Abstract
Introduction
Ambitious aspirations for student learning require both a strong sense of academic press and a powerful sense of community for students, teachers, and families. Ancess (2000) refers to this as “a condition of nurture and rigor or affiliation and intellectual development” (p. 595). However, over the past several decades, scholarly work on school leadership focused on creating academic press, including raising course rigor, implementing higher standards, monitoring and evaluating teaching, student testing, and ending social promotion. Less empirical and theoretical attention has been given to creating communities of support that promote student development.
We know that this is a problematic state of affairs. Academic press is demonstrably important for student success, and consistency in expectations establishes a framework where students know what they are expected to learn. However, focusing exclusively or primarily on academic press is insufficient and even deleterious (Crosnoe, 2011; Quint, 2006), especially for students whose lives are affected by poverty (Becker & Luthar, 2002; Rumberger, 2011). As Hoy, Tartar, and Hoy (2006) contend, academic press alone does not attend sufficiently to the quality of social relations required for effective teaching and learning. That is, schools with strong press can still prove inadequate if they do not also create sufficient academic and social support for students. Studies have long found that it is the combination of strong academic press and strong academic and social support that benefit students most, in their engagement in school, in their academic success, and in their personal well-being (e.g., V. Lee & Smith, 1999; Marks, 2000).
The challenge for school leadership is difficult—that is, how to cultivate and manage communities of teaching and learning in schools that embody a balance of press and support. In this article, we explore this school leadership challenge conceptually and empirically, looking specifically at a central quality of academic and social support—caring. We proceed from the premise that teaching and learning, and press and support, are functions of the nature and qualities of social relationships between and among students, teachers, leaders, and parents (e.g., Murphy & Torres, 2014). School leadership is, therefore, at its core a social relationship. From this premise, we argue that caring and caring leaders provide a foundation for school community.
We focus on caring for several reasons. First, the literature on caring in education suggests that the concept is powerful in terms of addressing the immediate needs of students, teachers, and families, and may also promote the longer term outcomes of belonging and engagement, a sense of personal well-being, and academic success. Second, caring is something that is at play all the time. Every action and interaction can take on qualities of caring or not caring, and these qualities have consequences for parties to the interaction, including the observers. Third, as important as caring seems to be, its meaning in schools is vague, ambiguous, unsettled, and weakly explicated (Thompson, 1998).
In this article, we first review the conceptual and empirical literature from several disciplines to discern different meanings of caring and caring leadership and synthesize them in a framework that is applicable to schools. Because our focus is on school organization and leadership, we are particularly interested in research that speaks not only to caring interpersonal relationships but also to caring organizations. A second strand of our work applies the emerging concept of caring school leaders in an analysis of a large-scale teacher survey that contains items that reflect caring leadership and caring organizational supports for students. This allows us to explore how principal caring is associated with the academic and personal support provided by schools. We conclude with interpretive comments about our findings and explore several implications for the future study of caring and caring leadership in schools.
The Essence of Caring
The education literature that examines the importance of social relationships among students, teachers, and leadership is brimming with direct and indirect references to care and caring (Murphy & Torres, 2014), but systematic conceptualizations of the concepts are rare. Some authors point to practices or behaviors of teachers and principals in schools and assume, without connection to a definitional construct, that they are expressions of caring; others describe practices and behaviors that reflect what philosophers call caring without naming them as such. Thus, it is important to identify what is meant by the term and related concepts such as empathetic relationships, compassion, and so on. We focus on a definition of caring as a property of relationships, its consequences, and the conditions that enable caring to become a feature of both relationships and groups, particularly those in schools.
Caring and Relationships
There is no consensus on a definition of caring but the more extended discussions are found in philosophy and ethics, particularly in the arguments of Jeffrey Blustein (1991), Mary Larrabee (1992), Milton Mayeroff (1971), Nel Noddings (2005, 2013), and Joan Tronto (1999, 2010). For example, Mayeroff (1971) views caring as a process of helping another person grow in his or her “own right,”—that is, not bound up in the interests and well-being of the carer but in the one being cared for, while Noddings (2005) considers caring as a “way of being in [human] relation, not a set of specific behaviors” (p. 17). These authors reflect a common assumption that caring is a property of relationships that is expressed through action and interaction. Caring is something intended and expressed by the one caring and perceived and received by the cared for (Bass, 2009).
Caring is also often defined by its broad purposes: promoting the general development, welfare, and well-being of others; addressing particular needs of others; and developing the capacity for caring among self and others. This last purpose rests on an argument about the educative function of caring, that caring begets caring (Noddings, 2005). In other words, the capacity to care can be learned through the experience of caring and being cared for (Beck, 1992; Roffey, 2006). These varied purposes suggest that caring can also evoke several types of outcomes. Some are related to addressing the immediate needs of the cared for (obtaining a coat for a child who does not have one), while others accrue in the long run from the beneficial experience of caring and being cared for (increased engagement with the goals of a school). Some point to a potential inconsistency between shorter and longer term goals of caring (Hoffman, 2009), but the focus of much of the writing on caring and human development emphasizes its role in promoting the “success” of individuals over the life course.
Core Elements of Caring
Several elements that are consistently referred to as characteristics of caring relationships are pertinent to thinking about schools:
Attentiveness. Without attentiveness, it is impossible to know and understand the one who is being cared for in a deep and genuine way (Noddings, 2005). This understanding is a prerequisite to helping the other grow (Mayeroff, 1971), or to meeting the other’s needs, and is grounded in empathy (Engster, 2005; Tronto, 1995). Students may be particularly aware of whether teachers are paying attention to them as individuals and see that as a core element of teacher care (Alder, 2002).
Motivational displacement. Caring requires that the one caring for another act on his or her behalf in a selfless way, putting the needs, projects, and person of the cared for ahead of his or her own (Noddings, 2005). 1 Kruse, Louis, and Bryk (1995) argue that in education this is a core aspect of professionalism, where the needs of the student are given priority over personal career needs.
Situationality. Caring is situational and therefore variable, idiosyncratic, and dynamic (Tronto, 2010). As such, caring is not “rule bound,” “rule driven,” or “universalistic” (Noddings, 2005). Students, in particular, often experience caring in a variety of contexts that are related to the cultivation of their own interests and passions rather than those identified by the school (Schmidt, Shernoff, & Csikszentmihalyi, 2014).
Mutuality. Caring roles are not fixed. Those who are caring for another can become cared for in another situation. Some argue that “mature caring” requires mutuality because it assumes agency for all parties (Pettersen, 2012). In schools and other settings, this is reflected in the underlying assumptions of cooperative learning, where members are responsible for each other’s success (Boyatzis, Smith, & Blaize, 2006; Gillies, 2014; N. Lee & Ewing, 2013).
Authenticity. Caring requires openness, transparency, and genuineness (Noddings, 1991). Students are often adept at determining when actions intended as caring are less than fully attentive to their needs (Cavanagh, Vigil, & Garcia, 2014; Rivera-McCutchen, 2012) or when caring is to a routinized or meaningless set of practices (Benner & Gordon, 1996).
Enabling Conditions
Some kinds of relationships and organizational contexts are more conducive to caring, particularly in schools. Deeper and longer relationships are related to the knowledge of the other’s needs and attentiveness (Noddings, 1991). However, the importance of depth and duration is variable because under some circumstances neither may be necessary to understand the particular needs of the other. For example, if a child is in a “zone of proximal emotional development” (ready and eager to learn), interactions with a supportive adult may be interpreted as caring even if the adult is not a permanent feature of the child’s life (Goldstein, 1999, p. 665).
Another enabling relational condition of caring is trust, which creates a sense of dependability in long-term relationships and integrity in those of shorter duration. Trust is an expectation that others will be honest, open, benevolent, and competent and will make good-faith efforts to enact commitments (Grossman, Wineburg, & Woolworth, 2001; Tschannen-Moran & Hoy, 2000). Where trust mediates risk and vulnerability, it contributes to attentiveness (Bryk & Schneider, 2002), a base of mutual support (McLaughlin & Talbert, 2001; Mulford & Silins, 2003), and a “basic regard for the dignity of others” (Kochanek, 2005, p. 7).
Continuity is another enabling relational condition (Noddings, 2013). Caring is enhanced when there is a connection between the present, past, and future because it enhances understanding and creates a context for the relationship. However, as noted above, continuity is not always necessary for a caring relationship to occur.
These enabling conditions set a high and potentially problematic bar for caring in schools, where adults work with many students and peers on a daily basis. The literature on teacher–student relationships approaches caring from a dyadic orientation, as a quality of relationship between two individuals, and it is more difficult to establish such a relationship in large secondary schools where teachers may see many students each day (Antrop-González, 2006; V. Lee, Smerdon, Alfeld-Liro, & Brown, 2000). But students can belong to many different types of organizational and social groups, including classrooms and schools, peer groups, families, and community organizations (Cavanagh et al., 2014; Witherspoon & Arnold, 2010). Recalling the core element of situationality, the quality and intensity of dyadic caring within this web of relationships may vary, with some connections weaker or stronger than others. As a consequence, some scholars have been drawn to an additional enabling condition: the cultivation of membership and a sense of belonging, both in school and in related contexts, rather than on specific student–teacher relationships (Riley, Ellis, Weinstock, Tarrant, & Hallmond, 2006; Smerdon, 2002). This variability may have important implications for schools as they try to create caring environments and cultivate caring therein, particularly with students and families whose broader webs of caring relationships may be weak (Olsson, 2007). Both dyadic caring relationships and engaging/belonging organizational environments are, thus, important in schools.
Conditions Supporting Caring in Schools: Teacher–Student Relationships
The focus in educational research is most often on teacher–student relationships and the importance of particular relational conditions as the foundation for creating communities of care (Ancess, 2003; Newmann, 1992; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2003). The nature of teacher–student relationships sets the stage for caring and the cultivations of both academic press (high standards) and academic support (engagement) in the classroom. Because many students “learn only from teachers promoting healthy personal relationships” (Opdenakker, Maulana, & Brock, 2012, p. 99), “the power of positive teacher-student relationships is critical for learning to occur” (Hattie, 2009, p. 118; see also Goddard, 2003; Goodenow, 1993). Positive connections create the social capital, or web of supportive relationships, that is needed for effective academic work to occur in classrooms (Adams & Forsyth, 2009; Ancess, 2003; Croninger & Lee, 2001). That provides the engine and the drivetrain to power personalized, engaging communities (Epstein & McPartland, 1976; Farrell, 1990; Patterson, Beltyukova, Berman, & Francis, 2007).
Such caring relationships may affect the trajectories that children follow throughout their schooling experience (Birch & Ladd, 1997), particularly in schools with high concentrations of students whose lives outside of school are challenging (Battistich, Solomon, Kim, Watson, & Schaps, 1995; Marks, 2000; Murphy & Tobin, 2011). When these relationships do not exist, students may be placed in a compromised position with regard to teaching and learning (Rodriguez, 2008). As Croninger and Lee (2001) assert, “An absence of positive social relationships and contacts with teachers denies students resources that help them develop positively” (p. 569). Deteriorating and negative relationships are even worse (Fredricks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004) and are “destructive to student outcomes and development” (Opdenakker et al., 2012, p. 95). The strength and meaningfulness of teacher–student relationships mediate student academic performance and create contexts that support learning.
Beyond focusing on the strength and meaningfulness of teacher–student relationships, the literature also focuses on several likely expressions of caring, notably various personal and academic supports extended to students. Support can be thought of as the provision of help by teachers coupled with students’ understanding that they can count on teachers for that assistance (Ancess, 2003; Antrop-González & De Jesus, 2006; Louis & Marks, 1998). Demaray and Malecki (2002a) argue that this typically requires teachers’ “understanding that their supportive role appears to play a significant part in students’ attitudes about teachers and their school experience in general” (p. 314).
This research allows us to distill overlapping types of support. In particular, researchers highlight the importance of emotional support (Crosnoe, 2011; Demaray & Malecki, 2002b), social support (Goddard, Salloum, & Berebitsky, 2009; Jackson & Warren, 2000), and academic support (Ancess, 2003; Antrop-González & De Jesus, 2006). It is not a far reach to consider each of these forms of support as likely expressions of caring, enabled by the strength and meaningfulness of relationships with students’ and teachers’ understanding of the importance of caring as a quality of these relationships.
Generally, support is thought to buffer students from events and forces that can damage them and threaten their success in school (Bloomberg, Ganey, Alba, Quintero, & Alvarez-Alcantara, 2003; Demaray & Malecki, 2002a); Jackson and Warren (2000) point to the importance of social support as creating “possible immunity to the effects of life events” (p. 1452). Researchers suggest that such support is critical as youngsters mature and with students who lack a dense web of social support and caring outside of school (Croninger & Lee, 2001; Roth, Brooks-Gunn, Murray, & Foster, 1998).
Supporting Caring in Schools: Organizational and Collective Characteristics
Our perspective is based on the assumption that caring, and a caring learning environment, should be expressed at multiple levels in a school: by the principal, by teachers in their joint work and in their classrooms, and at the level of students as they work with their peers. The core elements and enabling conditions for creating a caring learning environment are, therefore, assumed to be not only relational but also linked to group contexts (Murphy & Torres, 2014). Although deep relational caring may be limited in schools, the organizational practices that bring people together in collaborative work may foster a shared understanding of the purposes, values, and means of the immediate and larger tasks that are focused on meeting the needs of students. To some degree, these may be thought of as the outcomes of adults caring for each other in the school community.
For example, one particularly important support that schools and teachers can provide is a safe and secure environment for learning (Christle, Jolivette, & Nelson, 2005; Reynolds et al., 2014). We see in studies across a variety of areas of interest (e.g., child development, school reform) that security needs are of major importance for youngsters (Dinham, 2005; Joselowsky, 2007) and that meeting those needs is essential for their academic, social, and emotional development (Christle et al., 2005; Rumberger & Palardy, 2005). Efforts to create spaces in which it is safe and enjoyable for students to engage with the business of schooling and develop as persons (Antrop-González & De Jesus, 2006; Creemers & Reezigt, 1996; Robinson, 2007) allow schools to become sanctuaries for some students (Ancess, 2003; Antrop-González, 2006).
Environments that are safe for students may also include a sense of being in a risk tolerant and safe environment for adults. In particular, collaboration promotes a shared stake in that work and a common set of values that are most conducive to a shared sense of responsibility for the collective impact of the school on students (Kruse et al., 1995) and that creates opportunities for attentiveness and knowing of others. Joint ownership, responsibility, and accountability may motivate action on others’ behalf in part because one’s own success is tied up in the success of others, which means acting on their behalf so that they and all succeed (V. Lee & Smith, 1996). These conditions of community create greater possibilities for mutuality—that all can be at particular times the one who is caring and the one who is cared for—and reciprocity (Fielding & Moss, 2011).
Moreover, organizational conditions such as low mobility among both adults and students may also promote relational conditions that are conducive to caring: depth, duration, and trust. Schools may be in a better position to create networks of reciprocity than other settings because they tend to have more stability in both their professional personnel and their student bodies and more opportunities for adults to work with students in longer term relationships. They may create histories that encourage continuity in relationships, another enabling condition of caring. In this regard, caring may be a precondition for enhancing social capital. On the other hand, high mobility limits the effects of caring because it constrains duration and depth. Both student and teacher turnover causes stress, dissatisfaction, and “burnout” (Scott, Aiken, Mechanic, & Moravcsik, 1995), which, in turn, may cause emotional withdrawal, that decreases the possibility of satisfying, caring relationships. This affects some schools more than others: high poverty neighborhoods have greater student mobility, which may limit the development of teacher–student, peer, and community caring relationships (Rumberger, 2003).
In addition to the outcome of denser social networks, caring may contribute to teachers’ socio-emotional health. Teachers’ capacity to promote desirable social outcomes for pupils is, to a large extent, premised on their own resilience: teachers who are burned out or low in self-efficacy lack the capacity to care about their students (Jennings & Greenberg, 2009; Kahn, Schneider, Jenkins-Henkelman, & Moyle, 2006), and burnout is, according to Santoro (2011), more prevalent in high poverty schools. Thus, research on teachers’ working conditions suggests that unless teachers are cared for and supported, they may be unable to provide classroom environments that will contribute to broader goals of youth development (Brissie, Hoover-Dempsey, & Bassler, 1988); conversely, when teachers’ work is collaborative and principals care about teachers’ well-being, students are more likely to thrive (Langer, 2000; Noddings, 2005).
The Outcomes for Students of Caring in Schools
The empirical literature provides additional insight into several other outcomes associated with caring for students, whether inside or out of classrooms. One of those noted previously is students’ sense of belonging, or feelings of membership in the school community (Battistich et al., 1995; Riley et al., 2006; Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2003; Voelkl, 1997). Newmann (1992) captures the power of this idea when he reports that from the students’ point of view, a basic cultural requirement for engagement is a sense of school membership—the key is school membership. Authentic (experienced) membership seems to be especially important and productive for students at risk of failure (Murphy & Tobin, 2011). Goodenow (1993) argues that “belonging could be the single most crucial factor in the motivation and engagement of certain categories of at-risk students” (p. 39).
Caring, or at least some of its attributes, is also associated with student academic achievement. Shouse (1996) and V. Lee & Smith (1996), for example, found that high academic standards were associated with student test scores primarily when there was also a strong emphasis on community (student sense of belonging), a finding supported by Klem and Connell (2004) and Cornelius-White (2007). Caring is also regarded a key contributor to, as well as an outcome of, social and emotional learning (SEL), which is typically defined as fostering “young people who are knowledgeable, responsible, healthy, caring, connected, and contributing” (Weissberg & O’Brien, 2004, p. 87). SEL is regarded as an important protection against the development of mental health issues that may impede student functioning in both the long term and the short term (Jennings & Greenberg, 2009). Programs to increase SEL often involve engaging community and parents as well as educators in creating safe and supportive spaces for children.
Toward a Construct of Caring School Leadership
We have focused on teachers and students because relatively few educational studies in education have examined caring among formal leaders. While the words caring and principal or leader can frequently be found in conjunction with each other, they are typically not elaborated or examined in depth. If we take the core elements of caring seriously, we must consider that the actions, interactions, and practices of leadership are caring if three conditions are met (Boyatzis et al., 2006):
What leaders do is based on authentic knowledge and understanding of the cared for and the needs of the cared for, developed out of sufficient attentiveness to and engrossment with the cared for.
The caring actions of school leaders are motivated by advancing the success and personal well-being of the cared for.
Where possible, the school leaders’ caring is recognized and acknowledged by the ones cared for.
The expressions of caring that emanate from such knowledge, understanding, and motivational orientation may be situational, idiosyncratic to different groups and individuals, and dynamic, changing as understanding and needs develop. In schools, where much of the work of leadership is invisible to others, achieving the deep mutuality suggested by the philosophical literature may be difficult. In particular, students may have more limited contact with school leaders than teachers and may have only a fuzzy sense of what a principal does that might be interpreted by them as caring. Teachers, on the other hand, typically experience more consistent attention from and interaction with school leaders.
What Caring Leadership Does
Defining caring as a property or as a quality of relationships means that it is not possible to specify in advance exactly what caring school leadership practices might be. Thus, we can think about the function of leadership as cultivating a caring school environment, which implies the need to reconceptualize the principalship around the ethic of care (Beck & Murphy, 1993; Starratt, 1997), which may be translated into behaviors that denote “active caring” in leadership, which then result in affirmations of being cared for by individuals and relevant communities (Donaldson, 2001, p. 144). Many scholars over the past quarter century have called for formal school leaders to restructure schooling as caring communities (Beck & Foster, 1999). Since it is not particularly helpful to expect leaders to create an ethic of care without some specificity, these expressions imply some general caring orientations or general practices that might include, for example, the following:
Engaging the school community in the vision and challenge of being a caring school
Assessing the capabilities, contexts, and expressions and experiences of caring that can or should occur and engaging the school community in self-assessments related to caring
Shaping school organizational culture through supportive structures, social relationships, politics, and reinforcing the norms and values that constitute a school’s organization
Cultivating the larger systems of caring relationships to which school members belong, such as parent partnerships, and partnerships and projects with community organizations.
There are also implicit and explicit outcomes of caring that appear in the writing on caring leadership. A foundational assumption is that every person involved in the schooling process deserves to be treated with dignity and respect, which presumes that they will feel respected (Reed, Vidaver-Cohen, & Colwell, 2011). Furthermore, each individual, regardless of her or his role or function, should be afforded conditions and opportunities that allow for and encourage professional and personal growth (Louis & Marks, 1998; Maak & Pless, 2006). Again, it is assumed that if such conditions are freely available, members of the school will be aware of them. The metaphor of the caring leader holds that the principal is a person whose work as a leader is first, foremost, and always with persons—that is, persons who are physical, intellectual, spiritual, emotional, and social beings (Beck & Murphy, 1993). People in the community should believe that the leaders acknowledge and support the worth of every individual.
The literature contends that if the principal is, indeed, a person among persons, the school would necessarily need to be viewed as a community characterized by interdependent relationships that include the principal (Barth, 1990; Dewey & Dewey, 1915; Hobbs et al., 1984; Nash & Griffin, 1987; Sizer, 1973). As caring leaders, principals would need to explicate and use a caring ethic to guide their decisions and actions (Beck, 1992; Brabeck, 1989). They would strive to create schools that are, as Sizer depicts in the title of his 1973 book, Places for Learning, Places for Joy. The literature suggests that they would liberate teachers to engage with students and with material in exciting, innovative ways that change the power relationships between adults and students, as well as between professionals and members of the community (Giroux, 1988; Sarason, 1971). Accordingly, principals would view teachers, students, parents, and others as colleagues, partners, colearners, and friends. And they would, following this line, relish the challenge of working with these groups to “[build] a community of learners” (Barth, 1990, p. 37) in which all persons are cared for and can flourish.
We assume that there are many principals in schools who strive to enact the ethic of care in this way and who communicate a sense of joy in being in community with teachers and students (Barber, 2002). Wildy and Louden (2000) suggest that principals in a large district they studied had a shared set of values that emphasized caring at its core: “what matters” to these school administrators is that principals are caring, strong, fair, open and have the capacity to involve others and to articulate long-term goals.”(p. 175). Nevertheless, as these and other authors have pointed out, the complexity of school leadership in an age of accountability poses significant dilemmas in managing a role that incorporates caring and rigor.
An Empirical Examination of Caring and Its Effects
The framework that we have developed to understand the nature and role of caring in schools was deliberately broad but centered on how adult professionals in schools establish relationships and a culture that supports the development of children and youth. Our focus moved beyond the implicit assumption in much of the educational literature that caring is primarily a dyadic (or a very small group) relationship to an extended consideration of how the behavior of principals and other school leaders may foster school environments that promote a sense of being cared for. In the remainder of this article, we will examine two questions that provide a preliminary look at the importance of caring in this broader context:
Are teachers’ perceptions of their principals’ caring behavior associated with their perceptions of the school’s provision of a supportive (caring) environment for students, particularly the most vulnerable students?
Are teachers’ perceptions of principal and supportive school caring for students associated with student learning?
We were able to use an existing database that included a number of items that form a measure of caring principal leadership. We were then able to examine the relationship of that measure to several variables that reflect expressions of teacher–teacher caring and school–student caring. Finally, we can link variables that reflect caring to student academic achievement.
The Survey Sample
The data for this analysis come from a larger study conducted between 2003 and 2008 that focused on the relationship of leadership to student learning. In particular, we drew on survey data collected in 2008 from 3,900 teachers in 134 schools in 40 districts in 9 states. States were sampled randomly and schools within them were sampled to ensure a representation of larger and smaller districts. The teacher survey was administered to all teachers in the sampled schools during a staff meeting.
It was difficult to calculate exact school-level response rates because of incomplete staff lists. However, because of the method of administration, it was typical to receive a large bundle of responses or no responses at all from a given school; of the original school sample, a number were not represented in the 2008 survey administration. In addition, in a few cases, we were unable to obtain complete demographic and other data. From the original sample of 180 schools, we had complete information (sufficient number of teacher responses in 2008 and complete demographic information) for 134, which is the basis for this analysis. More information about sampling and response are available in Louis, Leithwood, Wahlstrom, Anderson, and Michlin (2010).
The Measures
We use five primary survey-based measures in our analysis: (1) Caring Principal Leadership, (2) Academic Support for Student Learning, (3) Teacher Collaboration, (4) Teachers’ De-privatized Practice, and (5) Collective Responsibility for the academic environment. For each of these measures, factor analysis or an optimal scaling-correspondence analysis was performed using the SPSS analysis package. A measure of student academic achievement was developed as a school-level cross-grade/cross-subject variable by adding the state test results in math and language arts/reading. In addition to these measures, two additional school-level variables were used: (1) school poverty levels and (2) school grade level (i.e., elementary and secondary). We now turn to additional discussion about the construction of these measures.
Caring principal leadership
We developed a measure of Caring Principal Leadership by searching for items in the larger survey data set that, compared with other items, best related to core dimensions of caring as discussed above and enabling organizational conditions as they emerged in the limited empirical research on caring in schools. We were able to find items that measure all the core elements except mutuality. For enabling conditions for caring, we were able to find only indicators of trust. For our purposes, we decided to combine the six items measuring the core elements and two measuring trust.
The Cronbach’s alpha for this measure was .93. The items, their correspondence to our model, and their loadings in the optimized scaling analysis are shown in Table 1.
Survey Items Related to Principal Caring.
A few examples illustrate how these items may relate to caring and expressions of caring. The item “My school administrator is supportive of my decisions about managing student discipline problems” may relate to caring by demonstrating a principal’s understanding of teachers, the particular knowledge they may have about such discipline problems, and their need for their professional judgments to be supported. Indeed, this leadership practice may also be seen as a way in which principals act on behalf of teachers, honoring their discretion in handling such matters themselves. The item “When teachers are struggling, our principal provides support for them” may reflect caring in that for principals to act this way presumes that they have some understanding of teachers’ needs and challenges and that they are motivated through their understanding to provide support. And the item “My school administrator ensures wide participation in decisions about school improvement” can relate to caring in that opportunities for participation may proceed from principals’ knowledge of teachers and what they may add to decision making and from principals’ reasoning that participation may be an effective way to address teachers’ needs and interests.
Caring for students: Academic support for students
The discussion of how schools care for students in the previous sections was broad and emphasized social and emotional support and creating a sense of belonging. V. Lee and Smith (1999), for example, differentiate between social support and academic support. In this analysis, we focus on how teachers view the school’s efforts to create support for student success in their academic work, which has been referred to as creating an inclusive intellectual community (Marks, Secada, & Doane, 1996).
Most studies of academic support and caring for student’s academic participation gather data from students and focus on fair treatment, availability of additional help, and teacher caring about academic success (Croninger & Lee, 2001; Marks et al., 1996; Sanders, 1998). We examined the teacher survey to find comparable items from the teachers’ perspective and selected those that reflected organizational expressions of caring, with a focus on supporting the more vulnerable students. This composite variable was based on four items (α = .86) such as “Students have equal opportunities to be assigned to the best teachers” and “Struggling students get the attention that they need.” High values (i.e., on a 6-point scale) indicate a high level of student support. The optimized items are shown in Table 2.
Survey Items Related to Student Support.
This scale assumes that in a caring school, the most important resources—teachers—are allocated to the students who need them rather than the more typical situation where the least experienced and effective are assigned to the weakest students. Other resources are, however, important, and two additional items in the scale reflect this focus. Caring for students in an academic setting requires that the school pay attention to the quality of instruction to ensure that a student’s opportunity to develop is not impeded by using weak instructional approaches (Murphy, 2016).
Caring and Collective Responsibility
As we pointed out in the literature review, caring in group or organized settings depends, in part, on the group members’ mutual commitment to establishing the responsibility of all members for creating a caring environment. Our survey did not have any measures of group commitment for caring, but it did contain measures that reflect the groups’ responsibility for creating an effective environment for student learning (Collective Responsibility). There is no consensus in the literature on how to measure Collective Responsibility in schools and it is sometimes conflated with sense of efficacy (V. Lee & Smith, 1996). In this study, we identified items that seemed to reflect teachers’ sense of willingness to work with each other beyond their individual classrooms to create a more effective learning environment. These, which included items such as “How many teachers feel responsible to help each other improve their instruction,” were subjected to the SPSS optimized scaling procedure, the results of which are shown in Table 3. We assumed that this is a proxy measure for collective commitment to caring.
Survey Items Related to Collective Responsibility.
A Community for Teachers: Teacher Professional Work Relations
We draw attention to research suggesting that teachers’ peer relationships are an important foundation for developing a caring environment for students. Several variables measuring teacher professional community were developed based on earlier work by Louis and Marks (1998) and validated by Lomos, Hofman, and Bosker (2011). In this analysis, we decided to focus only on those aspects of professional community that presume a solid, trusting relationship, in particular, depth of collaboration (frequency with which the respondent worked with others) and depth of de-privatization (frequency of visiting other teachers’ classrooms and being visited), which implies a deeper form of trusting collaboration. Eight items tapping these two dimensions were subjected to a factor analysis (oblimin rotation, which assumes that factors may be correlated; not shown) that indicated that they represented two distinct dimensions. The items loading on each dimension were then scaled using the SPSS optimal scaling/multiple correspondence program. The items and their reliability are shown in Tables 4 and 5.
Survey Items Related to Collaboration.
Survey Items: De-privatization of Teachers’ Work.
Poverty and Student Need for Caring
An important consideration that is apparent both in the theoretical/philosophical and empirical literature is that care should be both attentive (demonstrating clear understanding of the particular needs of the cared for) and situational (that there are no “rules” for caring; caring should respond to particular needs). Nevertheless, the research also suggests consistent findings that caring (social and emotional support) is particularly important for more vulnerable students—although it may be expressed differently given a student’s particular situation. We sought to address the concern that caring is not equally distributed among schools and that caring environments may be more difficult to sustain in high-poverty contexts (Hoffman, 2009; Santoro, 2011). 2 We wished, in particular, to assess the effects of having a larger proportion of students who are considered more difficult to teach and therefore, possibly, a source of demoralization and alienation for teachers (Bondy & Davis, 2000; Valenzuela, 2010). This was measured by the percentage of the students in the school who were eligible for subsidized meal programs (free and reduced-price lunch).
Potential for Depth and Continuity of Relationships Between Teachers and Students
Perhaps the most optimal measure of the potential for creating deeper relationships would be indicators of both teacher and student mobility. These were not, however, available in our data. We turned to a less direct indicator: school structure. A typical high school teacher might have contact with more than 100 students per day, and may teach a different group of students each semester, while in an elementary school a teacher typically works with the same group of between 20 and 30 students for an entire year. Larger secondary schools tend to be associated with lower levels of teacher–teacher collaboration and support as well. We thus include a dichotomous variable measuring elementary or secondary schools. This variable can be considered a proxy measure for the potential for developing teacher–student caring relationships.
Student Learning
Measures of student achievement were collected from state websites. These data were schoolwide results on state-mandated tests of language and mathematics at several grade levels. For purposes of this analysis, a school’s student achievement was represented by the percentages of students meeting or exceeding the proficiency level (established by the state) on language and math tests. These percentages were averaged across grades and subjects to increase the stability of scores (Linn, 2003), resulting in a single achievement score for each school for a given year. In this analysis, we used the 2005-2006 composite mathematics and language arts test results, based on the assumption that these data were collected in a year when the fewest states in our sample had made recent changes to the tests, thus increasing the likelihood that they would be slightly more stable. 3
Analysis and Findings
Because the empirical research on principal caring is limited, we chose to take an exploratory approach to address the two questions. Our purpose was to attempt to understand the relationship between the measure of Caring Principal Leadership that we developed and the additional variables that reflect teacher perceptions of the school’s caring for students who are placed at risk by society, the nature of teachers’ collective work, and student outcomes in the schools.
We first examined regression models with all variables and then investigated several plausible path models. The correlation matrix for survey variables included in the regressions (see the appendix) shows that there are significant positive correlations among all the variables. As expected, the highest correlations were between the two variables that were intended to measure caring: Caring Principal Leadership (for teachers) and Student Support (.59). The correlation between Student Support and Collective Responsibility was also quite high (.56), which supports our argument, outlined above, that it is a proxy measure for collective responsibility for creating a caring environment. None are, however, above .6, the “rule of thumb” for further assessment of whether the relationships may pose a threat to the stability of the analysis.
Regression Analysis
Regressions were conducted to address two questions: (1) Is principal caring related to teacher reports of academic support for students? (2) Is principal caring related to student achievement? In each of these regressions, we included measures of teachers’ professional work relationships and the two contextual variables of the poverty in students’ homes and school level.
The regression to answer the first question is shown in Table 6. The variables in the regression equation are significant with the exception of teacher collaboration and de-privatized practice. The standardized regression coefficients suggest that teachers’ perception of Caring Principal Leadership is the variable most strongly associated with their perception that the school provides strong academic support for students, with teachers’ reports of Collective Responsibility a close second. An examination of the standardized regression coefficients indicates that elementary school teachers report significantly higher levels of caring/supportive leadership than secondary school teachers, which was expected. Also notable is the significant but rather modest negative relationship between family poverty, measured by free and reduced-price lunch, and principal caring, which sustains the finding shown in the simple correlations in the appendix. This suggests that caring behavior on the part of principals is rather evenly distributed among schools with differing proportions of students in need.
Regression of Student Support on Principal Caring and Other Variables (N = 3,900).
Table 7 presents the results of the regression of student achievement on the variables that were included in Table 6, with the addition of the Student Academic Support variable. The results are dramatically different from those in the previous regression. While the regression model again explains a reasonable percentage of the variance in achievement (38%), the largest standardized regression coefficients are family poverty and school level. Caring Principal Leadership remains significantly associated with achievement, but the standardized regression coefficient is not large (.04), and the standardized regression coefficient for Academic Support is only slightly higher (.06). 4 Of the teacher working relationship variables, only Collective Responsibility has a small but significant standardized regression coefficient (.05).
Regression of Student Achievement on Principal Caring, Student Support, and Other Variables.
In many ways, the findings presented in this table are difficult to interpret because we anticipated that caring, both principal caring and the caring that is reflected in the measure of Academic Support, would have a stronger relationship with achievement. We are thus led to considering a variety of alternatives that examine mediating effects using structural modeling.
Structural Equation Models
We first examined a relatively simple path model that mirrored implicit assumptions in our regression equations (and the literature): caring, whether Caring Principal Leadership —caring for teachers—or teachers caring for students by providing Academic Support, has a plausible relationship with tested student achievement. We also assume that, although the regression model shows a significant relationship with achievement, that any association between principal caring and student achievement is indirect. 5 We then considered family poverty and school level (an elementary dummy variable) as potentially affecting both caring and student achievement. The resulting path model was calculated using the AMOS program within SPSS and relied on a database where all variables were aggregated to the school mean, which resulted in an N of 134. The results, including the standardized regression weights, are presented in Figure 1. 6

Path model and coefficients with Principal Caring, Student Academic Support, and Student Achievement.
The path model meets standard assumptions of good model fit (RMSEA [root mean square of approximation] = .000, NFI [normed fit index] = .996). An examination of the model suggests a number of conclusions:
Caring Principal Leadership has a significant indirect association with student achievement because it is related to Academic Support for student learning (r = .72), which in turn is associated with Achievement (r = .20) with a total indirect path coefficient (PC-Academic Support-Achievement of .14).
Caring principals are more likely to be found in elementary schools.
Caring principals are less likely to be identified in higher poverty schools, suggesting a leadership disadvantage.
The presence of Caring Principal Leadership and Academic Support for student learning has, at best, a limited moderating effect on the association between student socioeconomic status and achievement, which is reduced from .55 in the regression model to .48 in the path model.
Student need, as measured by eligibility for free and reduced-price meals, remains the most important predictor of student test scores.
We also wished to explore the joint role of teachers’ professional working relationships and Caring Principal Leadership. In this model, we decided to include only the variable measuring Collective Responsibility, since it has stronger simple correlations with both student achievement and principal caring than de-privatized practice and showed relatively large standardized coefficients in Table 2. The model makes the assumption that the more responsibility teachers take on for the school’s effective operations, the more likely they are to participate in creating a strong support system for academic learning. In addition, it is assumed that principal caring will contribute to teacher collaboration, in large measure based on the research that suggests that principal behavior contributes significantly to the way in which teachers work together. We also included a direct link between principal caring and achievement to affirm the insignificance that was built in to the path presented in Figure 1. The results of the modified path analysis are shown in Figure 2.

Path model and coefficients with Principal Caring, Student Academic Support, Collective Responsibility, and Achievement.
While a bit more complex, this path model (RMSEA = .000; NFI = .993) affirms and expands on some of the insights from Figure 1. First, the role of caring in creating a school culture that supports achievement is still apparent although the total indirect effect is slightly lower (indirect path coefficient of PC-Academic Support-Achievement is .08). As anticipated, Caring Principal Leadership has a strong effect on Collective Responsibility as well as Academic Support for student learning. Second, the addition of Collective Responsibility does not result in a significant direct relationship with student achievement. Rather, its impact, like that of Principal Caring, is through its association with Academic Support (which, as we argued above, is a stronger measure of caring for disadvantaged students). Finally, we confirm that the variables that reflect the social organization of the school—caring, support, and collective responsibility—do not outweigh the powerful effects of the social demographics of the school.
We then examined a third model in which we substituted Teacher Collaboration for the variable of Collective Responsibility. The purpose of this model was to assess the degree to which teachers’ efforts to work together on instructional issues made an independent contribution to achievement over and above Principal Caring and Student Academic Support. The model was acceptable (RMSEA = .000; NFI = .975), and the results were very similar to Figure 2. 7 Teacher collaboration has no significant direct relationship with student achievement, but it has a modest effect through its relationship to student academic support, and the relationship between teacher collaboration and other variables in the path model is also similar. Overall, the results of the more complex models affirm the main findings that were noted in the simple model (Figure 1).
Discussion
As we noted at the start of this article, we are just beginning our conceptual and theory-building work on caring and caring school leadership. Yet, what we find, particularly in the case of our identification of the core elements of caring and some of the organizational conditions that enable it, provides a foundation on which to build. We have made an argument that the existing literature helps us understand how caring may function in schools and also points to what caring leadership might be and how it might function. We have focused, in particular, on the potential role of school leaders in creating environments of both press and support that are most conducive to student academic success and personal well-being.
The findings of our empirical analysis support our argument that caring is important in schools and contributes both to the development of more effective adult cultures and to student learning. Our results are consistent with the general literature on principal effects in that the influence of Caring Principal Leadership on student achievement is not direct but comes primarily through the development of Academic Support for student learning that exist at the school level. Our measure of Academic Support is, we argue, important because it reflects a particular kind of caring for students: the allocation of support to students who are most in need of it. The implication of this finding is that caring (by leaders) is reflected not simply in more caring dyadic personal relationships between teachers and students. Rather, it is also associated with a considered effort to distribute the most critical resources that a school has—teacher talent, time, and effort—toward the students who may need it most.
This makes sense theoretically, particularly in the ways in which school principals have at their disposal to express caring on a schoolwide basis. Principals, even in elementary schools, cannot interact in a deeply caring way with most students on a regular basis. They can, as we have argued, set expectations in a school that create mutual obligations to support all students and not just those who are “ready to learn,” and they can engage in regular acts of caring with individual students that model expectations for others. Principals can be instrumental in ensuring that students have equal opportunities to learn from the best teachers, receive the same quality of instruction, get the attention they need when they are struggling, and that resources are allocated to support students with the greatest needs. Allocating human resources and effort in a school setting requires, at minimum, passive agreement from teachers, whose engagement and motivation depend, at least in part, on the perception that the school is a fair and reasonable working environment (Louis et al., 2010). Thus, we suggest that that principal caring for teachers may create a climate in which teachers are more trusting of either formal or informal “equity audits” that focus less on “the gap” in outcomes than on internal inequities in policies and processes (Skrla, Scheurich, Garcia, & Nolly, 2004). Teachers may also be more willing to take a look at policies, processes, and even their own preferences for working with “easy” rather than “more difficult” students.
It makes sense that such supports derive from key elements of caring for teachers that is reflected in our measure of Caring Principal Leadership, notably from the knowledge and understanding of individual teachers’ needs and interests and the motivation to act on behalf of all. While we have not provided qualitative examples of how this might operate in practice, we think that it is plausible to argue that principals who care for teachers support the development of a culture that focuses, at least implicitly, on equity.
This does not imply that dyadic caring for students is not important, nor that student’s perception of being cared for (which is most likely to occur in situations of direct expressions of individual support from teachers or peers) is not the most powerful indicator of a caring culture for students. Equitable distribution of resources will likely seem meaningless to individual students if they do not see themselves in an environment in which their individual needs are not a priority. We assume, along with most of the theorists of caring, that the effects of caring will be lesser or even minimal if the one being cared for does not experience it as such. In other words, caring as an aspect of the organizational culture or climate, as revealed in policies and practices, adds to rather than supplants the importance of caring individual relationships.
Based on our conceptual arguments, we anticipated a positive relationship between Caring Principal Leadership, Collective Responsibility, and Teacher Collaboration, and we were surprised that the variables measuring how teachers work together showed no significant direct relationship to student achievement but contributed only indirectly through Academic Support. What this suggests is that a more equitable and transparent allocation of resources to support learning for all students may be a foundation for creating a school culture that is both professionally vibrant (a learning community) as well as meaningful and socially just—and that both may be dependent on a culture in which adults feel cared for by administrators.
It is certainly reasonable that principals’ caring for teachers, particularly their knowledge of teachers and their needs and interests, coupled with principals’ motivation to support teachers in their work, could occasion opportunities for teachers to converse with each other about a range of topics concerning less advantaged students and how to organize teaching and learning environments that would be more inclusive. We know that there is personal discomfort and resistance that emerge when individuals are asked to consider how their assumptions about practices that “work” may unconsciously disadvantage some students (McIntyre, 2002), and this may include well-established practices such as encouraging more experienced and content expert teachers to take the advanced classes or student groups. Leaders may confront assumptions and practices directly through equity training, or they may encourage teachers to make adjustments by simply creating more opportunities to discuss student learning and equity in teacher meetings. We do not know from our data if, in schools where principal caring was higher, this translates into more socially just support for students. However, we do see that there is a strong relationship with Collective Responsibility, which suggests that a caring culture for adults may generalize to a sense of responsibility for the welfare of others more generally. We also hypothesize that principal caring also creates a climate of personal safety, in which the risks associated with discussing how best to change classrooms and teacher instructional strategies to meet the needs of a more diverse student body are lessened. This would account for the relationship between Caring Principal Leadership, as measured at the school level, and Collaboration, which in our measure reflects teachers’ discussion about teaching.
Alternatively, our failure to find a relationship between measures of Collective Responsibility, Teacher Collaboration, and Achievement may say more about the importance of understanding the nature and quality of implicit teacher agreements about the limits of their responsibility rather than our measure of Collective Responsibility, which focuses largely on maintaining order and cohesiveness. The same may be said for our measure of Teacher Collaboration, which focuses on frequency rather than on depth and reflection. 8 Indeed, with regard to the focus of this article, this finding may point to the importance of understanding the extent to which these conversations are infused with elements of caring for students.
Ideally, a caring school culture should be reflected among students (in peer groups and in classrooms), teachers, nonprofessional staff, and leaders. The above discussion reveals an emergent perspective on how individual caring at any of these levels (dyads or small groups) may be translated into more organizationally caring cultures. First, we assume that dyadic/small-group caring relationships (e.g., between the principal and teachers, among teachers, or between teachers and students) create relational trust that enlarges the willingness of partners to tolerate or even enjoy new behaviors and ideas in others. In addition, we assume that caring relationships become increasingly mutual/reciprocal, whether these are among adults or between adults and children. Where many dyads are connected in a larger group (organization), the willingness to assume that the setting is a safe place where small failures can be “fixed” and people are engaged in difficult but collective work becomes generalized. This may, in turn, create additional opportunities for members to increase the school’s larger store of social capital that is associated with student learning (Goddard, 2003).
Caring, like other emotions in organizations, may be contagious, but it is also based on direct experience (Williams, 2007). Thus, a caring organizational culture requires a density of interactions that may create the basis for trust and reciprocity more broadly. Because leaders are often critical of developing denser networks within an organized setting, they bear much (but not all) of the responsibility for creating more caring cultures that can foster willingness to address issues of performance that often engender both individual and collective anxiety. 9
Will principal caring solve the pressing problem of inequitable practices and outcomes in schools? Our data suggest that they will play a modest role that deserves additional empirical attention. We anticipated the persistently strong relationship of the presence of students from low-income families with student achievement and the relatively limited moderating effect of caring on student achievement. At the same time, we are encouraged by our findings that even in schools with large proportions of low-income students, school-level academic supports and Caring Principal Leadership, through such supports, contribute in a positive and statistically significant way to student academic achievement. Perhaps leader caring provides a special kind of support for teachers who work in settings that are commonly associated with demoralization and burnout. On the other hand, our finding that a caring principal leadership is likely to be stronger in elementary schools than in secondary schools points to the challenge of how greater caring can be cultivated among administrators and teachers in organizational contexts that are larger, more complex structurally, and oriented toward subject matter.
When we introduced this analysis, we made the point that we were drawing on existing data, which limits our measures of caring. Nevertheless, we argue that our scale of Caring Principal Leadership is relatively robust with significant face validity, largely because it articulates the core dimensions of caring that were derived from the philosophical authors whose work on caring is well regarded. We point out, however, that it reflects a limited slice of principal caring, largely because it consists only of items that tap the principal’s relationship with teachers. Caring leadership is, in our view, a broader concept that must take into consideration caring for students (direct interactions that manifest a caring culture), caring for community (recognizing and respecting parent and community values and resources), and caring for a broader variety of student outcomes than those we were able to examine in this article.
In addition, the concept of caring leadership requires a deeper understanding of its possible expression through actions, interactions, and professional practices in multiple situations. Are particular practices grounded in deep and authentic knowledge and understanding of others, whether students or teachers? Are these practices motivated not by the self-interests of the leader but by a genuine concern to address the needs and interests of the other? And inasmuch as caring, as we have discussed it, is a quality of social relationships, we face challenges in considering how caring is translated into practices that foster both short- and long-term outcomes that benefit all members of the school and its community. In particular, the empirical data in this article alludes to only some of the direct outcomes of caring leadership and does not cover the much wider array that would be required to elaborate the benefits of caring leadership in schools, such as increased social integration or denser social capital, improved psychological states for members, increased capacity for caring on the part of members who experience caring, increased engagement with the school and its goals, and more learning on the part of students and teachers (Smylie, Murphy, & Louis, 2015). None of these are well captured by an outcome measure that is based on state-designed achievement tests.
Finally, the framework that we have developed from the literature focuses on “enabling conditions” for caring, and our analysis addresses only two of the factors that might inhibit the development of more potent caring relationships in schools, namely complexity (secondary schools vs. elementary schools) and poverty. We have alluded to others that deserve more attention, such as turnover among principals, which is rather high in U.S. schools, has a negative effect on student learning and also on teacher trust (Louis, Mayrowetz, Smylie, & Murphy, 2009; Mascall & Leithwood, 2010). Each time a principal leaves, the caring bonds that they have developed must be reestablished. Teacher turnover may have similar effects, as high turnover will disrupt connections among teachers that are likely to be central to maintaining a caring culture. Schools face traumatic disruptions from outside the school, from policy or funding changes to teacher contract conflicts that create internal controversy. We know, at this juncture, little about how to create resilient cultures of caring within schools, or about the conditions under which caring deteriorates.
In addition, although we have followed Anyon (2014) by emphasizing poverty as a mediator of social relationships in schools, we see the need for more research that addresses the issue of race/ethnicity. In particular, both sociological and psychological research suggest that teachers and administrators often hold unexamined biases that affect their “investments” in caring and support (Downey & Pribesh, 2004; Murray, Waas, & Murray, 2008). Claude Steele (2003) points out that in spite of these findings we still have limited understanding about how different social and psychological barriers account for the underachievement of African American students. There is, as Lynn and Parker (2006) point out, controversy over whether efforts to change the cultural understanding and proficiency of teachers would be a panacea, while other analyses suggest that the relationship of race and gender to student–teacher bonding is very complex (Crosnoe, Johnson, & Elder, 2004). Still, some common barriers, including deficit thinking, ignoring race, and lack of reflective dialogue or shared practice, have been noted in many studies (see, e.g., McKenzie & Scheurich, 2004).
Given the complexity of school environments, caring will, inevitably, face tradeoffs between the legitimate needs of different groups and the balance between various desirable short- and long-term goals. But, given the relative significance of the limited empirical findings that we present in this analysis, we argue that we must not shirk a deeper understanding of the importance of caring leadership for the improvement of schools.
Footnotes
Appendix
Correlations Among Survey Variables.
| Optimized Scales | Principal Caring Index | Student Support | Teacher Collaboration | Collective Responsibility | De-privatized Practice | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Principal Caring Index | Pearson correlation | 1 | .587** | .204** | .431** | .143** |
| N | 3,900 | 3,900 | 3,779 | 3,900 | 3,900 | |
| Student Support | Pearson correlation | .587** | 1 | .232** | .561** | .163** |
| N | 3,900 | 3,900 | 3,779 | 3,900 | 3,900 | |
| Teacher Collaboration | Pearson correlation | .204** | .232** | 1 | .355** | .420** |
| N | 3,779 | 3,779 | 3,779 | 3,779 | 3,779 | |
| Collective Responsibility | Pearson correlation | .431** | .561** | .355** | 1 | .287** |
| N | 3,900 | 3,900 | 3,779 | 3,900 | 3,900 | |
| De-privatized Practice | Pearson correlation | .143** | .163** | .420** | .287** | 1 |
| N | 3,900 | 3,900 | 3,779 | 3,900 | 3,900 | |
Sig. at .001 or better.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
