Supporting Disaster Relief Efforts Internationally: A Call to Counseling Psychologists

Displaying Cultural Sensitivity, Ethno-relativism, and Cultural Intelligence

It is critical for helpers to display certain attributes when engaged in disaster relief work. Ethno-relativism refers to a helper’s ability to view situations from multiple cultural perspectives. Often, there is a tendency for international professionals in any setting to engage in “cookie cutter” etic-based interventions without a clear understanding of how these interventions may apply to local communities and cultures (Ride & Bretherton, 2011). This is akin to a form of ethnocentrism where helpers assume their own cultural values and traditions are applicable to individuals in different contexts (Gerstein et al., 2015). This misapplication of interventions is well illustrated in the following example.

Culturally competent mental health practitioners and personnel from various social service agencies in the United States met to address and organize psychological services for the 2011 Great East Earthquake in Japan. Japanese mental health professionals trained in the United States were invited to provide guidance on the services needed because of their knowledge of Japanese culture. Based on their U.S. training, some of these Japanese mental health professionals suggested using certain types of psychotherapy (e.g., trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy). Upon review, professionals noted that although such U.S.-based psychological services had been successfully adapted to culturally diverse groups within the United States and several other countries, the assumption that these may apply to the Japanese community recovering from disaster could be premature and risky. Such interventions were further noted as irrelevant during the early stages of this relief work. What this example highlights is that merely holding a cultural background (e.g., nationality, language) similar to that of individuals in the disaster-stricken areas, or having academic and professional training in multicultural and/or cross-cultural competencies, does not automatically guarantee that someone will engage in culturally appropriate practice in a cross-national disaster response setting (Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018). Moreover, using U.S-based techniques can contribute to an etic perspective, promote a mindset of over pathologizing those affected by a disaster, and undermine the nature of human resiliency regardless of culture (see Lating & Bono, 2008). Thus, for helpers, developing ethno-relativism (i.e., adapt existing interventions and integrate cultural differences in their work; Gerstein et al., 2015) and being aware of gaps in cultural competence needs to be at the forefront of international work.

Cultural intelligence, on the other hand, refers to a person’s ability to move beyond an ethno-relative perspective such that they can gain a deeper understanding of, and adapt, their interactions with people from different cultures (Earley, 2002; Gerstein et al., 2015). It entails, in part, an ability to seek new information and apply it in a meaningful and culturally competent manner. We illustrate the application of a superficial understanding of issues (reflecting a lack of cultural intelligence) through an example of relief work implemented in Indonesia. The 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami brought many goods and disaster volunteers from overseas to Aceh, Indonesia (Ride & Bretherton, 2011). Among the many gifts helpers brought for children were several dolls. After removing culturally insensitive dolls (e.g., dogs, pigs, Santa Claus), international volunteer workers engaged with the children by using the dolls to tell stories; the story telling took place in front of a mosque. Given this setup, the local people perceived it as idolization, which required that the activity be discontinued. During the same disaster, some volunteer workers set out to teach children to read the Koran in hopes of easing their distress. However, the local community perceived this practice as pretentious. Volunteers were perceived as pretending to be Muslims and lying about being Christians (Ride & Bretherton, 2011). Both of these examples highlight the fact that displaying surface-level cultural adaptability (e.g., displaying a certain behavior rather than delving deeper into the cultural meaning behind the behavior) may actually create distrust among local individuals. The reality is that non-nationals are outsiders and need to act as such (Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018). These examples not only elucidate the multiple layers of cultural ignorance, but also the unwitting violation of indigenous cultural practices.

Temporary Nature of Volunteer Help

A second challenge highlighted in international disaster work is the volunteers’ ability to build strong local relationships to navigate successfully the local social environment (i.e., social intelligence), especially given the temporary nature of their efforts. Short-term international volunteer programs have become popular and are seen as the fastest growing industry in the United States (Lasker, 2016). These programs focus on the lay individual’s and mental health professional’s personal and altruistic desires to learn about local issues and help. The helper engages in disaster work for short periods (a day to a week or two weeks), and “neglects the local’s desires, and is focused on the volunteer’s satisfaction rather than the host’s needs” (Guttentag, 2009; pp. 540–541). Such personal motivations (e.g., personal growth, credentialing, or even voyeuristic tendencies; Laskar, 2016), and lack of continuity in disaster work (Guttentag, 2009) suggest not only disaster recovery naiveté, but the helping professional may also be seen as disingenuous. Moreover, short stays preclude helping professionals from immersing themselves in the local context in a culturally relevant and appropriate way as outlined in Heppner et al.’s (2012) cross-national ecological competency model.

Reconciling Differing Perspectives

Differing perspectives refers to the perceived cultural distance or difference between one’s own culture and that of the host culture (Gerstein et al., 2015). In such situations, misunderstandings are likely to occur. We highlight an example from the 2005 earthquake in Pakistan that showcases challenges experienced from both the helper and the survivor’s perspectives (Ride & Bretherton, 2011). A male volunteer who rescued a young woman from a collapsed building after the 2005 earthquake in Pakistan went to meet her at the hospital. Although he expected her to be grateful and thank him after telling her he had saved her, instead, she cried and cursed him for saving her. She told him that he should have let her die. She said:

You people from land areas don’t understand the culture of the mountains. . .The only reason why anybody would marry me was that I would be able to come down from the mountain, collect wood and go back—sexual pleasure and children are secondary or even third-level issues. The first issue, the first only reason he would marry me is that I would be able to work. Now, I don’t have a leg, so, I’ve missed that chance as well. I’m just 19 years old, nobody will marry me, nobody will take care of me, and I will die like this. (Bedar, Bretherton, & Ride, 2011, p. 67)

After the hospital visit, the volunteer worker reported feeling depressed and confused. Although saving people’s lives is prioritized in rescue work and the mental health field (and there is no implication that the health worker should have let her die), this latter example illustrates the complexity of international disaster work and its impact at multiple levels. In particular, it highlights the need for adequate and instrumental support for those impacted by such disasters. However, it becomes even more critical to provide adequate cultural training and casting the helping professional as a facilitator of cultural recovery rather than a rescuer (Ride & Bretherton, 2011).

Overcoming Mistrust of Mental Health Professionals

Even good intentions of community collaborators may result in mistrust of mental health professionals. Overcoming this mistrust is a challenge, and even in instances when the mistrust is overcome, ethical questions may arise. For example, during the events surrounding the triple disaster in Japan (i.e., earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear meltdown explosions), many mental health professionals from various regions of Japan and overseas worked closely with reputable organizations like the Fukushima Medical University in Fukushima, Japan. The multidisciplinary team consisted of local core staff members and volunteer health professionals (e.g., nurses, pharmacists, physical therapists, psychiatrists, psychologists). The team made door-to-door visits to temporary housing facilities to conduct outreach and health checkups (e.g., blood pressure assessment, medication management). All workers expeditiously wore an armband saying “Fukushima Medical University” to emphasize “health care” because of the Japanese cultural belief that health care is more acceptable than psychological care. Through this process, the team developed a working rapport with the locals. Consistent with Heppner et al.’s (2012) ecological model, the “health” team was then able to discuss more sensitive matters related to flashbacks, depression, worries, and suicidal ideation resulting from multiple losses (e.g., family members, houses, jobs, communities, safe environment) tied to the massive earthquake, tsunami, and ongoing nuclear crisis. This “health”-focused outreach was particularly helpful and appropriate because the disaster occurred in a rural region where many older adults resided. The “true” mental health nature of this work later paved the way for greater acceptance of mental health activities. This team was the origin of Nagomi, the first mental health care center in the disaster region, which was established a year later by a nonprofit organization.

The strategy to label the mental health care work in Japan as “health care” and not psychological care was done for the ultimate good of those affected. However, this practice is not without controversy within the disaster mental health professional community. Some might question whether such well-intentioned deceit, although expeditious, is why temporary disaster workers are mistrusted. Such a circumvention of informed consent would never be tolerated in the United States. Therefore, should we endorse engaging in this professional behavior elsewhere, especially when suggested or permitted by locals? The scope of this professional, moral, and philosophical controversy is beyond the pale of this paper, and yet, it requires mention that professionals do not uniformly agree on best practices for providing disaster mental health services.

The previous examples highlight challenges that can occur in cross-national collaborations. They also illustrate that culturally effective practices in international disaster settings require significant engagement within the community and understanding of multiple systems and structures within the affected locale. In the next section, we present some important considerations when engaging in international disaster mental health. Where applicable, we use case examples to elucidate this focus.

Establish a Human Connection

Fostering an interpersonal human connection (Heppner et al., 2012), verbally or nonverbally, that is relational and suggests an understanding (e.g., being seen, valued, heard) can increase a sense of hope among survivors (Brymer et al., 2006; Heppner et al., 2012; Ride & Bretherton, 2011).This is elucidated in Ride and Bretherton’s (2011) example of foreign workers repairing a breach in a floodwall while providing relief in South Asia. Although many of the workers were unable to speak the indigenous language, they could communicate effectively through simple phrases and body language. Regardless of language and cultural preparedness (Laskar, 2016), the act of working with and communicating with the community was an important way to connect with them and build trust (Heppner et al., 2012).

Promote Mutuality and Collaboration Between Hosts and Visitors

Heppner et al. (2012) conceptualized collaboration as a core cross-national competency. Community and cross-cultural and/or cross-national competency approaches require understanding and respecting the local sociocultural, political, and historical contexts (Gerstein et al., 2015; Heppner et al., 2012; Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018; Ægisdóttir, Leach, Romano, Tomlinson-Clarke, & Canel-Çınarbaş, 2019 [this issue]), as well as coordinating interventions with local organizations to provide systemic supports. This form of collaboration is exemplified in the development of a culturally appropriate PFA training model in Japan (Semlitz et al., 2013) when dealing with the 2011 Great East Earthquake. Due to the stigma associated with mental illness, this adapted and modified model focused on helping welfare organizations to proactively respond to the needs of subgroups of survivors (e.g., older adults, women caring for both older parents and children). Training covered culturally relevant communication styles (e.g., cautious about eye contact), cultural expectations (e.g., putting family needs before their own), and community linking (e.g., sensitivity to the group dynamic, hierarchies, and power relations); all skills considered essential in both Heppner et al. (2012) and Gerstein et al.’s (2015) competency models. The training model appeared to increase trainer self-competency as well as knowledge of PFA (Semlitz et al., 2013). Similar local partnerships formed after the earthquake in Pakistan allowed international volunteers to successfully address psychosocial supports within the community (Bedar et al., 2011). Affiliation with community-led organizations that had a stronger grounding within the affected area resulted in greater local knowledge and familiarity with people and local organizations. This facilitated the community’s receptiveness to the assistance provided and quickened the response to service (Bedar et al., 2011).

Conduct a Collaborative Needs Assessment and Promote Continuity of Programs

Although disasters may be similar, cultural differences suggest that one size does not fit all. Recommendations include involving local staff at every step (Laskar, 2016), listening to survivors (Brymer et al., 2006), and engaging local communities in identifying and assessing their own needs and supports (Ride & Bretherton, 2011). For instance, working through local organizations in Pakistan, empowering them to develop surveys and monitoring the process, allowed survivors to maintain human dignity while letting organizations provide the needed guidance within the community (Ride & Bretherton, 2011). Beyond developing and evaluating programs, implementing the findings (Laskar, 2016) is important to improve programs and maintain sustainability. Engaging through cultural adaptability and/or cultural intelligence as articulated in the competency models (Gerstein et al., 2015; Heppner et al., 2012), must occur at deeper and less superficial levels, taking into consideration the characteristics of the culture within the country receiving services.

Build Capacity and Long-term Engagement

In working with disasters, attention needs to be given to (a) addressing the initial disorientation and crisis, and (b) prevention and integration of services for ongoing sustainable health that are consistent with the culture (Laskar, 2016). At the outset, there is a need for helpers to be calm, orient emotionally overwhelmed survivors, enhance safety, and provide physical and emotional comfort. Offering practical assistance and information for survivors to address their immediate needs is of paramount importance (Brymer et al., 2006). Moreover, when traditional counseling approaches (e.g., one-on-one counseling, brief interventions) go against the cultural grain, long-term ongoing interventions, community engagement, and systemic advocacy are needed to build capacity, increase resiliency, and develop sustainability (Ride & Bretherton, 2011; C. D. C. Wang & Çiftçi, 2019). One strategy is to strengthen local capacities through the development of local psychosocial support groups. The importance of collaborating on training and empowering indigenous support staff and volunteers to offer long-term and sustained psychological support (Edward-Stewart et al., 2012) is evident in the next example.

In China, disaster relief workers trained teachers to reduce the incidence of burnout and better assist their students. A hierarchical training system containing three levels (i.e., experts, coaches, teachers) was created through collaboration among several universities, foundations, as well as local and central governments. Experts taught relaxation skills whereas coaches and teachers exercised the skills for their own self-care and began teaching their students as well. Other activities (e.g., games, Tibetan and Qiang singing and dancing) embedded in the local culture were also practiced. This approach highlights how involving local communities can increase trust, reduce dependency, and strengthen local capacity (Ride & Bretherton, 2011).

Mental health disaster relief efforts that embrace these recommendations and incorporate a community and collaborative focus appears to be the most effective (Laskar, 2016). As noted in (C. D. C. Wang & Çiftçi, 2019), and consistent with a social justice perspective, such understanding and collaboration can allow for a better sense of how imposed etic–emic frameworks function when providing disaster mental health services.

Although the aforementioned illustrations do not represent empirically supported data on the efficacy of postdisaster interventions, we believe that along with the limited literature in this area they provide a tentative basis for culturally appropriate interventions for disaster response. Systematic, empirical investigations are required to assess the validity of our experiences and observations. Until such an evidence base is available, there is a need to understand how academic training programs may be addressing the development of disaster mental health-related skills in their students and curricula.

Introduction to Disaster Mental Health

In the introductory module, we suggest emphasizing foundational themes. This would include an overview of disasters and their impact on mental health both within domestic and international contexts, presenting cultural and ecological contexts that are relevant to disaster response, discussing cultural perspectives related to trauma and counseling, and presenting cultural perspectives related to experiencing sudden loss and bereavement (e.g., Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011; Spokane et al., 2011; Tummala-Narra, 2007)

Developing Knowledge Related to Existing Disaster Training Protocols

The second module is designed for students to experience basic proficiency in training modules such as PFA, critical incident stress management, and media first response. The goal of this module is to enhance trainees’ competencies related to crisis intervention and to foster resilience. Importantly, this aspect of the curriculum should highlight both strengths and limitations of existing protocols (e.g., Edward-Stewart et al., 2012; Kantor & Beckett, 2011; McCabe et al., 2014).

Cross-cultural and International Counseling Competencies

In delivering this content, it would be important to focus on both foundational- and psychology-specific international competencies (Gerstein et al., 2015; Heppner et al., 2012; Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018). Attention should be paid to fostering knowledge, skills, attitudes, and motivation consistent with culturally supported interventions and norms following disasters as well as focusing on successes and challenges in international engagement (e.g., Gerstein et al., 2015; Heppner et al., 2012; Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018).

Ethical and Cultural Considerations

In the fourth module, trainers should highlight ethical issues and professional role differences between traditional practice and the provision of disaster mental health services. Topics covered may include developing an understanding of the local ethics code as well as ways of conceptualizing and planning interventions at various levels (individual, family, school, community, organizational). The focus should be on capacity building within the community. Particular attention should be paid to engaging relevant stakeholders while focusing on resiliency, prevention, and sustainability (for additional case examples, see Dass-Brailsford, 2008; Lating & Bono, 2008; Ride & Bretherton, 2011).

International Volunteering

Finally, students should be prepared specifically for their future volunteer roles. Areas to focus on include reasons or motivations for volunteering as well as the responsibility that comes with the role. It would be important to emphasize that volunteers should be familiar with the federal, state, and local governments; with private and faith-based agencies and other relevant NGOs that provide services in the area; and with the mental health professional roles they can adopt when interfacing with these agencies following disaster (Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018). This module should also emphasize the need to debrief and engage in self-care after engaging in mental health disaster work (e.g., Gregerson, 2006; Guttentag, 2009; Laskar, 2016).

Beyond the curriculum and selected readings, it is critical to have available additional resources for distribution around the globe; these resources can help facilitate the continued and collaborative work of mental health disaster trainers and workers. Thus, a third area of focus in this article is the promotion of international collaborations in the context of the Internet and social media.

International Collaborations: Online Resources and Networking During Disaster Relief

Several factors influence international collaboration and online networking in disaster relief efforts. Access to information that enables local professionals and international teams to work in tandem and deliver services within hours of arrival on the scene is critical. Having specialized training in disaster relief, understanding the language and cultural nuances linked to cultural interventions, as well as having knowledge of sociopolitical issues impacting the region, are salient in this regard. On the other hand, an inability to leave their work or having limited time to deliver services directly can complicate their ability to collaborate adequately within the helping process.

With the popularity of the Internet and social media, developing centralized online resources that are culturally informed could address, to some extent, the challenges briefly highlighted. Having access to culturally relevant trauma-informed online resources can offer professionals important supports to enhance their cultural intelligence (Gerstein et al., 2015), ability to engage in intentional collaboration with others internationally, coping skills (Gerstein et al., 2015; Heppner et al., 2012), and ability to identify culturally adaptable interventions (Gerstein et al., 2015).

In recent years, researchers have explored the role of social media during disasters. For example, in the aftermath of typhoon Morakot in Taiwan, Web users employed Web 2.0 tools and Internet social networking sites like Plurk, PTT (i.e., a popular internet social network in Taiwan), and Twitter to post information regarding damaged areas and to assist those affected (Huang, Chan, & Hyder, 2010). In the aftermath of typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines, social media was the third most commonly employed tool when coordinating relief efforts (Takahashi, Tandoc, & Carmichael, 2015). NGOs utilized Twitter to ask for donations, coordinate relief efforts (e.g., identify and list the available volunteers), and provide disaster response information (Takahashi, Tandoc, & Carmichael, 2015). Based on these findings, scholars have recommended using social media communication to prepare and help coordinate disaster relief responses (Gao, Wang, Barbier, & Liu, 2011; Gregerson, 2003; Takashashi et al., 2015).

Following Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the Society of Counseling Psychology (SCP) and the Council of Counseling Psychology Training Programs (CCPTP) formed the Hurricane Relief and Disaster Response Special Task Group. Task Group members compiled recommendations for using websites to collect and disseminate information related to disaster relief. An example of a specific recommendation was to “update and maintain a clearinghouse of handouts, educational tools, and other resources on the SCP and CCPTP websites. Include links to other websites that contain such useful materials” (Jacobs, Leach, & Gerstein, 2011, pp. 1083–1084) and “create a discussion list on the SCP and CCPTP websites where individuals can describe their previous and current disaster relief activities, projects, and interests” (Jacobs et al., 2011, p. 1084). Similarly, the World Health Organization (WHO), War Trauma Foundation, and World Vision International (2011) established an online resource for PFA. Further, the SCP (n.d.) created a website for hurricane-specific resources, and the APA (n.d.) launched a clearinghouse for disaster response resources.

We note that these resources are not without limitations. With the exception of the website on PFA (WHO, 2011), the websites presented materials in English, posing a challenge for persons not fluent in the language (representing limited language proficiency competence; Heppner et al., 2012). Moreover, they rarely outlined how interventions could be culturally adapted for use with local professionals and/or survivors for whom English is not the first language (i.e., cultural intelligence; Gerstein et al., 2015). These websites also did not provide a space for users to interact with each other and exchange ideas, which limited the development of an international community that could effectively engage in disaster response and collaboration, and presented few opportunities for rescue workers to learn first hand from local residents the cultural and political issues they should know in order to deliver culturally appropriate services upon their arrival (i.e., social intelligence; Heppner et al., 2012). Finally, a review of 50 online disaster and emergency preparedness resources (Friedman, Tanwar, & Richter, 2008) revealed that information presented on these web pages was poorly organized and difficult to read or access for the general public—a social justice issue. These limitations clearly illustrate the need to improve on the availability, content, structure, and formatting of online disaster relief resources.

To address these shortcomings, we offer four recommendations that highlight the formatting, access, content, and content experts needed to develop an online networking system. We would like to underscore that when developing these resources, professionals attend to legal considerations such as avoiding violation of copyright, and ethical considerations related to practicing within one’s areas of competence and under adequate supervision.

Recommendations for Developing an Effective Online Networking System

With regard to format, based on a review of the literature on website building for professional purposes (e.g., Chen, 2009; C.-H. Wang, Lin, Liu, & Wei, 2001), we propose using Web 2.0 tools to design a worldwide website to facilitate strong communication between stakeholders. Different from traditional Web 1.0 (which only spreads information from web designers to potential viewers), Web 2.0 tools (like those underlying Wikipedia and Flickr) facilitate online interactions among viewers. In addition to dissemination of existing knowledge, adopting concepts from Web 2.0 allows helping professionals worldwide to collaborate using the Internet, creating possibilities for new knowledge to emerge. This medium has the potential to provide quality materials that attend to local cultural issues relevant to multiple stakeholders while creating a space for volunteers to have real time and ongoing discussions related to the situations on the ground.

Consistent with a collaborative spirit, the website should be accessible to multiple audiences and should be organized in a manner that caters to a variety of stakeholders with specific tabs for different constituents. One tab may focus on mental health professionals, professionals in related disciplines, educators, first responders, and rescue workers such that the international community of mental health providers can exchange information and resources to help those affected by the disaster. A second tab may focus on disaster survivors and concerned citizens. Lay people may need to know where to access resources to help themselves, their family, and friends. In addition to attending to the needs of these groups, counseling psychologists can serve as important resources in providing trainings, restoring community support, and influencing procedures, policies, and regulations (Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018). Thus, a third tab would address the needs of officials and leaders within the affected region. Working collaboratively with local leaders, counseling psychologists can facilitate the effective handling of challenging information to facilitate the community’s well-being. One example of using psychological knowledge to assist community leaders is the Media First Response training (see Gregerson, 2017). Started in 2015, the primary goal of this training is to provide behavioral science evidence about effective mass media communication strategies (e.g., discussing impact of trauma in television) and message delivery (e.g., addressing bias in reporting) to hometown community officials such as mayors and police officers. Thus, although not providing direct services to those affected as the first responders, counseling psychologists indirectly promote community well-being by training community officials to use mass media wisely, with the goal of calming the public and lowering the possibility of inciting violence or generating further trauma within the community.

With a focus on promoting cultural and social intelligence, the website should offer culturally informed resources and address language issues. For instance, general training modules could include (a) articles on general psychological responses after a disaster; (b) quick guides on useful practices in disaster response, such as the PFA guidelines (WHO, 2011); and (c) empirically supported treatments for disaster relief such as treatments compiled by de Arellano, Ko, Danielson, and Sprague (2008) as trauma-informed interventions. Culturally specific interventions may include (a) identifying constructs and competencies associated with culturally relevant and effective international work (Morgan-Consoli et al., 2018), including those discussed in the cross-national model (Heppner et al., 2012) and the dynamic-systemic-process model (Gerstein et al., 2015); and (b) making available articles related to understanding diverse cultural perspectives on trauma and loss as well as death and bereavement. The site also could present case studies, articles, and translated guides that can be linked to the worldwide website. Further, there can be a section with downloadable documents that addresses self-care for survivors and their families as well as for relief workers. Moreover, the site could offer a discussion board for all professionals to engage in peer consultation and/or supervision. Specifically, this would not only allow experienced and/or knowledgeable individuals who may not have the flexibility to travel to the disaster area, but also helpers with limited experience in disaster work to learn from their more experienced peers when contributing to the relief efforts. Centralizing these resources can enhance the effectiveness and timely delivery of services. Professionals having access to this online information before they depart to a disaster-impacted area, even if the area is within their own country, would likely find such resources to be useful.

All documents should be translated into multiple languages. Translations should occur in the primary world languages: English, Mandarin Chinese, Hindi, Spanish, and French—the top five most spoken language in the world (Eberhard, Simons, & Fennig, 2019; Noack & Gamio, 2015) to make its viewers feel welcome and to easily access needed information. With the materials presented in the five languages, about half of the world’s population could have immediate access to the resources on the recommended website. This would also allow interested bilingual individuals to contribute to disaster relief efforts even if they are unable to physically participate in relief efforts due to time and location restrictions.

Consistent with a social justice access perspective (C. D. C. Wang & Çiftçi, 2019), the proposed website also should be a shared and collaboratively developed resource for the global community. We recommend that the selection, development, and posting of resources be coordinated by a team of professionals with diverse perspectives from different parts of the world. This team should promote the website on popular community online platforms such as Facebook and Twitter, as well as encourage input and modifications. We propose that psychologists with disaster expertise and commitment to international collaboration lead the team. Additionally, this team should be comprised of a multidisciplinary group of professionals such as psychiatrists, social workers, nurses, health educators, counselors, and teachers, as there will be diverse content presented on the website; professionals from different disciplines also can offer critiques of this content. The team should consist of professionals who speak English as well as those who are fluent in each of the other six languages mentioned earlier. An administrative team that includes the representation just mentioned would increase the likelihood that the proposed website would feature disaster relief content that is inclusive of diverse worldviews as well as cultural norms, behaviors, and values; culturally informed interventions, prevention strategies, and training paradigms; and relevant recommendations for self-care.