPD, and this position was previously espoused by Wu et al. (2011) in the context of Chinese immigrants views of the NYPD.

In the context of respect from the NYPD, more than half of the study’s participants (51%) felt that they were treated disrespectfully by police officers of the NYPD. This finding appears to be new as a wide search failed to unearth scholarship on immigrants and feelings of being treated in a disrespectful manner by police officers in host countries. As it relates to trust in the NYPD as exhibited by Caribbean residents in New York City, 32% of the Caribbean immigrants in this study indicated that they do not trust police officers and the NYPD, whereas 22% of the sample indicated that they have great trust in members of the NYPD. The findings of greater distrust than trust in members of the NYPD runs counter to the view of Bradford et al. (2017) who reported higher levels of immigrant trust in the police compared to native born individuals as well as higher levels of trust among recent immigrants. However, the participants in this study were residing in New York City for an average of 34 years and cannot be classed as recent. Thus, this finding appears a bit unique to Caribbean immigrants (though there were no native born individuals in this study).

The finding of greater distrust than trust for the NYPD by this study’s participants can be explained by the work of Cao (2014) and Sprott and Doob (2014) who pointed out that visible minorities (e.g., Caribbean immigrants) tend to report lower levels of trust in the police when compared to non-visible minorities. The findings of low levels of trust by Caribbean immigrants toward the NYPD can also be explained by the notion that ethnic minority immigrants, for example, Caribbean immigrants, will exude more distrust of the police in White-majority countries as a result of their “out-group” position (Blumer, 1958). Additionally, Pass et al. (2020) submitted that immigrants can be less trusting of police than non-immigrants, with immigrants’ views deteriorating as their length of residence in a host country increases, and this appears to be the case with this study’s population. Instructively, the lower level of trust in members of the NYPD by Caribbean immigrants has implications for a cohesive society as immigrants’ trust in institutions in host countries is an essential tool for social cohesion (Norris, 2017).

In terms of confidence reposed in the NYPD by Caribbean immigrants in New York City, 41% of the participants held high levels of confidence in members of the NYPD, whereas 33% had no confidence in the NYPD. This finding runs counter to that of Han et al. (2020) who argued that immigrants with citizenship in host countries reported higher level of confidence in the police. However, the majority of participants in this study did not hold U.S. citizenship, yet more participants had confidence in the police when compared to those who did not. Nonetheless, that a greater number of Caribbean immigrants in this study had confidence in the police can be explained by the pronouncement of Han et al. (2020) who pointed out that in societies with a variety of nationalities and a more discriminatory culture, immigrants reported higher levels of confidence in the police.

Forty-six percent of the immigrants who were interviewed indicated that in their interactions with police officers of the NYPD, they were given the opportunity to be heard when making reports or when involved in situations of conflict. Conversely, 25% of the study’s participants indicated that they were not given the opportunity to be heard by members of the NYPD and were often shut down when seeking to provide explanations. Thus, a great number of participants opined that they were given the opportunity to be heard and this is indeed noble. However, an undercurrent that ran through the narratives of the participants was that their concerns were not being addressed. Thus, even though the Caribbean immigrants generally felt that they were given a listening ear by the NYPD, it appeared to be token as their issues/problems and concerns were not addressed.

Thirty-five percent of the participants in this study indicated that they felt and saw bias during their interactions with NYPD police officers, whereas 20% of the participants felt that there was no bias exhibited to them. Thus, a greater number of Caribbean immigrants felt that they were treated unfairly by members of the NYPD. This finding has found support from Theodore and Habans (2016) who submitted that immigrants tend to perceived unfair treatment at the hands of police in host countries. Thomas et al. (2024) also supported this position as they pointed out that Black immigrants face elevated risks of being treated unfairly by the police. This perception of unfair treatment has the potential to contribute to social isolation and a lack of cooperation between immigrant populations and the police.

An analysis of the themes (a) bias, (b) poor treatment of Blacks, people of color, minorities, and immigrants, (c) dislike for the police, (d) caring professionals, and (e) avoidance indicates that they offer support to the answers to the research questions. As corroborated by other studies on immigrants (Pass et al., 2020; Sarpong, 2021), the participants in this study had more distrust than trust for the NYPD, disliked them, felt that the NYPD treated Blacks discourteously and with bias and thus they (Caribbean immigrants) either avoided contact with the police or attempted to avoid contact with them. Not surprisingly, the views held by the participants in this study can negatively impact the relationship that immigrants have with the police. With this in mind, it is imperative that the NYPD conduct public forums to inform immigrant populations on policing practices and procedures. The aforementioned position has found favor with legal socialization scholar Trinkner (2012) who is extremely vocal regarding this initiative.

The examination of Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of the police and policing in New York City aids in enhancing understandings of their relationship with the police. This understanding is key, “not only for debates in academic circles, but also in policy making” (Menjívar & Bejarano, 2004). Furthermore, perception of police and policing serves to shape how immigrants view and exercise the rights that are afforded to them, even though they are immigrants. Importantly, the findings of this study can be utilized as a platform for the improvement of relationships between Caribbean immigrants in New York City and members of the NYPD. The findings can also be extrapolated and utilized in other areas where there is a large concentration of immigrants from the Caribbean, especially in community policing as well as for the resolution of negative perceptions of police and policing that hinders effective policing.

The current research effort adds to the scholarship on immigrant life in the United States generally, but specifically in the context of Caribbean immigrants and their views of police and policing in New York City. The author of this article subscribes to the notion that the study of immigrants’ perceptions of the police cannot move forward in a meaningful manner unless more explicit and all-encompassing research is conducted using different immigrant groupings as proxies for research (Sun & Wu, 2018), hence the usage of Caribbean immigrants in this study.

Implications for Policing

From this study, there are practical implications for policing migrants by members of the NYPD. These implications were derived from the scientific literature as well as from the participants’ experiences. First, the study’s findings provide important insights into Caribbean immigrants’ views of police and policing by the NYPD, and this can serve as the impetus for improving relationships between the NYPD and the ever-increasing Caribbean immigrant population in New York City. Instructively, as Caribbean immigrants appear to hold generally negative perceptions of the NYPD, there is a need for improved relationships between both groups, and this can lead to greater cooperation between the NYPD and the Caribbean immigrant populations in New York City. Second, as a result of the rise in immigration from the Caribbean, the views of the Caribbean immigrant population in New York City is extremely important as their views can be used as a tool to understand this population. The views of the study’s participants can also be translated into actionable deliverables and used as a mechanism to successfully police immigrant populations across the United States, specifically, the Caribbean immigrant population.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

Most studies suffer from some form of limitations (Aguinis & Edwards, 2014), and this study is not the exception. In the context of this study, the major limitation was the relatively small sample size of 37 participants as this can limit generalizability of study’s findings. Despite the small sample size, the study was conceptualized qualitatively and was aimed at gathering rich, contextual data as well as ascertaining the existing state of affairs related to Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of the NYPD and not on the manipulation of variables. Importantly, due to the high level of rigor used by the researcher in the pursuit of this study, the findings are efficacious and useful. Due to the aforementioned limitations, this study can be viewed as a stepping stone which provides a platform for future research assessing the current findings as well as qualitatively and quantitatively elucidating the relationship between immigrant groups and police departments in United States by using a larger sample size.

Conclusion

This study was focused on a specific immigrant group—Caribbean immigrants in New York City, as immigrants come from different jurisdictions and might hold diverse perceptions which can cause differing worldviews. The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions that Caribbean immigrants in New York City hold toward police and policing in that locale. The study was also aimed at adding to the overall scholarship on Caribbean immigrants’ dynamics. The author of this article also attempted to address a lacuna in the scholarship on immigrants’ perceptions of the police by using Caribbean immigrants in New York City as proxies for the study. The results indicated that Caribbean immigrants in this study generally distrusted the police, avoided them, do not feel that they are treated fairly, and that they are treated with disrespect by members of the NYPD. However, due to the small sample size, caution is advised in attempting to juxtapose the findings of this study onto the larger Caribbean population in New York City.

In the future, this study can be replicated using a larger sample of Caribbean immigrants. This would facilitate greater understandings of different perceptions of a more diverse range of Caribbean immigrants in New York City as this is pertinent to engender a wider scope of experiences and perceptions that can assist the NYPD in policing this population. Indeed, knowing and understanding Caribbean immigrants’ perceptions of the NYPD can positively influence both policing and immigrant populations under inquiry in this study. The author of this article hopes that this article will be accessed by Caribbean immigrants and members of the NYPD, and it will enlighten the Caribbean immigrant population in terms of future interactions with the NYPD and empower members of the NYPD in policing immigrants as part of their policing mandate to ensure the safety and security of their constituents.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank the 37 individuals who participated in this study as well as the Caribbean individuals and organizations who acted as gatekeepers and provided suggestions and participants.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Wendell C. Wallace

Author Biography

Dr. Wendell C. Wallace is a Criminologist and a qualified Attorney-at-Law in Trinidad and Tobago and England and Wales. He is a Senior Lecturer on the Criminology and Criminal Justice programme at The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine and the coordinator of the Mediation Strudies Unit. Dr. Wallace is also a certified Mediator with the Mediation Board of Trinidad and Tobago. His research focuses on policing, violence (domestic and school), mediation, gangs, and issues in higher education. He is the author/editor of nine books (edited and sole author) and over forty-five journal articles in peer reviewed journals, such as, Feminist Criminology, British Journal of Criminology, Caribbean Journal of Criminology, Journal of Crime and Justice, and the Journal of Family Issues.

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