Two Somali Fathers’ Views of Science: What Should My Children Learn in Science?

Somali Immigrants in the United States

Somalis are refugee immigrants who were forcibly displaced from their homeland because of war and political unrest. According to PEW Research Center analysis, more than two million Somalis live as refugees mostly in cities in 18 different countries (Connor & Krogstad, 2016). Somali refugees face significant challenges when entering urban and rural U.S. school systems (McBrien, 2005). These challenges are complicated further because local Somali communities often have unique views and experiences that influence their thinking about what sort of science Somali students should learn and engage in. Somalis bring rich sociocultural knowledge that is beneficial for understanding and success in their new culture. Also, they add in the new culture and knowledge to the adopted communities. However, one added factor that is different between refugees and other immigrants is that refugees are often categorized as the neediest among all immigrant students in schools. Therefore, refugee parents make various trade-offs to realize educational (Miller, 2009) gains for their children. These factors support the value in understanding Somali parents’ views of science to improve Somali students’ learning and participation in science.

Value of Sociocultural Experiences in Science Learning

Parents have an enormous influence (Vereecken et al., 2010) on what kinds of sociocultural experiences their children receive and what knowledge they gain through these experiences. These early learning experiences at home with parents and adults form the foundations for future learning and career paths (Moll, 1990). Accordingly, learning happens in a sociocultural context where meanings are based on the connections between science contents learned and home experiences (Rogoff, 2003; Vygotsky, 1978). Vygotsky argues that learning is challenging if a gap exists between a learner’s home experiences gained from sociocultural interactions and school content. Many studies in language and science education show that if science learning is to be meaningful, inclusivity of students’ sociocultural experiences gained at home is essential (Calabrese Barton & Tan, 2009; Gee, 1990; Upadhyay, Maruyama & Albrecht, 2017; Valdés, 1996). These studies point out that the inclusion of sociocultural experiences in science teaching and learning is more beneficial to students from underrepresented, immigrant, and refugee groups. Sociocultural experiences provide them the linkages between science content and their home experiences (Aikenhead, 2002).

Immigrant parents believe that the inclusion of sociocultural experiences in science learning and engagement could improve their children’s success in science and related fields (Calabrese Barton et al., 2003). Studies on science education and parent involvement reveal that children draw meanings from science learning through their own culture and home experiences. Refugee and immigrant parents and families view science learning and engagement challenging in the new context of U.S. classrooms as many of their sociocultural experiences are not part of science instruction, curriculum, and assessment (Calabrese Barton et al., 2003; Hagiwara et al., 2007). In the study of Hispanic parents’ engagement with science, the analysis showed that parents were concerned about their children’s engagement with science because science classrooms provided very few opportunities to connect science with their sociocultural experiences (Hagiwara et al., 2007). Similarly, in a study of Hmong students’ participation in school science, Hmong parents showed interest in their children’s science learning but also indicated the value of including Hmong sociocultural experiences in science (Upadhyay & Gifford, 2010). An example provided in the same study shows how Hmong parents’ and elders’ skepticism on vaccines was resolved by acknowledging their sociocultural beliefs about Hmong spirit and then supplemented by the idea of cell mutation. Parents’ views of science based on their sociocultural experiences were documented in a study of mostly Hispanic parents (Calabrese Barton et al., 2003). Here, the researchers found that Hispanic parents were concerned that school science and science curriculum did not sufficiently include their sociocultural experiences and language. As a result, science achievement and learning suffered because Hispanic students did not see any connections between their sociocultural experiences and science contents and activities. This indicates that teachers need to be more inclusive of students’ sociocultural experiences (Ladson-Billings, 2014) in science instructions.

These studies indicate the necessity of sociocultural experiences becoming part of science learning and understanding. Inclusivity of refugee parents and students’ rich and diverse experiences is essential for successful and meaningful science learning experiences. These experiences are important when related to science and cultural traditions, whether at home or in school.

Islam and Science Learning

An important issue at the heart of understanding Somali fathers’ perceptions of science and science education is the relationship they envision between Islam and science or Islam and science education. Muslim students and adults express connections between Islam and schooling in Western countries when non-Muslim teachers provide sensitive, respectful, and supporting academic and social experiences where Islamic faith is respected and valued (Allen, 2007; Hermans, 2004; Sirin & Fine, 2008; Zine, 2007, 2008). A wide disconnect exists between controversial science topics such as evolution, human evolution in particular, and Islam (Alters & Alters, 2001). Non-Muslim science teachers in the West (Alters & Alters, 2001; Branch, 2008; Cobern, 2000; National Academy of Sciences, 2008) need to rethink their common pedagogical practices to address science topics that are considered controversial in Islamic faith. We acknowledge that this disconnect is not exclusive to Islam and the scientific concept of evolution, as similar disconnects exist at various levels between other religious faiths and evolution, human evolution more specifically (Branch et al., 2010; Plutynski, 2010; Trani, 2004).

Many studies connected to Islam and the controversial topic of evolution have shown both an aversion to and support for the learning and teaching evolution (e.g., Cole, 1993; Remtulla, 1993). Because of the varied and incongruous interpretations of the Islamic religious texts, some Muslims oppose the teaching of evolution and human life in school science classrooms, but others argue that the theory of evolution is compatible to the Islamic religious texts (Boujaoude et al., 2011; Cole, 1993; Dagher & Boujaoude, 2005; Sayin & Kence, 1999). Furthermore, for practicing Muslims and those who adhere to Islam, Islam is a “complete and comprehensive way of life” (Mansour, 2011, p. 285). The followers of Islam with their strong adherence to their faith and the followers of science often create conflicts and challenges regarding learning the science of evolution.

Much research on high school biology teaching and learning has shown that the strength of the teachers’ religious convictions matches their level of support for teaching evolution (Cobern, 2000; Southerland et al., 2001). This shows that “compatibility between religious faith and [evolution] is correlated to how comfortable teachers are in teaching this topic” (Albrecht & Upadhyay, 2018, p. 624). Despite this, other studies have shown that the individuals who accept evolution theory also believe in science knowledge, epistemological process of science, and greater consistency with their religious faith (Boujaoude et al., 2011; Deniz et al., 2008). Yet, there is very little research in science education that have explored immigrant and Muslim parents’ perceptions and experiences in science and how these perceptions and experiences influence their decisions about what their children should learn in science. Therefore, we believe that this exploratory study could shed some light on the influence of Islam on Somali fathers’ views of science, evolution in particular, and on their views about what their children should learn regarding evolution. We can anticipate that Somali fathers “struggle to reconcile the dissonance between their faith and controversial topics in science that are taught through curriculum designed and procured by mostly White, non-Somali, and non-Muslim teachers” (Albrecht & Upadhyay, 2018, p. 624).

Positionality of the Authors

As we have stated elsewhere in our writings (eg. Albrecht & Upadhyay, 2018), Nancy is a White female high school science teacher with a degree in life science and a PhD in science education from a prestigious U.S. university. She grew up in the U.S. Midwest. She has taught high school over 12 years in urban schools with mostly Somali and other vulnerable youth populations. Her teaching infuses the ideas of social justice and equity in her science curriculum and pedagogy. Bhaskar is a Nepali immigrant who has 12 years of experience as a science teacher in Nepal. As an immigrant teacher educator, his research and teaching are framed by social justice, race, and equity in the contexts of urban schools and underrepresented groups. Both authors have taught students from underrepresented groups in poor urban schools. Both respected Somali fathers’ sociocultural and religious values and beliefs and helped us capture multiple voices and trustworthy information. Our life experiences make us qualified to build trust with Somali adults to collect in-depth data.

Methods of Data Collection

For this study, a part of a larger study, we recruited two Somali fathers, Ali and Hassan, because of their varied experiences; their willingness to share their views on the intersections of Somali experiences with science, and their stance on science and Islam. Their views allowed us to capture multiple voices about science, cultural and social values, and challenges and possibilities when science intersected with Islam. Understanding Somali fathers’ views on science aids in assisting Somali students in science as fathers have influence on their children’s learning (Chiswick & DebBurman, 2004).

Each of our two interviews with Ali and Hassan lasted 30 to 60 minutes. To insure we had accurately understood and interpreted their answers, we held two shorter 15-30 minutes long conversations.

Data Analysis

We analyzed the transcribed interview data in a constant comparative and an iterative process. We first open coded the data to uncover emerging categories and codes. We generated different codes such as Islam, evolution, autism, home values, connections to science, doctor, engineer, community help, connected science, Somali culture, teaching and learning, student experience. This allowed us to reduce the data into small early potential themes. We then performed axial coding, which helped us build connections between codes to generate larger categories. Following are some of the examples of the larger codes that we generated: Challenge of Islam and science, Community value of science, Somali experience with Autisms, Science and professional career, and so on. Finally, through selective coding, we generated larger themes that validated and helped us generate a “story line” of our study. For instance, we developed the following selective themes to build our story line of findings: tensions between Islam and science; giving priority to sociocultural experiences in science; science brings practical value to Somalis. To ensure that Ali’s and Hassan’s multiple voices were captured accurately, we shared parts of our analysis and findings with them. We adjusted our analysis through participant feedback and comments. We edited parts of the interview quotes to improve the readability of the article without changing the meaning.

Ali

We begin Ali’s story in 1991 when the civil war in Somalia broke out and his life as a teenager in school got upended. He recalls the time when his teacher told all the students to go home and leave the country with their families:

I had just gotten to school that day. It was the first day of my last year as a high school student in my school in Mogadishu. When we arrived, our teacher pulled us together and said, “Put your books on the shelves. The war has started. Go home and flee with your families.”

Ali went home and fled Somalia with his family members, resulting in a complete disruption in his life, including his education. His family spent several years in Kenya as war refugees. Schooling in refugee camps was less about excellence and more about keeping the hopes alive for a better future with education. He eventually immigrated to the United States and finished high school by getting a general educational development (GED) degree. He considered graduating from high school an important accomplishment to him.

After his GED, Ali worked as an educator. Through his Somali connections, he gained employment as a behavior specialist at a start-up charter school that specialized in teaching Somali youth. He eventually decided to go back to school and work on a science education degree. Science interested Ali because socially and politically, a science degree would provide him social status and power. He could then use both attributes to better the education of Somali students. Getting a college degree in science landed him a director’s position at an alternative Somali school focused on science and technology for Somali students; he later added an administrative license. Ali’s commitment to an alternative school for Somalis was based on supporting their learning in the U.S. environment and also preserving and promoting to preserve and promote Somali cultural and social values. As Ali struggled to get his GED, he wanted young Somalis to earn a regular high school diploma and a 4-year college degree. Ali was married with seven young children, the oldest being in middle school. He had great hopes for his children and longed for them to be medical doctors, engineers, or health workers.

Hassan

Hassan was born in Somalia where he started primary school. With the outbreak of the Civil War in 1990, he then moved to Kenya with his family where he lived and attended school for refugees for about 9 years before coming to the United States as a refugee. In the United States, he finished high school, school, and then graduated from a 4-year state college with a biology degree. He next spent several years teaching, working in biological labs as a technician, and working in “assembly,” as he said, “struggling” to find his way. The culture of labs was unrewarding for him. He was labeled as a refugee who was intellectually poorer than the other workers. After leaving the job of a laboratory technician, Hassan started working as a substitute science teacher in a private Somali charter middle school. He believed he had found his calling to encourage Somali students to like science and to get a good science education.

Hassan’s school experiences in Somalia and Kenya during the primary and middle school grades were in make-shift schools with few resources and qualified teachers. Hassan remarked, “To learn science, like technology, so I just read books, and there were a lot of pictures in the books, and we tried to understand through memorization. We wanted more, we wanted to learn more . . .”

Hassan has four children, two girls and two boys. All of his children attended Somali charter public school. He wanted his children to be knowledgeable of the Koran and also do well in school science to become a doctor or engineer. He believed that the Koran’s teachings and school teachings, science in particular, had to sit side-by-side harmoniously, if Somali students were to succeed later in life. Hassan strongly believed that Somali identity and everyday life were based on the Koranic teachings and to dismiss these teaching in science classrooms was a nonstarter for Somalis.

Tensions and Reconciliation: Islam and Science Learning

Ali and Hassan were all proud Somalis of Islamic faith. They lived their lives based on that faith alongside the social and cultural knowledge and values gained over many generations that they cherished. When we interviewed them about their perceptions of science that Somali students should learn, they shared with us a science topic, namely, human evolution, that they felt was in opposition to their Islamic faith and beliefs. Both discussed Islam and the science of evolution based on their own scientific and Islamic views, albeit different ones, rooted in their own experiences.

Ali, who studied science in college, expressed his dilemma of having to choose between the Islamic explanation of human creation and the scientific explanation. Ali was pulled in diametrically opposite directions when it came to following the teachings of the Koran and the knowledge of science:

For me, since I studied science, it was a struggle—science and religion do not need to be in concert with each other; these are two ways of understanding how the world works; one answers why and the other answers how.

Ali rationalized his dilemma by valuing both the Islamic knowledge and the science knowledge. He believed that Islam sought to answer “why” human creation happened and science explained “how” human creation took place. Yet, Ali recognized that for many Somalis, young and mature, following the teachings of Islam was the central goal, and a scientific explanation of evolution, particularly on the topic of human creation, did not hold much value:

Controversial areas [evolution] . . . these are a no go with the culture; the text in the Koran says man was created freely by God, and that is the belief of every Muslim. When talking as a father about apes and species for science—these elements of science are just like a joke to us, joking. . . . A lot of people feel it’s an insult to humanity and the greatness of Allah.

According to Ali, for many Somali fathers and others, the matter of human evolution was a settled issue, so the scientific explanation was considered a “joke.” By implication, we believe that most Somalis likely consider insistence on teaching human evolution an act of undue coercion and a “joke” played on Muslims. Teaching evolution and requiring Somali students to learn a scientific explanation of human evolution were perceived as “an insult” to their faith and being a human.

A joke or humor is an important oral tradition in Somali culture. It is used to lighten up the harshness of traditional Somali pastoral life and also comfort them as it complemented Islam (Geshekter & Warsama, 1996). Ali was further alluding to the importance of jokes or humor in Somali community when they had to deal with controversial topics like human evolution. As a Somali, Ali was seeing scientific explanation of human evolution as a joke because Somalis value viewing challenging and contradictory ideas as jokes, indicating stoicism in the face of adverse knowledge. Therefore, for Ali, the tension between scientific knowledge of human evolution and Islamic views of human evolution was lessened through joking. Similarly, Hassan said he used jokes to help students and his own children understand and engage in science because “Somalis like to learn through jokes.” Hassan added that as a father and teacher, he would explain to students about the “topics like human evolution through jokes.” Hassan explained that “Somalis like jokes” to make sense of gloomy or contradictory environments. He would suggest a White non-Muslim teacher should use “jokes to explain evolution.” In Hassan’s case, humor was seen as a medium to break tensions between learning the science of human evolution and Islamic teachings. Hassan saw the need for a way to ensure that Somali children learned the science of evolution. He also wanted non-Somalis to know that there was a way to teach topics like evolution that supported Somali pedagogical practices such as infusing jokes while teaching such topics. Thus, indicating to us that Hassan imagined some value in learning about the controversial topic of evolution.

Hassan perceived the controversial topic of evolution in science and Islam differently than Ali. Hassan preferred to find contributions of Islam and scientists from that faith as a part of the progress of science. Interestingly, Hassan experienced a change in his perceptions about science and Islam when he spent some years studying the Koran and its teachings. He discovered, to his surprise, that Islam had contributed immensely to both the progress of science and value for scientific knowledge:

You know really, ah, I didn’t know that Islam encouraged science, all the time, until when I came to the United States, you know. I had to learn that here in the United States, in my studies. Before that I just used to hear, I didn’t know how—how Islam is about science, until I read it [the Koran], Islam encourages it, to really understand science.

Hassan especially wanted Somali students to see connections between the Islamic faith and science knowledge. He believed that embedding Islamic teachings in science could dispel the myth that science and Islam are incompatible or contradictory. Hassan also pointed out that his children and Somali students always challenged him whenever he was teaching any science topic, including evolution which did not complement the teachings from the Koran:

I am teaching in class or with my children, and I have students who ask me, “Is this a part of the Koran?” And I say, you’re not going to find everything in the Koran, it doesn’t include specifics like days of the year. It’s a general guide, it’s not going to answer all questions like how old is the Earth, but other than that I don’t see a challenge in religion to science, so Islam encourages it, the history of Muslims in science.

From Hassan’s point of view as a father and also a science teacher, he needed to support his children’s and students’ curiosity when their understanding of the Koran did not match the science concepts taught at school. He explained to students that the Koran was a “general guide” to live life better rather than the answer to every question. He further asserted that there was a need to clarify to his children and Somali students that Islam valued science and that scientific endeavors could be found throughout Muslim history.

However, concerning the question of teaching evolution in general and human evolution in particular, Hassan agreed that a non-Muslim teacher might be questioned and challenged by many Somali students. In particular, the teacher likely would be questioned about the authority and motives of the non-Muslim teacher while reconciling the “Islamic views about human evolution and science view.” According to Hassan, non-Muslim teachers would be “outsiders who would not understand Islam and the Koran to teach them the correct explanation of evolution” and would not be able to “make sense of what the Somali students were talking about.”

The Somali fathers in this study viewed teaching and learning evolution, human evolution in particular, to be challenging to most Somali adults and students because of the perception that they needed to choose between Islamic teachings of human creation and scientific explanations of human evolution. There was a general consensus between Ali and Hassan that Somalis needed to understand scientific ideas about evolution, even if they decided to refute it from the perspective of Islam.

Giving Priority to Somali Home Experiences in Science

Ali and Hassan viewed science knowledge most acceptable to Somalis if science topics were harmonious with Somali social and cultural experiences gained at home, such as the effects of environment on pastoral practices, the effects of fasting on the human body during Ramadan, along with health issues such as HIV/AIDS and autism. These experiences later became a valuable knowledge base to help cope with difficult life events with fewer modern resources. This knowledge and these practices were passed on to Ali and Hassan by their fathers, and they would do the same with the younger generation. These home experiences also shaped how the participants viewed science during their own schooling and parenting. Ali and Hassan agreed that their perceptions of science were shaped by what they learned at home.

Ali’s perceptions of science and home connections were grounded in the issues of “dietary changes in Somali life” in the United States and “HIV/AIDS in Somalia, and autism in the Somali population.” He wanted science topics to focus on issues that directly affected current Somali communities. He believed that Somali adults would be more amenable to engaging in science with a more positive and enthusiastic attitude if their children learned science that aided their overcoming the trauma and fear of the harsh consequences of disease and nutritional deficiency that they experienced as refugees.

A higher rate of autism in Somali families was the first and foremost important issue that framed Ali’s perception of science. As a father, he was concerned and curious about the scientific causes of autism so that he could take proper care of his children. He expressed connections between science and a greater prevalence of autism in Somali homes; he realized this could be leveraged as an important and urgent possibility to help Somalis understand the causes of autism. Ali stated,

One specific health issue in the family members that have siblings in this school is autism . . . in the past few years. . . . They [Somalis] don’t want to talk about it, so bringing forward this issue in science classes and to adults and parents . . . the rate of autism among Somali kids is really, really, high.

Ali imagined autism as a springboard to draw Somali parents and students into science and to help them heed the link between science and their home experiences. As Somali and other non-Western languages lack an equivalent word for autism, many Somali and other non-Western immigrant adults attribute it to a more spiritual explanation (Pipher, 2002). Ali was concerned that labeling autism as “God’s will” allowed parents and adults to not talk about children with autism to health care providers and avoid mental health services. Ali stated that the number of Somali children diagnosed as “autistic has grown significantly among the Somalis” in the United States. Somali adults and parents would support learning science topics that dealt with autism. Ali believed studying autism could positively impact perceptions of science among Somali adults and students alike. Learning about autism, a neurodevelopmental disorder, could not only “help dispel social and cultural myths” about the causes of autism among Somalis but also help families and Somali “communities to cope with” this medical problem more positively. Ali also believed that knowing the science of autism would provide tools for parents and their children to understand and manage autism, not as an “otismo” or “the American disease” (McNeil, 2009) but as a neural problem that could affect anyone from any place. Ali’s perception of science was based on ways to dispel myths and obstacles and open lines of communication for Somali families to discuss autism and to obtain health services.

Another perception of science that Ali viewed as important was based on his personal experiences with dietary changes and physical activities once he immigrated to the United States. He viewed connecting healthy life with the effects of climatic variations, changes in available food, and the amount of physical activity as important aspects of building positive perceptions of science among Somalis:

How that [Somali weather] is different than you know from this [US] weather and this climate, this is a new kind of environment. . . . So they used sugar and oil [in Somalia]; vegetables and fruits were not really part of course in some areas in Somalia; a general statement is that the fruits and vegetables weren’t available as part of the daily diet in Somalia.

Ali saw connections between the climate in Somalia and dietary practices based on available food sources. These changes directly affected Somali dietary habits, his children’s, and his own. Once Ali immigrated, he saw himself becoming accustomed to different foods and lower physical activity. As a father, he expressed a major concern that many Somali families no longer had access, in the United States, to the foods available in Somalia.

Ali agreed that Somalis liked sugary and oily foods, just as many Americans. Most foods that Somalis consumed in their native country included few fruits and vegetables because the climate there was not suitable for growing these foods. However, Somalis had to do a lot of physical labor, and thus people stayed healthy despite a diet rich in carbohydrates and saturated fats.

As Ali, Hassan considered science helping Somalis be aware of the negative health effects of food choices as well as the disparities in the access to health care for Somalis in the United States and Somalia. In addition, as a science teacher himself, Hassan envisioned a science classroom with discussions and topics that explicitly connected science to health issues that Somalis experienced in their home country. For example, he talked about the Ebola virus that affected African countries and not Western countries. He would also discuss the politics of Ebola, concurring with adults and parents at home that in general Ebola influenced economics, health, and mental health of African people and Somalis. He viewed science and everyday connections necessary to help Somali students understand the value of science and politics:

. . . so what I’m finding here, I’m teaching them [science], one thing I figured out was I have to make connections to their lives, like I do for my kids as a father, they may not grasp things [science concepts], but when I show them clear things connections to Somali [experiences], like what is happening in life, they like this, they like [to learn] about diseases, Ebola and you know . . . the politics . . . that it has no cure because [of] Ebola effects West Africans, Somali people not Western people . . .

Hassan viewed his and other teachers’ science classrooms as spaces for Somali students to bring their home interactions to school to engage in discussions about political and personal health issues. Nieto and Bode (2011) propose that inclusion of diverse sociocultural knowledge and experiences builds sociopolitical awareness. Hassan’s view of science included Somali experience, and he believed that these experiences would aid in understanding science content and critical thinking about the politics of science. In addition, he also wondered the lack of cure for diseases like Ebola, which do not affect Western countries.

Ali and Hassan both viewed science based on its connections to Somali experiences and how knowing science could better support them in dealing with the personal and social issues created by diseases like autism and Ebola. Similarly, knowing science could help them make appropriate food choices both in everyday diets and during Ramadan and stay healthy.

Science Brings Practical Significance to Somalis

As a Somali father and a teacher, Hassan viewed science as useful, practical, and relevant to everyday Somali lives. Hassan’s views of science were based on his science teaching experiences and as a father of several children. As he stated,

When I show them clear things, like what is happening in life, they like this, they like to know about diseases, and you know, some practicalities, because it science concept is something that is not discussed in their culture a lot, so you’re not going to hear discussed in Somali culture like DNA; it’s part of the American culture, everybody knows that, but not in Somali culture.

According to Hassan, Somalis would rather talk about science through the lens of “practicalities.” They wanted science that unambiguously solved everyday problems, such as treating diseases, rather than spending time discussing science topics like DNA. The latter would not be a Somali norm, in his opinion. As a teacher and an adult, Hassan viewed science that could have many practical benefits to Somalis, and that was how he wanted to teach Somali students and his children, too.

From Ali’s perspective, science had to be connected to the needs of Somali people, too. As a father, he had difficulty convincing his children why they needed to pursue science if the science degree did not lead to good job. Ali stated that many Somali adults considered scientific knowledge to be too abstract and too grand; thus, the adults considered learning such science less useful for Somalis:

Science equals a big concept that the majority of the community have little understanding of, a limited perception of what it is . . . because the concept of science mostly is alien really to most Somali families. When you say science [we] think something that is very abstract, something that is very . . . um . . . it is nothing tangible [useful for basic health issues].

Ali emphasized that Somalis perceived “science equals a big concept”; thus, Somali adults did not find science easily accessible. They also viewed much of the science taught and presented to Somalis in schools as at the conceptual knowledge level, lacking connections to “tangible everyday issues such as the basic health” and nutritional issues that most Somalis suffered from.

Ali’s and Hassan’s views of science were influenced by the value of medical, engineering, and technical degrees within the Somali community. The practical value of science was connected to the benefits of a good paying, stable job that a medical or an engineering degree would bring to them. Hassan remarked that

a science degree would secure good jobs . . . and Somali families actually, consider the other subjects not as good, so it will be always English, math, science, math and science . . . for medical, engineering, and other health related degrees.

Similarly, Ali also viewed science as a vehicle to earn a degree “to be a doctor, engineer, technician like computer science, and nurse.” In addition, both of them agreed that these professions not only brought economic benefits to the individual and the family but also generated value to the Somali community.

These two fathers’ views of science were strongly linked to the personal, familial, and community benefits that a science-related profession would bring. Learning science without much practical usefulness seemed less valuable to them.