Abstract
After a run of adverse investor-state dispute settlements, India has recently denounced all its erstwhile investment treaties. New investment treaties need to be negotiated on the basis of a new Model Treaty that privilege state rights over investor rights. We study the impact of bilateral investment treaties on foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows into India before the denunciation with the intent of inferring the consequences of changing the system. Our work captures the effects of international investment agreements on FDI inflows specifically into India. We construct an empirical model drawing on the Gravity Model, and estimate parameters using generalised method of moments. The results show that while the individual signing of bilateral investment treaties does not influence the inflow of FDI, the effect of the cumulative bilateral investment treaties signed is statistically very significant—suggesting that the spill over effect of signing a series of bilateral investment treaties are important, signalling a regime of overall protection to investors. The importance of institutional variables in influencing FDI tells us that overall participation in a system governed by international investor agreements influenced the inflow of FDI positively and therefore recent policy changes should be viewed with caution.
Keywords
Introduction
International investment treaties or as they are broadly referred to as international investment agreements (IIAs) allow individual private foreign investors to move legally against host states when they feel that the activities of the host state have had an adverse impact on their investment. The basis for such action lies in the investment treaties signed between states—such treaties can be in the form of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) or sometimes as a chapter of a bilateral or multilateral trade agreements between countries. These treaties typically consist of three parts (Dolzer & Schreuer, 2012): with the first part defining investment for the purpose of the treaty, the second listing substantive standards against which violations by the state in question are measured and the third identifies the dispute resolution mechanisms (often referred to as investor-state dispute settlement or ISDS) identifying the nature and scope of adjudicating international tribunals. In many quarters it has come to be felt that international investment treaties have been constructed to privilege investor rights over state rights that enable the regulation of economic activity and there have been several worldwide moves to counter this (see, for instance, Dhar et al., 2012; more generally the work of legal scholars associated with the TWAIL 1 movement such as Chimni, 2017;also see Lavopa et al., 2013).
Turning to the Indian involvement in this system, commencing in the 1990s, India signed several BITs and by 2016 it had one of the largest investment treaty arrangements in the world, having signed 83 BITs and 13 other IIAs. India probably signed these treaties to signal that it was a reform-minded country that was seeking the inflow of foreign capital to develop its economy, without paying too much attention to the terms imposed by the treaties. About two decades after India signed its first BIT, much to the consternation of the Indian Government, starting around 2012 around a dozen or so cases came to be filed by foreign investors against the Indian state. Since the arbitral awards have awarded large damages against the Indian state, India has come to change its position with respect to international investment treaties—in 2017 it denounced the bulk of the treaties it had signed 2 and furthermore insisted that all BITs must be renegotiated using a template provided by the new Model Treaty. The new Indian Model Treaty, which was finalised in December 2015, substantially privileges state rights over investor rights, reversing the orientation of the older treaties. This change in emphasis has meant that only a handful of new treaties have been signed by India. These include two BITs signed with Taiwan and Belarus in 2018, one treaty with the Kyrgyz Republic in 2019 and in 2020 India signed an Investment and Facilitation Treaty with Brazil. 3 India has also signed a BIT with Cambodia which is not in operation yet. There is little chance that these treaties will influence an inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI)—none of these countries are the usual major exporters of capital.
It is hard to predict the future impact of this new set of IIAs on FDI in India because currently we do not have sufficient points of data to discern any trends. However, we can get a sense of the impact of BITs by empirically studying their effect on foreign investment inflows into India over the period they were in force—that is, before they were denounced. It is important to fathom this effect because it helps us comprehend the role of institutional structures in governing individual investor risk in cross border investment. The advent of the new regime has perhaps subtracted this element of support for foreign investors, and the primary purpose of this study is to detect the magnitude and nature of the effect of IIA protection on the inflow of FDI into India. The analysis of the impact of IIAs has typically been performed using large cross-country data sets—our work here is distinct in that we try to capture the effects of IIAs on FDI inflows specifically into India.
We begin in Section 2 by providing a brief background and explaining the context of our study and then proceed to describe the model we use to pursue our empirical investigation in Section 3. Section 4 presents the results and discusses the implications of our findings. Section 5 concludes the paper with some comments that look out to the future in light of our results.
Background and Context
As noted earlier, starting around 1991 India started signing a series of BITs and continued to do so over the next two decades. For several years, the treaties were not invoked by foreign investors except in a set of Enron related cases around 2003 where matters were settled for an undisclosed amount by 2004 (Kundra, 2008). In 2010 an Australian Coal mining firm White Industries, using the most-favoured-nation (MFN) clause in the Australia-India BIT invoked a clause in the India-Kuwait BIT to sue India and ended up receiving AUS$11 million in 2011. 4 After this a slew of cases invoking BITs came up against India, many of which are still pending final awards. 5 To illustratively point to one recently decided high-profile case involving action against India by Deutsch Telekom, an arbitration tribunal awarded $1 billion damages in favour of the company. 6 India has challenged the award. This and the many other similar cases against the Indian state have been perceived as not only imposing financial costs but also regulatory costs—inhibiting public policy by attacking the Indian judiciary, taxation policy and anti-corruption measures. The foremost reaction to this spate of cases has been to redraft the Model Treaty in 2015. The new Model Treaty works by giving the sovereign state much stronger rights than was the case earlier—it is structured to grant the government immunity against any liability for decisions it may take regarding taxation, government procurements, compulsory licenses, subsidies and national security, as well as from decisions taken by the judiciary. Furthermore, in 2016 India took the position that all existing BITs would be denounced (terminated) in 2017 and it has since proceeded to carry out this plan. In addition to denunciation, many treaties have also been allowed to lapse, with India taking the stance that any future treaties have to follow the new Model Treaty. As the work by legal scholar Prabash Ranjan (2019) argues, the excessive tilt towards state rights in the new Model Treaty means that very few countries seeking to protect its investors are willing to agree to the stringent terms required by the Model Treaty. One can only speculate about the empirical effects of denunciation and/or renegotiation of international investment treaties at this stage because empirical evidence on the effects will be visible only with the passage of time. To understand the role of international investment treaties on foreign investment that is empirically defensible, one is perforce obliged to study their impact over a period when these treaties have explicitly governed investment flows.
There is by now a good deal of research that has tried to quantify the impact of IIAs on FDI flows. The early literature—for instance Hallward-Driemieier (2003) and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (1998)—did not find much of an empirical link between international investment treaties and FDI. Most probably, these inconclusive findings were on account of the fact that these empirical investigations had not allowed a sufficient passage of time to lapse from the time the treaties had been signed so that discernible empirical effects were not evident. However, subsequently a series of more recent studies show that the signing and ratification of international investment treaties does have an impact on FDI flows (see, for instance, Armstrong & Nottage, 2016; Berger et al., 2013; Busse et al., 2010; Egger & Merlo, 2007, 2012; Neumayer & Spess, 2005). It is standard practice in this literature to work with large cross-country data sets but few studies look at the impact of IIAs on particular countries—a broadly comparable study to ours looking at the impact of BITs on inflows/outflows of FDI in China can be found in Chen et al. (2015). Our attempt to study the impact of international investment treaties on foreign investment seeks to understand whether these treaties have had an impact on foreign investment flows specifically in the Indian case or not. Of course, this task throws up challenges as to how to precisely model and estimate relationships to get answers to our queries—it is much easier to work with cross country data and conceptualise empirical models in such settings.
Empirical Model
Generally speaking, the literature on the links between international investment treaties and inflows of FDI use the tenants of the Gravity Model to model relationships. To briefly recapitulate the Gravity Model, the model is formulated on the premise that the volume of trade between two countries is proportional to the product of their mass (measured as gross domestic product) and is inversely proportional to the distance between them. This simple formulation is surprisingly empirically robust and over the years it has been found that a variety of theoretical foundations are compatible with the standard empirical specification of the model. The Gravity Model was brought to the fore by Tinbergen (1962) and it is by now extensively used in empirical work pertaining to trade (for an overview, see Feenstra, 2002, and also see Bergstrand, 1985). While initially conceived as a model to study trade of goods, the model has been successfully extended to study trade in services—among many works that look at the model in terms of services see Kimura and Lee (2006) and Lennon et al. (2009).
The Gravity Model has also been used to study the flows of FDI. There is a common feature that runs across this literature on FDI flows, whether specifically addressing the role of BITs or not that, which is important to note before attempting to establish the empirical significance of BITs for FDI inflows into India. These studies are oriented towards looking at FDI as an outflow, typically conceived of as a decision made by multinational enterprises of home countries looking to invest in host countries. With this basic frame in place, this genre of work typically asks whether the FDI is aimed at horizontally duplicating production activities in host countries or seeks to establish separate vertical activities downstream in host countries (for instance, see Braconier et al., 2005; Markusen & Maskus, 2002). Other questions usually investigated include whether the outflow of trade and FDI should be viewed as substitutes or as complements (Martínez et al., 2012). In addition to this, of course, some studies take on institutional questions such as the role of BITs and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in influencing FDI (in this context apart from references cited earlier see particularly Brenton et al., 1999).
As we seek to look at the role of BITs and FTAs on inducing FDI inflows to India, it is impossible to directly mimic these studies because they are oriented to studying outflows, trying to capture the forces that influence the decisions of multinational enterprises in the home country. One is tempted to apply the Gravity Model directly to the specific Indian case by trying to see the relationship between the inflows of FDI and the usual correlates suggested by the Gravity Model, such as gross domestic product and the distance between countries, and then going on to append institutional features. This is perhaps not the correct way to approach the issue because only a fraction of FDI outflow of home countries shows up as Indian FDI inflows and while this fraction can be thought of in terms of feeding a general Gravity Model, the causality fuelling the model will be picked up only very weakly if we were to force a Gravity equation directly on the FDI inflows into India.
To overcome these problems, we exploit one of the key findings suggested in the FDI-Gravity Model literature, namely that the empirical evidence suggests that FDI and trade tend to be complementary rather than substitutes. Thus, in the model we suggest that FDI inflows follow trade, and therefore we place a trade variable on the right-hand side of the equation. The volume of trade itself is presumably a product of the forces that make up the Gravity Model but additionally indicates the tenor of the unilateral policy regime, marking the degree of openness, exchange rate policy and capital control regimes. If the trade variable captures dynamic interactions between India and other nations alongside signalling aspects of the unilateral policy regime, a bilateral policy variable in the form of BITs and FTAs can be thought of as signifying the certainty with which investors can expect the protection of their rights.
Using this broad sense, we specify three empirical models to test the impact of BITs on FDI, as well as more broadly the impact of a system governed by international investment treaties on FDI.
The model specifications are:
Model 1
Model 2
Model 3
where
Yit is the inflow of FDI into India from country i in year t. Yit-1 is the inflow of FDI into India from country i in year t-1. Xit is the bilateral trade (total exports and imports) from country i in year t. Bit is a dummy variable taking the value 1 if a BIT was signed with country i in year t and all years thereafter, or takes the value 0 otherwise. CCit is a dummy variable which takes the value 1 if a comprehensive economic cooperation agreement (CECA) or comprehensive economic partnership agreement (CEPA) was signed with country i in year t and all years thereafter, or takes the value 0 otherwise. CBIit is the cumulative number of BITs signed by India in year t. CBPit is the cumulative number of BITs signed by partner country in year t. εit is the error term (which includes country specific fixed effects) for country i in year t.
The three model specifications differ from each other, in that while Model 1 incorporates the presence of a BIT as a binary variable, Model 2 includes the total number of BITs signed by India in year t as an additional cumulative variable and Model 3 contains the total number of BITs signed by partner country in year t as the additional cumulative variable. Thus, each Model incorporates the BIT variable differently. The other variables reflect relationships that follow from our general discussion above. Following the observation that FDI follows trade in a complementary manner, we include the volume of bilateral trade as an explanatory variable. Capturing an institutional dimension of this relationship, the models also include a binary variable as to whether a trade agreement in the form of a CECA or CEPA has been signed with a trading partner or not. We have only included trade agreements of the CECA/CEPA variety because they have a chapter dedicated to investment that is more or less along the lines of a BIT. (It may be noted that standard trade agreements were not included for technical reasons discussed below.) Finally, all models incorporate the lagged inflow of FDI, which is commonly thought to influence current levels of similar investment.
Turning to the data sets used in our estimation, 7 to capture the inflow of FDI into India from country i in year t, we used FDI data published by the Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion, Government of India. Our bilateral trade data (total exports and imports from country i in year t) were obtained from the World Integrated Trade Solutions, World Bank database 7 . The information on the various international investment treaties signed by India was gathered from the website of the Ministry of Finance, Government of India.
Since we have a dynamic panel data set and are studying FDI inflows into India from its partner countries over time, it is likely that the model would have been subject country specific fixed effects, which might have led to endogeneity in the regression model. Additionally, since we expect the FDI inflow from country i in year t to be determined in part by the FDI inflows from country i in year t-1, in effect, it is likely that the error terms will be serially correlated. To correct for serial correlation and country-specific fixed effects, we use the generalised methods of moments (GMM) to estimate this model. We use the Arellano-Bond GMM estimator, which is commonly used for dynamic panel data. Furthermore, to correct for any heteroscedasticity, we report robust standard errors.
The results of our estimation across all three specifications can be seen in Table 1 and the figures for the post-estimation diagnostics can be seen in Table 2. Table 2 shows the results of the statistical test to check if the Arellano-Bond assumptions 8 were satisfied while estimating the models. Since the results of the test support the inference that errors are autocorrelated in order 1 but not in order 2, it can be concluded that using the Arellano-Bond GMM estimator was indeed appropriate for our estimation exercise. It is indeed the case that while the use of GMM to estimate parameters resolves issues of endogeneity; however, we further investigated the possibility of endogeneity by plotting the residuals against the independent variables and found no evidence of any correlation between them. Thus, we were able to rule out endogeneity, ensuring the robustness of our results. It also needs to be mentioned that while performing our estimation exercises (as stated above) we were forced to not include the variable as to whether India had signed a standard foreign trade agreement with the partner country because inclusion of this variable raised the problem of multicollinearity.
Parameters Estimated Using Generalised Method of Moments.
Result of Diagnostic Test: Arellano-Bond Test for Zero Autocorrelation in First-Differenced Errors.
Results
Summary of Results
Turning to Table 1, which shows the values of estimated parameters over the three model specifications, the first point to note is that the bilateral trade variable is significant in all the models, albeit with varying degrees of significance. The coefficients associated with the variable as to whether a CECA or CEPA was signed with the partner country are also significant and additionally show the largest marginal effects in all the models. The lagged FDI variable is significant, but only in Model 1 and Model 3. However, from our perspective the interesting result visible across all three models is that the variable capturing whether India signed a BIT with a partner country is insignificant. This effectively means that the individual signing of BITs does not influence the inflow of FDI.
This result does not of course allow us to conclude that BITs do not have an impact on the inflow of FDI into India. The truly remarkable result of our study can be observed in Model 2 and Model 3. In Model 2, where the presence of an additional variable—the cumulative BITs signed by India—captures the effects of international investment treaties differently from the individual signing of such treaties. As can be seen the estimated coefficient of this variable is very significant. This tells us that while the individual signing of a BIT with a partner country cannot be said to have an effect on FDI inflows, the collective consequence of signing a series of investment treaties by India has had a beneficial effect on the inflow of FDI. In Model 3 the presence of investment treaties is captured differently from Model 2—here as the cumulative bilateral treaties signed by the partner country. The estimated coefficient is again very significant. This could be understood as capturing the attitude of the partner country towards investment—thus, the greater the number of BITs signed by the partner country, the more conducive it is for investors to invest abroad, and consequently the greater is the volume of FDI inflow into India. Of course, as can be seen in Table 1, the estimated marginal effects are quite small, but the high statistical significance of the coefficients demands our attention. (In this context the broadly comparable study to ours on China mentioned earlier (Chen et al., 2015), looked at the impact of BITs on the inflow/outflow of FDI in China, finding positive effects of BITs on FDI inflows, both at the individual as well as cumulative levels. The marginal effects of signing individual BITs ranged roughly from 0.6 to 0.8 and the cumulative marginal effects were similar to our results, significant and but of low magnitude, that is, <1%).
These results support the view that institutional support is important for investment flows. Our Model 2 tells us that while signing a particular BIT with a partner country does not necessarily translate into a foreign investment inflow, but rather the cumulative effect of signing a series of treaties has influenced the inflow of foreign investment into India. The cumulative effect is a positive externality or a spill-over effect of a series of individual acts of signing BITs—to phrase it differently, a reputation effect is produced, suggesting that the nation is willing to provide investor protection because several investment treaties have been endorsed. Thus, once a series of international treaties come into place, they act as a collective signal that international investment arbitration would protect investors in the face of inordinate demands made by host states. Besides, having a sizeable number of investment treaties—to the extent they allow the invocation of MFN clauses—gives investors the opportunity to make use of the most favourable treaties signed by a country. The results of Model 3 strengthen this overall interpretation, in this model the cumulative effect of international investment treaties signed by the partner country seem to reassure and urge investors to invest abroad, in other words investors in countries attuned to an orientation towards signing international investment treaties are influenced to invest in a country like India. In comprehensive terms these findings point to the fact that the all-around governance regime that manages investment is an important determinant of cross-country investment flows.
Naturally, immediate forces such as the volume of trade are important factors influencing the flow of investment as is evident from the empirical exercise across all three models. Unfortunately, as mentioned earlier, on account of issues related to multicollinearity the precise impact of FTAs could not be discerned in this study. However, the variable that captures whether India has signed a CECA/CEPA, is both statistically significant across all models and shows the highest marginal coefficients. These agreements feature terms covering both the trade dimension and contain a chapter that resembles a BIT, thus combining both the governance of trade flows as well as investment. To be emphasised is the fact that where the effects of BITs on FDI flows are, as we have noted, cumulative and in marginal terms very small, the effect of the CECA/CEPA variable on the inflow of FDI is more immediate and larger in marginal terms. Clearly, the signing of these agreements has had a positive impact on foreign investment inflows into India and it is important to reflect on the impact of these agreements. Even more so, because these agreements govern many aspects of trade in services – in fact the services sector has seen a large inflow/outflow of FDI since liberalization (Mukherjee & Goyal, 2013). It is also the case that the flexibility offered by these agreements is very important in the face of rapid technological advance seen in the services sector (Goyal, 2021).
Implications of Results for Ongoing Government Policy
India’s first agreement of this type was signed in 2005 with Singapore, followed by a CEPA signed with South Korea in 2010. The next CEPA was signed between India and Japan in 2011 as well as a CECA with Malaysia. Apart from these bilateral agreements India has also signed a CECA with ASEAN in 2010. However, since 2011, India has not signed any such trade agreements. In fact, it has been reported that currently the Indian government is involved in about 23 ongoing negotiations involving comprehensive trade agreements. 9 These negotiations include attempts to conclude the India-European Union Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement, India-Thailand CECA, India-Mauritius Comprehensive Economic Cooperation and Partnership Agreement, India-New Zealand CECA, India-European Free Trade Association Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement, India-Canada FTA, India-Australia CECA, India-Bangladesh CEPA and India-Indonesia CECA—none of which seem to be anywhere near being any resolution. In this context in 2019, India famously decided to walk away from joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which was essentially a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the 10-member ASEAN and six of its biggest trading partners (China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand). Apart from this India is said to be thinking of reviewing its commitment to existing comprehensive trade agreements.
This reluctance to abide by rules that will govern investment and trade by the Indian Government (perhaps because existing CECAs/CEPAs have enabled investors to institute investment related cases against India), coupled with the denunciation of BITs, counters the tone set by the findings of our empirical models. Given the large effects shown by the CECA/CEPA variable in our empirical work, it is quite probable that if institutional support for investment activity by foreign investors is further diminished, substantial adverse repercussions on the inflow of foreign investment are bound to take place. It can be argued that in the aftermath of the many arbitrations initiated by investors and further spurred on by the sentiments of the nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party government in power, India seeks a series of immunities (Singh, 2021). Prominently while governing foreign investment, India wishes to garner immunity against liability for tax laws, government procurements, compulsory licences, subsidies, national security, non-commercial services provided by the government such as the judicial system and pre-investment activities by investors. These are strategies that do not particularly protect domestic economic agents or sectors but are entirely about gathering immunity for sovereign state actions that enable, therefore, an unbridled exercise of state power. Overall, the outcomes of our empirical exercise appear to point to the prominence of institutions of governing investment flows that are of a very different genre. As we have seen, while the presence or absence of a grievance redressal mechanism, that is whether a BITs was signed between the partner countries, does not seem to matter to investors in specific cases, the collective institution of having a regime in which investments are protected by the presence of international investment treaties did help investment flows into India. While the effect of signing a series of BITs had a small marginal effect, on the other hand comprehensive trade agreements with a chapter on investment had a large marginal effect on investment. To repeat, the central implication of our empirical outcomes—institutions that govern cross border investment do have a substantial impact on FDI flows—suggest that reversing their presence may somewhat thwart international investment flows.
Concluding Comments: Looking out Into the Future
As we look out to the future, the Indian Government has stated, at the beginning of 2020, that it is thinking of replacing the BITs oriented protection of investment with a domestic investment law that is aimed at protecting foreign investments (Shah & Ahmed, 2020). To the extent this is tantamount to India shying away from international law, this is an act that goes against improving the system of governance of investment flows globally (Ranjan, 2020). In fact, the current Indian government has, on many occasions, voiced complete antipathy to any multilateral governance of international investment. Instead, the faith seems to reside in soliciting foreign investment, supported by indices such as an escalation in the ease of business ranking. However, mere improvement in this kind of ranking may not be sufficient to encourage substantive FDI. One way of interpreting our results—that the collective presence of an overall investor protection is positively and significantly linked to foreign investment flows—is to invoke support for the view that the risk borne by individual foreign investors is quite importantly served by ISDS protection, rather than the many other values that go into the construction of economy wide indices. Our empirical study shows that over a period when the ISDS protection was in place, though India may have had to confront some adverse rulings against its regulatory actions, the overall participation in a system governed by IIAs did influence the inflow of FDI positively. This in itself tells us that in the future we should be supporting multilateral international institutions that benefit the global economy—institutions that can simultaneously take away the negative aspects of the current ISDS system that overly impose restrictions on the regulatory space of host states but retain overall international law protection to cross country investors. As we confront the current world-wide pandemic crisis, it may be useful to think of the world that will emerge after the crisis—if the world is to be a better place, then multilateral institutions that are able to govern across borders are going to be an essential ingredient of the new order—or alternately we will all have to work with a more insular economy.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This study has been culled out of a Report titled Assessing the Indian Experience with Bilateral Investment Treaties: Emergent Issues for Future Strategies that came out in 2016. This Report was prepared by the Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations, having been commissioned by the Ministry of Finance, Government of India. Support from the Ministry of Finance, Government of India is gratefully acknowledged. We would also like to acknowledge the enormous logistical and intellectual support provided by Tanu Goyal while writing the paper.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
