Examining Diffusion and Arrest Avoidance Practices Among Johns

Data and Method

In this qualitative study, we used a sample of 10 city-specific public Web forums run by and for individuals who either post about or actually visit prostitutes. ¹ Web forums are online discussion groups where individuals can discuss a variety of problems or issues. Forums are composed of posts where individuals can ask a question, give an opinion, respond to other posters, or simply share past experiences. Others respond to the remarks with posts of their own to create a running conversation or dialogue. Because posters often respond to the ideas of others, the exchanges present in the posts of a forum may “resemble a kind of marathon focused discussion group” (Mann & Sutton, 1998, p. 210). This form of computer-mediated communication also engenders subcultural diffusion between criminals and is a key resource for identifying new methods, locations, targets, and opportunities to offend (Durkin & Bryant, 1999; Holt, 2007; Malesky & Ennis, 2004; Taylor, Caeti, Loper, Fritsch, & Liederbach, 2006; Wilson & Atkinson, 2005). Thus, these data can speak directly to the offenders’ perceptions of law enforcement and illustrate how their behavior is affected by targeted abatement strategies (see Bowers & Johnson, 2003; Holt, 2007).

The sample consists of a purposive selection of 10 cities that reported the highest rates of arrest for prostitution according to city-level data from an analysis of the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s 2002 Uniform Crime Reports (Hargrove, 2005). Through an analysis of 269 agencies, Hargrove (2005) considered the number of arrests with the city population and identified the 10 cities with the highest rates of prostitution. This was the most recent city-level analysis of prostitution arrest data available and identified the following cities: Elizabeth, New Jersey; Atlanta, Georgia; Hartford, Connecticut; Inglewood, California; Dayton, Ohio; Chicago, Illinois; Fort Worth, Texas; Memphis, Tennessee; Baltimore, Maryland; and Las Vegas, Nevada. Therefore, this sample provides a glimpse into prostitution-related activities across the United States, as most regions of the country are represented.

This 10-city sample was then used to develop a purposive, yet convenient, sample of Web forums from the large number of Web sites offering discussions for johns in every state in the United States and around the globe. Due to the volume of online content, a Web site with active forums for all 10 cities was sought. A publicly accessible site was also desirable, because it would not require individuals to register with the site to examine posted content. As a result, virtually anyone can access the forum without the need to interact with posters, reducing the potential for researcher contamination or bias (Silverman, 2001). Finally, a site with a large number of existing or archived posts was preferred because frequent posting suggests high activity, interest, and information exchange (see Holt, 2007).

Only one site met all of these criteria, and all the posts from each city forum for 2005 were collected to create a consistent data point. ² Specifically, the 2005 post archives for each city were copied, pasted, and saved to a word processing file for systematic analysis. This strategy generated a copious amount of data and a wide range of user populations (see Table 1). It must be noted that the landscape of sex work in these 10 cities may have changed in the intervening years due to law enforcement activities, population shifts, or other environmental or social factors. This problem is not easily rectified, although it is important to note that most of the cities included in this sample are major population centers where illicit sexual markets would be reasonably stable and fairly difficult to completely eliminate. Furthermore, users in each of the forums discuss law enforcement activity ³ and initiatives used to combat forms of prostitution and sex worker activity. Hence, these forum posts should illustrate the ways in which johns negotiate and adjust their behaviors relative to police activities in their respective cities.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 1.

Descriptive Data From Forums.

City	Total Number of Posts	User Population
Atlanta	711	179
Baltimore	1,840	488
Chicago	712	208
Dayton	183	48
Elizabeth	247	78
Fort Worth	253	64
Hartford	480	84
Inglewood	763	168
Las Vegas	599	182
Memphis	1,111	332
Total sample	6,899	1,832

Another important potential concern that must be addressed is that some users may have deliberately falsified their posts, limiting the accuracy of the data. Furthermore, law enforcement agents may have posted incorrect information in these forums to disrupt the flow of information, however, the rules and structure of the forum reduce this likelihood of false posting. Because the forum exists as a conduit for information, individuals who visit the site for information on illicit sex markets have little to gain by providing inaccurate information. In fact, users noted and derided a poster if he or she provided false information. Posters also quickly singled out and berated any person they thought to be connected with law enforcement. Thus, the posts appear to be genuine and should provide significant insight into the nature of prostitutes and johns.

The forum content was printed and analyzed by hand using inductive methods derived from grounded theory techniques (see Corbin & Strauss, 1990). This methodology is particularly useful as its procedures permit the researcher to develop a thorough, well-integrated examination of any social phenomenon. Any concepts found within the data must be identified multiple times through comparisons to identify any similarities (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). In this way, findings are validated by their repeated appearances or absences in the data, ensuring that they are derived and grounded in the data. Specifically, posters’ repeated comments or observations relating to their behavioral or attitudinal responses to law enforcement interventions were used to highlight the notion of arrest avoidance and risk reduction practices of johns. This strategy is used to structure the analysis, with examples and quotes from the data where appropriate.

Information Sharing in the Online Community of Johns

Before discussing the arrest avoidance practices of johns, it is critical to examine why johns share information with one another in online environments. Because prostitution is an illegal activity with substantive formal and informal risks, the forums identified in this study provide a way for johns to better conceal themselves and their activities that might not otherwise be possible offline. Thus, these forums hinge on discussions of individual perceptions of and experiences with sex workers. This was clearly elaborated by a user in the Baltimore forum, who stated, “This forum is for Mongers [the customers of prostitutes], by Mongers to make mongering easier. It gives us heads up on the no good, lousy SW’s, and LE info, and the good SW’s. This is accomplished by mongers posting . . . to be shared by other mongers.” At the same time, individuals are not forced to share information. Rather, they can “lurk” or read posts without contributing to the discussions and obtain information without being an active participant. The user clevelend exemplified this point when describing his use of the forums:

I was a lurker for about a month before I posted anything here. Before then I was a frequent cruiser [looking for prostitutes] but infrequent monger [soliciting prostitutes]. . . . But thanks to some informative posts on here I was able to find and explore these areas on my own and start posting my experiences. . . . Once you share some of your experiences and get to know them, then they’ll start trusting you and share their experiences with you.

This comment emphasizes why johns choose to share information with others. Savvy and experienced users recognize the presence of lurkers and actively limit the amount of information that is directly provided to individuals. For example, some would discuss their experiences with sex workers and provide only vague information about the location where they operate. Johns would, however, only provide direct contact information for the worker, such as phone number, to experienced users with some status or posting history. This process was demonstrated in a post from the Chicago forum, where an individual described his encounter with a street prostitute, stating, “Yeah, I have the digits [phone number] for her. . . . Now, to all the guys that sent me PMs [private messages] about contact info, and you have 0 posts-----forget about it. . . . you guys have to have some posts under your belt first.” In this way, johns can restrict the utility of the forum to those who post regularly and encourage information sharing within the group as a means of obtaining greater levels of useful information. All parties can benefit, but those who make the greatest contributions receive the greatest rewards for sharing. A post from the user widelegs succinctly described this issue, stating, “Senior members [regular and frequent posters] inquire for info regular if I see a good history might share. sorry fellas you have to earn your dues. be safe and be careful.”

Detecting Law Enforcement in the Area

By contributing and sharing relatively scarce information in Web forums, all participants gain access to a significant amount of human capital that can directly affect their success in soliciting prostitutes, reduce the likelihood of arrest, and diminish informal threats. The ability to obtain information about the sex trade in a given area from experienced participants enables novice johns to quickly understand the process of solicitation (see also Holt & Blevins, 2007; Holt et al., 2008; Raymond & Hughes, 2001). In turn, they can understand and identify the various formal and informal risks that they face while soliciting.

One of the primary methods that forum users suggested to minimize risk is to carefully examine the area before soliciting any sex workers. The highly mobile nature of prostitution allows johns to identify street walking prostitutes while in their vehicles or on foot and from a distance before any interaction. A poster from the Hartford forum succinctly described this process, writing, “Just pull over and observe the entire scene—you should be able to figure out pretty quickly whether the two girls are SSW [serious street walking prostitutes] or not. And if a cop stops and asks why you’re parked there, just say that you pulled over to answer your cell phone.” Similar comments were evident across the forums, as in the Fort Worth forum where TexasMonger suggested not to immediately pick up because of increased law enforcement efforts. He suggested that arrest can be avoided if customers “make at least two sweeps” around the area “doing at least a full 360” before initiating any communication with the streetwalker. If no cars pull out from any of the “nooks” in the area, “LE is less likely to pounce.”

By carefully examining the environment, johns could look for any indications that law enforcement is nearby, including marked police cruisers or possible undercover vehicles. For example, two individuals from the Hartford forum described their trip out in a known prostitution zone, or “strip,” on a Friday night:

Johns also stressed the importance of obeying basic traffic rules and car maintenance to decrease the likelihood that they could be stopped for minor infractions. If individuals drove erratically, they may draw unwanted attention from others and interrupt the normal flow of traffic, even during early morning hours. Johns in the Inglewood forum noted this issue, stating, “It really is fun to watch a guy take two lanes on Century while he drives 3 miles an hour trying to talk to a S/W, Cops can see traffic slow down and they know the idiot who is doing it too.” Similarly, a user from the Memphis forum suggested that johns need to “alter your route a little every time. . . . Just don’t get caught by LE for being predictable. . . . I look like an ordinary guy driving around, not a horny dude looking for PFP [pay for play].” The Baltimore poster tarfish wrote, “Be sure to wear your seat belt when LE is highly visible—that is one less reason for them to f*ck with you. . . . If there is anything about your car that might justify them pulling you over, avoid mongering until you get it fixed.”

Detecting Decoy Sex Workers

While checking for law enforcement, johns would also apprize potential sex workers. An assessment of street prostitutes was vital for johns as they faced significant risk of detection by law enforcement. Given the capacity for stings and the overt nature of solicitation in public, johns carefully observed sex workers to determine if they were actually undercover police officers. One of the most important markers was a prostitute’s appearance, as many posters felt that prostitutes, especially street walkers, looked less healthy or attractive than other women. Many street prostitutes have substance abuse issues, which have deleterious effects on the human body (see Lineberry & Bostwick, 2006; Raymond & Hughes, 2001). As a consequence, street walkers who looked too healthy or clean were viewed suspiciously. For instance, a user in the Chicago forum wrote, “If she looks too good to be true, then she might be a cop . . . unless she looks too young to be a cop.” Johns would commonly not solicit a potential prostitute based on her appearance, as exemplified in a post from studz in the Baltimore forum who wrote,

She should have been holding up a sign. She looked too hot/healthy to be a SW. . . . I never said a word to her that time, and just moved on when the light turned green. There was a white van about two blocks south in an alley on the right . . . which led me to conclude that it very well may have been a sting.

The behavior of prostitutes was also an important indicator of their potential as undercover law enforcement officers. When a john detected any unusual behavior or deviations from normal patterns of solicitation, they would not attempt to solicit that woman. This was demonstrated in a post from the Chicago forum where a user suggested that “a true working girl would have tried to initiate more contact if some monger made more than a couple drivebys. A decoy is more likely to wait for the hobbyist to make the offer.” Similar comments were found in the Atlanta forum, where an individual described his reaction to a prostitute’s behavior:

I pulled into the parking lot and she came up to my car . . . immediately she said “I charge 50, is that OK?” . . . She looked at me kinda funny so I said “Get in the car and we’ll talk about it.” She then said “No, I can’t do that.” I decided to get the fuck outta there, so I took off. I waited about 30 minutes and then . . . I saw her in the parking lot of the motel next to the porn shop. She was talking to 3 plain-clothes cops in a unmarked Crown Vic.

Once a john identified a sex worker and initiated contact, he used a final step to help reduce the risk of arrest. Johns across the forums stated that they would often “do the no cop check” or “the cop test” with a prostitute to validate that neither individual was a police officer. This involved the prostitute and client making sexually suggestive gestures to one another, such as the prostitute flashing her breasts or grabbing and fondling one another’s crotch. ⁴ For example, one of the users from the Baltimore forum stated that when a prostitute would enter his car, “I am usually ready to ‘check their ID’ which for me means for them to show me their rack.” One of the best descriptions of this process came from Spankmaster in the Atlanta forum, who stated that

I drove off and asked her [a prostitute] where she needed to go. . . . After a moment or two I asked if she was working and she said “maybe. are you a cop?” I told her no, but I could ask her the same thing. She pulled up her top and showed me a nice set of titties. I reached over and gave them a squeeze and asked if she had a place.

Such an exchange is an important step in the process of solicitation, as it demonstrates the intent of both the prostitute and client and ensures that neither individual is an undercover officer.

Informal Risks

Once in the company of a sex worker, johns use a variety of strategies to reduce the risk of informal threats from individuals such as pimps, criminals, and the sex workers themselves. For example, johns discussed finding spots for their sexual encounters that minimized the likelihood of detection or violence. Johns suggested that others avoid motels recommended by prostitutes, as the risk of robbery or assault was high. A poster in the Inglewood forum succinctly described this issue, stating,

I have seen way to [sic] many stings done that way and the chances of getting robbed are much higher, I would NEVER go into one of the girls “rooms” ancient rob tecnique [sic] the pimp rolls in the room after your dick is in her mouth, etc.

Instead, posters described using alleyways, empty parking lots, and trusted hourly motels to have sex with street prostitutes, and most all agreed to go only where they felt safe. A post by loonerman in the Baltimore forum emphasized this point, writing, “I get to where I want to go. NEVER go where they want to go; most times they do know a spot . . . but the risk of being led into a trap is still too great. Five percent risk is too much risk if you can reduce it even further.”

There was also some consensus across the forums that there was too much risk in taking a prostitute to one’s home for a sexual encounter due to the likelihood of theft or personal injury. This was exemplified by a user from the Hartford forum who took a prostitute to his apartment to have sex and, after dropping her off, “noticed my mp3 player AND my cd walkman were both gone. So let my losses be of gain for you. Don’t take your eyes off these whores if you bring them back to your house.” Several users then posted their comments about the need to avoid bringing prostitutes back to their personal residences. One user stated, “I have a rule against taking my hobby home. Nothing good can happen there. . . . Beyond stealing or breaking stuff, she could remember where you live afterwards.”

In keeping with this sentiment, johns also discussed the need to carefully conceal their personal effects from prostitutes. If prostitutes knew that a john had something of value, they might try to steal it. For instance, SpoonMAN from the Baltimore forum described an incident when he picked up a prostitute and had sex in his car:

When I reached into my pocket to pay her, I realized that she had already gotten the money. . . . Since I was going to give it to her anyway I didn’t say anything, but got her out of my car as soon as possible. Luckily I had stashed my wallet and phone where she couldn’t get it.

In fact, the risk of theft led many johns to take minimal items with them while soliciting, or, as a john from the Hartford forum wrote, “You just gotta keep ur personals in hiding for ur mongering [prostitution soliciting] hours.”

Changing Solicitation Tactics

Early detection of law enforcement made some johns cautious and more careful in their attempts to solicit prostitutes in certain areas. The threat of detection did not, however, stop johns from soliciting. Instead, they would seek out sexual services at different times or in different venues. For instance, a Fort Worth poster named onthaDL warned, “Be careful Lancaster is hot with LE watching the area seen quite a few out there. One mistake is all it takes. I am g[o]ing t[o] back off for a while from the area.” Similar comments were found in the Inglewood forum, where a poster described traveling through his usual “stroll” looking for prostitutes, but he could not find any providers due to law enforcement presence. As a result, he moved into a different area, writing, “Feeling dejected, I headed out to HOLLYWOOD where I did get some action from a girl who usually works Inglewood. More on that over in the Hollywood section [of the forum].” Similar comments were evident across the forums, as a Baltimore user wrote, “There were tons of LE cruisers. I diverted over to B/CB where I picked up Nikki.”

Some johns, however, would seek out prostitutes only at certain times to limit the potential for law enforcement detection. For example, a user from the Memphis forum wrote, “Why do the SW’s insist on walking in full broad daylight most of the time right on the busiest intersections where you can easily be spotted by LE? . . . I will not stop during the daytime. Too risky.” Similarly, a user in the Chicago forum stated, “Got around the Armi stroll about 11:40—I have observed that the amount of LE in the area changes significantly at midnight, think I might start looking a little bit earlier in the night.” A similar post was found in the Fort Worth forum: “There is ALWAYS one [a law enforcement officer] at the 7-11 on a doughnut run late at night . . . it is time for a daylight run.”

Posters also indicated that they may briefly leave an area where law enforcement is present and later return to pick up prostitutes. For instance, a poster named redthunder in the Inglewood forum wrote, “Hit Century at about 3am. No more than 5 minutes later, Century was swarmed with LE. . . . I went away for 30 min or so. When I came back, Angel was walking . . . with another cute wsw [White street walker].” The posters also indicated that law enforcement initiatives targeting sex workers forced them to find alternate venues for actually engaging in illicit sex. For example, posters in the Atlanta forum advised that prostitutes have learned where they are most likely to be caught and have changed their preferred operating venues accordingly. One poster wrote, “All the LE activity is just moving all the girls into peoples’ neighborhoods rather than leaving them on the main streets and deserted lots.” As a consequence, the poster suggested that potential solicitors move into the neighborhoods to find sex workers.

In fact, evidence was found in most forums that johns felt less risk of law enforcement detection if they approached prostitutes indoors. A poster in the Baltimore forum wrote, “Watch out, LE is out. im headen [sic] to an amp [Asian massage parlor] or a pro [escort],,,,staying off the streets.” Similarly, a poster wrote, “LE was out heavy on Wilkens. So I go by a house where I see a regular for a BBBJ [BareBackBlowJob]. . . . I drop the standard fare on the table and away she goes.” Thus, johns engaged in offense switching and crime type displacement, moving from street prostitution to escort services or massage parlors, due to law enforcement interventions.

Forum users across the sample also noted the importance of other Web sites, such as www.craigslist.com, as a means of identifying new outlets for sex from escorts and prostitutes. Craigslist is a city-based Web site that allows anyone to post ads free of charge in a variety of categories, including erotic services. Posters in all but one of the cities in this sample mentioned Craigslist and the providers listed therein. In fact, some city forums developed specific sections devoted to Craigslist to discuss providers and experiences. When the risk of arrest and detection for soliciting street prostitutes was high, some posters described seeking out indoor sex workers or escorts. This was exemplified in a post from bbrickie in the Inglewood forum who wrote, “From the 405 ~ all the way past the race stadium there was absolutely nothing . . . cept for the bike cops on the side streets. Back to CL [Craigslist] and SC [strip clubs].” Similarly, dwade in the Chicago forum described his preference for seeking out prostitutes on Craigslist. He wrote, “I was just out doing the Midway stroll and not to my surprise found nothing. . . . I’m going to try my luck on the CL see what happens, I’ve see [sic] a few that caught my eye and going to try them out.” He explained,

I have found some under the radar gems on Craigslist and find it to be a valuable resource. Yeah, so what if there are a coupla girls who work the streets and also happen to post on Craigs, I sorta figured as much without witnessing it personally. [The experience] sure as hell beats the cat and mouse vs. Richie’s piggies [Chicago police].

In fact, all but one of the forums developed a separate section devoted to reviewing and discussing Craigslist providers. As a result, Craigslist may be a key resource for johns to engage in offense switching. Seeking out escorts or indoor sex workers allows them to find paid sexual encounters while avoiding street-based law enforcement interdiction.

It is important to note, however, that johns who solicited prostitutes via Craigslist or another online outlet faced some risk of arrest or loss from a sex worker. As a result, they had to use caution in selecting, contacting, and interacting with providers. For example, spongepaul described the ways that he screened and dealt with Craigslist providers to reduce the likelihood of harm:

Only mention money for their time, never hand them the money, check out their phone numbers on Google and type in the Keywords at the top of the pages on CL, then search. About 75% are scams, ROB’s or LE. . . . Here’s a few of their numbers: [removed].

Others suggested that users may be able to gauge the threat of law enforcement by examining how many providers were posting on Craigslist. A poster in the Inglewood forum named amped suggested, “The Cops are hot on CL. . . . I had figured with the girls getting more explicit and more girls coming on . . . it would happen. I have noticed that a lot of girls who used to put up an ad every day aren’t now. . . . Be careful.” In fact, concerns about the presence of law enforcement on Craigslist led some to opt for street prostitutes rather than Internet-based providers. This was demonstrated in a post from mylesohead who wrote,

I called a girl from CL last week, set an appointment . . . booked a room and gave the information of my hotel room etc (near Ohare). Provider was late by 2.5 hrs . . . the girl arrived to my room was not the same girl who’s picture was on CL. . . . Once she is in my room, she is asking me several question to me asking about the deed and money and why she is here? Then she told me that she need to dispose the cab and will back soon. . . . She was on the parking lot talking with 2 Italian look like guys white shirt, dress pant, tie and dress shoe. . . . [I] left the hotel right away. Then I was driving on manheim I saw wsw. . . . Remotely i opened my car and asked her to sit in my car back seat. I looked sorrunding [sic] to see any LeO watching. Then I drove for at least 3 blocks and asked her to prove that she is not associated with LeO. From back seat she grabbed my pant to proof it. Took her to the hotel where I had room earlier. She demand .3 for CIM [cum in mouth] and .5 for fs with bbj. Gave her .75 and kept for at least 45 min. No complaint.

This post also indicates that johns did not simply cease soliciting street prostitutes after visiting someone who advertised via an online medium. Instead, individuals reported that they continued to identify and solicit prostitutes in both online and street venues. This decision appears to be a direct result of the options available to a john at any given point in time. For example, the user skwizgar described identifying a prostitute on Craigslist but seriously debating the likelihood of visiting this individual:

Yes, she’s fairly young and looks cute (hard to tell from the blurred photos), but $140 for a half-hour, $180 for a full hour seems like a lot for a HJ, no matter how sensual the massage is. Especially when I consider the possible alternatives:

Similarly, users argued that they would shift venues based on the quality of providers in each environment. For example, if Craigslist providers were not offering quality services, then their customers would begin to seek out sex from providers in other environments. This was exemplified in a post by the user Danhalen, who reflected on his personal experiences with sex workers in online and offline venues:

I gave up mongering the streets for the last couple of months since I’ve been having great luck in CL. But lately it has been invaded with agencies. . . . What a SHAME! Finally cruised the streets last night for 5 hours. . . . Finally found one [a street walking prostitute] on Fullerton and California.

Johns were also quick to note that street prostitutes were transitioning to Craigslist, which affected the sex trade as a whole. The user wood-chuck noted that street walking prostitutes who used Craigslist did not necessarily stop soliciting in the real world, stating, “I saw a very hot looking WSW. . . . She looked familiar, I think she was one of the white girls that posts on CL. Anyways, I have noticed . . . more and more CL girls are out walking the street. I guess CL is not helping their business all that much.” The forum user Mcguirk also noted that the development of Craigslist affected the prices that street walking prostitutes charged and the overall climate of the street: “Now because of the LE busts and all these SW are using CL for a means to get work and that means they try to bump up the price. It sucks like all hell you gotta work hard to find a good SW out there now.” Thus, it is clear that Craigslist and other online providers have affected sex work as well as enabled johns to solicit in more ways than previously possible.

Discussion and Conclusions

This research sought to explore and understand the risk avoidance practices of johns using a sample of online forums across 10 cities. The findings clearly demonstrate that their decision-making process is influenced by perceptions of risk of both formal and informal sanctions based on observation and environmental cues (Cornish & Clarke, 1987; Mativat & Tremblay, 1997). Throughout the process of soliciting prostitutes, johns take multiple steps to reduce their risk of formal threats, such as law enforcement detection and arrest, as well as informal threats, including assault and theft.

At the outset, johns carefully monitor both the area and potential sex workers for cues indicating the presence of active, marked, and undercover law enforcement in the area. The appearance and behaviors of potential street prostitutes also factored into decisions to solicit or avoid certain areas due to risk of detection. Some johns also took care to obey traffic laws to reduce their visibility while soliciting. Once with the sex worker, johns took additional precautions to avoid informal sanctions, such as being victimized by a pimp or the prostitute herself. As a consequence, the findings suggest that johns use similar risk reduction strategies to other street criminals, including crack dealers and auto thieves, whose public exposure places them at greater risk of detection or other harm (see Cherbonneau & Copes, 2006; Jacobs, 1996, 2000).

Taken as a whole, the practices of johns provide mixed support for the influence of arrest avoidance practices on an individual’s capacity for offending (see also Cherbonneau & Copes, 2006). For example, users indicated that the intelligence gathering strategies they employed before engaging in solicitation increased their likelihood of correctly identifying sex workers rather than decoys. Surveillance of a given area also enabled johns to move to different areas to solicit prostitutes when police saturation was too high. Furthermore, when police efforts minimized the availability of sexual services in one venue, or johns became dissatisfied with the performance of sex workers, some engaged in solicitation substitution practices by seeking out sex from escorts, strip club workers, or prostitutes advertising via online classified ads such as Craigslist. Thus, johns’ tactics and decisions were informed and altered as a function of online communications, personal preference, and law enforcement practices.

These preliminary findings on solicitation substitution raise some questions about the relationship between Internet-based communications and information exchanges and systemic changes in historical prostitution markets. Street walking prostitution is extremely persistent; inherently visible; widespread across many cities, counties, and countries; and fraught with other “street” dangers (Scott & Dedel, 2006). By comparison, prostitution exchanges that are covertly facilitated via online communications may be comparatively less risky, with a customer connecting to an available prostitute in an essentially anonymous manner and then meeting in a carefully chosen discrete location. This form of solicitation may effectively reduce the capability of law enforcement to interrupt such exchanges absent substantially increased efforts. In addition, there is often considerable political pressure placed on law enforcement to address the more visible streetwalking prostitution. Thus, agencies may be less inclined to interdict in the more covert forms of sexual transactions that may be facilitated online.

As a consequence, it is critical that researchers begin to consider the net result of advances in electronic communications methods on the rates of street prostitution, relative to overall rates of prostitution. It may be that street prostitution levels decrease as more providers move into electronic environments due to a perceived reduction in the risks of law enforcement interdiction efforts. In fact, arrests for prostitution in the United States have dropped 12% over the past 4 years, from 87,872 in 2004 to 77,607 in 2007 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2004-2007). Historically, most arrests for prostitution involved “street sweep” kinds of activities, although such strategies may be less effective in online environments. Although it is unclear which forms of prostitution are being reduced, the decline in arrest rates may have some link to online communications and shifts in prostitution venues.

At the same time, johns in this study appeared to move between both real-world and Internet-based prostitution markets dependent on their perceptions of risk and provider quality. The expressed willingness to find substitute venues calls to question how frequently johns solicit providers in both environments and if there will be any demonstrable shift away from street prostitution to online providers. This is difficult to address in light of the effect that situational factors such as sexual arousal may have on the decision-making process. For example, emotions and sexual arousal may significantly affect decision making in a rational choice context (see Loewenstein, Nagin, & Paternoster, 1997). Thus, further research is needed considering the various contextual factors that affect the decision-making calculus of johns in identifying and soliciting providers online and offline.

In addition, the results of this study suggest that the Internet and computer-mediated communications act as an important resource in the diffusion of arrest avoidance tactics (see Ekblom & Tilley, 2000). Johns traded information with one another in open environments that enable the diffusion of information about the sex trade in a variety of outlets. As a result, forum users are able to identify sex workers in multiple venues quickly and efficiently without the need for personal experiences with the market. Forum users also shared firsthand information on law enforcement activities and changes in patrol tactics. In turn, these observations may provide an important resource to enable other johns to obviate targeted police strategies designed to reduce prostitution activities (see also Holt & Blevins, 2007; Holt et al., 2008). The diffusion of arrest avoidance tactics may also facilitate increased mobility and, therefore, crime displacement among offenders. A john could simply read a forum for a particular city and travel to that location to solicit sexual activity with some degree of reduced risk. This added dimension of mobility also applies to the prostitutes themselves and other potential offenders. Thus, online forums provide a mechanism to more fully inform offenders’ decision-making calculus.

The preliminary nature and limited results of this study, however, suggest that careful exploration is needed to understand the significance of virtual communications on real-world decision making. For example, examining the frequency of posts in city-specific forums in and around major events, such as conferences or sporting events, could give insight into the ways that johns’ communications patterns change as a result of real-world events (see Cunningham & Kendall, 2008, 2009). Such research should also examine the content of posts to identify if johns communicate more or less information about law enforcement and sex work during these periods and how this affects their decision-making process.

Research combining statistical measures of displacement and arrests along with data on the use of Web-based communications in a population of active johns can also improve our knowledge of the effects of virtual information sharing on real-world prostitution and solicitation patterns. Conducting interviews with highly active johns who use online forums could also help to determine if their soliciting tactics have changed and/or become more mobilized as a function of these recently developed and evolving communication outlets. Such data would allow researchers to more accurately estimate the extent to which johns’ behavior is modified based on Web-based communication.

The findings of this analysis also indicate that law enforcement must recognize and adapt to the challenges of efficient and widely available criminal-to-criminal communication mechanisms. Police departments have identified the role of online communications in facilitating criminal behavior (see Taylor et al., 2006), but their ability to affect these technologies depends on their willingness to devote scarce resources to intervention and situational crime prevention activities that may not generate arrest statistics. For example, establishing an undercover program in Web forums to solicit criminal intelligence and plant misinformation may affect the offender decision-making process and ultimately reduce or displace criminal behavior (see Holt et al., 2008). Given widespread concerns with jail and prison overcrowding, court processing congestion, and budgetary constraints, such interventions may prove effective in managing local crime problems with speed and efficiency.

Future studies are needed to assess the real and perceived effect of law enforcement interventions in online forums to understand the efficacy of online preventive approaches. This would require innovative research methodologies, including interviews with active offenders, forum participants, and field observations of related criminal activities following place and time-specific information dissemination in those forums. Through triangulation of data, researchers may begin to understand the true effect of computer-mediated communications on both offending and policing strategies. The findings could also improve our understanding of the influence of technology on the nature of crime and deviance in the 21st century.