Abstract
There is a considerable history of misunderstandings associated with Asian American in education. Although many educators and scholars have begun to pay more attention to unique issues associated with this population, studies exploring these students’ experiences as honors students in collegiate contexts are scant in the educational literature. The purpose of this study is to explore high-achieving Asian American students’ perceptions of their experiences in a collegiate honors program. Using an ecological framework, the authors explored four Asian American students’ unique experiences as members of a collegiate honors program at a large university in the Midwest. Using consensual qualitative research as a methodological framework, six domains were found: (a) experiences in the honors program, (b) resources, (c) perceptions of ethnic identity, (d) career aspirations, (e) suggestions for gifted students, and (f) needs and hopes.
The Asian American population encompasses various groups of people descending from Korea, Japan, Philippines, Indonesia, China, and other countries. Often referred to as the Asian American/Pacific Islander (AAPI) population (and used interchangeably throughout this article), Asian Americans consist of more than 50 ethnic groups (Chow, 2011). AAPIs’ rate of growth was equivalent to Hispanics’ in terms of undergraduate fall enrollment from 1976 to 2008 (Aud, Fox, & KewalRamani, 2010). Unlike many other ethnic minority groups, Asian American students are overrepresented in gifted programs in comparison to their proportions of student population (Yoon & Gentry, 2009). Asian Americans represent 4.81% of the national K–12 student enrollment but represent 9.40% of enrollment in gifted education programs in 2006 (U.S. Office for Civil Rights, 2006). Asian Americans have the highest rates of advanced degrees in education, percentages employed in professional occupations, and number of families with median incomes for some time (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Asian Americans are overrepresented among winners of Presidential and National Merit Scholarships; disproportionately accept positions as engineers, architects, physicians, and university professors; and achieve higher scores on the ACT and SAT tests (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). As a result of this success and other factors, Asian Americans have been defined as a group of individuals strongly motivated to achieve higher social standing and economic success (Lee, 1996).
Society has begun to expect excellence from all Asian American students, including those with parents who may lack postsecondary education, live in poverty, or lack significant job-related skills and experiences (Dundes, Cho, & Kwak, 2009). One of the most popular stereotypes ascribed to Asian Americans is the model minority (Foster, 2004) or the notion of being naturally intelligent, compliant, and hardworking. The model minority label gained popularity in the 1960s and was applied to Asian immigrants (Chow, 2011); the myth has been deeply ingrained in society for decades and due to the success of many Asian Americans has been difficult to erase. The model minority stereotype depicts Asian American students as well-adjusted and academically successful, which imposes pressure to achieve social expectations and generates negative experiences related to racial bias (Kitano, 1997; Plucker, 1994). These stereotypes have resulted in ignoring individual challenges and needs, focusing more on assessment and identification of this population as opposed to a balanced approach in which their development outside of academics is considered (Plucker, 1994; Webb, Meckstroth, & Tolan, 1994). As pointed out by Wong and Halgin (2006), the general perception of successful Asian Americans limits their freedom of education and career choices, resulting in overgeneralizations and societal indifference.
Recently, scholars have attempted to shed light on the ramifications of the model minority myth on Asian American students. Research findings suggest that there are harmful effects associated with its internalization such as psychological distress and poor well-being (Cheryan & Bodenhausen, 2000). For example, Grossman and Liang (2008) examined the relationship between mental health and social functioning among 158 sixth- through eighth-grade Chinese American adolescents and found a positive relationship between emotional distress and perceived discrimination in their school environment. In other words, the more students perceived discrimination from their peers, the more emotional distress they experienced. A study by Chol Yoo, Burrola, and Steger (2010) investigated effects of the model minority myth using Asian American undergraduates from a large Southwestern University and found that feelings of embarrassment and shame were related to preferential treatment from instructors. In a qualitative study with Asian American undergraduate students conducted by Suyemoto, Kim, Tanabe, Tawa, and Day (2009), participants reported feelings of social isolation and a natural separation of ethnicities within the academic settings. Furthermore, participants stated a lack of awareness of available campus resources and dissatisfaction with advising processes. With regard to faculty, they felt a lack of cultural sensitivity but found greater comfort in Asian American studies classes.
It has been found that much of the difficulties associated with being perceived as a model minority can possibly be attributed to ethnicity and the role one perceives it plays in one’s life. Phinney (1989) investigated Asian American, African American, and Hispanic American 10th graders’ affinity for their ethnicity or ethnic identity and found that Asian American students desired to belong to another ethnic group more than their African American and Hispanic American counterparts did. In another quantitative study, Phinney and Alipuria (1996) surveyed 196 Asian American, African American, and Mexican American undergraduate students to gather information about their ethnic identity. The findings suggest that ethnicity was important to all students; however, Asian American students attributed the least salience to their ethnicity in comparison to the other ethnic groups. These findings suggest that although Asian American students have been stereotyped as model minorities due to their ethnic backgrounds, for many Asian American students, ethnicity may not be important, necessarily. The pressure to live up to the model minority myth, therefore, may not be as great to those students for whom ethnicity is not a significant aspect of their identity.
Whether or not their ethnicity is valued, what matters most is that AAPIs are a rapidly growing demographic. In fact, according to a recent U.S. Census (2011) report, Asian Americans are the most rapidly growing demographic in the United States. Given their population growth and the long-standing presence of the model minority myth, AAPI students’ experiences deserve much more attention in the educational literature. Moreover, the educational research literature overlooks AAPI students due to model minority stereotypes suggesting that these students do not have problems and therefore do not require assistance. Indeed, relatively little K–12 scholarship has been published on gifted AAPI students, with almost none on postsecondary Asian American students who have managed to achieve high academic success. Therefore, it is particularly important that AAPI students who do well academically, such as those participating in advanced collegiate courses and programs, have light shed on their experiences as well.
Review of the Literature
Similar to Asian American students, gifted students are often at risk of succumbing to untrue stereotypes. The stereotypical image of gifted students as socially awkward, physically inferior, and effortlessly high achieving is historically proliferated in public discourse (Berlin, 2009; Ely, 2009). In fact, according to The Man of Genius (Lombroso, 1891), one of the earliest examples of scholarship devoted to the study of individuals displaying genius tendencies, genius was once thought of as being akin to developing psychosis. Later research debunked this notion in favor of its antithesis. Terman (1925) and others (Terman & Oden, 1959) conducted longitudinal studies with 1,528 students who scored 140 and above on the Stanford–Binet intelligence assessment. According to their findings, individuals identified as gifted were more advanced than others by a number of psychological, social, and physical factors. Many educators based educational practices on Terman’s findings, which were supported by other researchers as well (Jolly, 2008). As a result, many educators assume that gifted students do not require assistance and that they succeed due to superior abilities. Blackburn and Erickson (1986) called this the “Terman myth,” the stereotype that gifted students do not require much support, which hinders optimal personal and social growth and talent maximization.
Due to many pervasive stereotypes, educators have increasingly drawn attention to gifted students’ needs. Blackburn and Erickson (1986) coined the term predictable crises as a means to help the field gain a better understanding of common social-emotional needs among gifted students. According to these scholars, the following developmental processes should be expected and measures taken to prevent them from having a detrimental impact on gifted students in the present, as well as in postsecondary settings: (a) developmental immaturity, (b) underachievement, (c) female fear of success, (d) multipotentiality, and (e) nonsuccess.
Scholars have begun to pay more attention to the unique issues of gifted Asian American students (Kitano, 2011; Plucker, 1994, 1996; Yagi & Oh, 1995), with Kitano (2011) suggesting that perceptions of ethnic identity development and cultural values play a role in how well they will adjust to gifted education environments. For example, Yagi and Oh (1995) found that gifted Asian American students have to deal with conflicting personal values and exceedingly high expectations and pressure from parents and community members. According to Kao and Hébert (2006), Asian American students oftentimes have parents who hold very high expectations for their children, and these expectations tend to manifest in high school. Asian American students felt pressured by their families to choose careers held in high esteem—medicine, engineering, biology, and business—with little personal input. Chen (2006), who conducted a quantitative analysis with 145 first- and second-generation Asian American immigrant undergraduate and graduate students enrolled in math and science majors, supports this finding. According to Chen, parents played a significant role in students’ decision to major in those types of areas.
Olenchak and Hébert (2002) contributed salient information regarding the experiences of a gifted Asian American student in a college setting. According to the findings, Jimmy, a Vietnamese student struggled with his family, peers, the university curriculum, and life after college. Jimmy experienced difficulty balancing his family’s conservative values with the university’s more liberal views. In fact, he attributed much of his academic difficulties to “trying to figure out how I can get my parents to accept my values” (p. 202). He also thought his parents would not approve of him doing any activities except those that would help him become a doctor or increase affinity for his Vietnamese identity. In terms of his peers, Jimmy experienced pressure related to participating in activities with his non-Vietnamese friends. He felt his Vietnamese friends would not approve of his participation in activities with students who were not also Vietnamese. With regard to coursework, Jimmy was resentful because he had taken a lot of advanced courses in high school, and much of what he was studying in college was replication. He became bored with the curriculum, and he earned a 2.2 grade point average his first semester, which dropped below a 2.0 the next semester. In particular, he was angered by the rigidity of the premed courses that did not allow him to explore other courses. In terms of life after college, Jimmy accepted science as a major because of pressure from parents and soon became disinterested. Nonetheless, he was concerned about his grades and whether or not they would prevent him from getting into med school.
Purpose of the Study
As has been discussed, there is a long history of promoting considerable misperceptions of Asian American and gifted students in education. Considering the power associated with these misperceptions, gifted Asian American students are particularly at risk for external and internal pressures to achieve academically. Unfortunately, in the educational literature, there is a relatively small body of information related to the experiences of Asian American students in gifted programs, particularly collegiate honors programs. Given these gaps in the literature, very little is known about these students, including how they manage to succeed despite the prevalence of the aforementioned misconceptions. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore, most broadly, gifted Asian American students’ perceptions of their experiences in a collegiate honors program. The following research questions guided this study:
Method
The ecological-transactional model served as the conceptual framework for this study. Essentially, the model suggests that individuals operate within multiple contexts or ecologies that interact with one another and influence development (Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Cicchetti & Lynch, 1993). The ecologies are composed of the following: (a) the macro system (cultural values and beliefs), (b) the exo system (the community in which individuals live), and (c) the micro system (family, school, and peer environments). These three contexts will be used to explain the findings of the study.
Background of the Researchers
The research team consisted of two female Asian doctoral students and one African American male associate professor. All three members of the team were affiliated with the same Counselor Education program at a large university in the Midwestern United States. All three were experienced in qualitative research. Specifically, the second and third authors have taken qualitative research courses, and the first author has published multiple qualitative manuscripts and chaired or cochaired qualitative doctoral dissertations.
The first author is an African American associate professor. He has experience counseling students of Asian descent in K–12 educational settings, as well as teaching, advising, and mentoring Asian American students in postsecondary educational settings. Based on these experiences, he had beliefs that suggested students of Asian descent would be heavily influenced by their parents and have a strong desire to achieve academically. The second author is an Asian woman who received the greater part of her education and counseling training in South Korea. She has a 10-year work history with Asian students as a teacher in South Korea. Based on her own educational training as a student as well as work experiences as an educator, she experienced and observed the phenomenon described by the research participants; her background provided her with important insights about the data. The third author is an Asian woman who received the vast majority of her educational training in Taiwan. In 2008, she moved to the United States to pursue a doctoral degree in Counselor Education. Cultural values and norms of competing with other students to achieve high academic achievement as well as parental influence were embedded in her educational experience in Taiwan. (The fourth author did not participate in the research study but did contribute to revising the final copy of this article.) To address potential researcher biases associated with these assumptions, an external auditor (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) was used to examine the audit trail, member check comments, and interview transcripts. This person was an African American woman enrolled in an MBA program and trained in qualitative methodology.
Participants
Participants were high-achieving Asian American students participating in undergraduate honors classes attending a large (more than 30,000 students), predominantly White institution located in the Midwestern region of the United States. At this university, students were invited to participate in the honors program. To be invited during freshman year, students had to have a 27 ACT composite score (or combined 1,210 SAT critical reading and math score), a 3.80 high school GPA or have a 30 ACT composite score (or combined 1,330 SAT critical reading and math score), and a 3.70 high school GPA.
The four participants were all female, ranging in age from 18 to 26 years. Participants, when asked to self-identify their parents’ home countries, stated as follows: Amanda (adopted by two American parents, but birth parents are both Korean), Cara (both parents from China), Judy (mother from China and father from Vietnam), and Emmy (both parents are Chinese). All participants who were invited to participate in the study accepted the invitation; no one declined or dropped out of the study after agreeing to participate.
Data Collection: Interviews
The study consisted of two rounds of interviews. The first round consisted of four structured questions designed to gather information about participants’ experiences in three distinct, yet interrelated contexts: (a) campus, (b) honors program, and (c) classroom. The questions were structured to collect information from each participant based on his/her experiences. For example, “What is it like being a student on your campus?” was one of the opening questions asked of each participant. The second round of interviews was semistructured and based on participants’ initial interview responses. Follow-up questions designed to elicit more depth and understanding of the phenomenon were asked. For instance, one question asked was as follows: “Tell me more about your experiences in your honors program.”
Procedure
Criterion sampling procedures were used to recruit participants due to its focus on specific criteria (Patton, 2002). A mass e-mail was sent to every student on the University’s campus who self-identified as an ethnic minority student (African American, Asian American, Hispanic, or Native American). Four students identified themselves as Asian American honors students attending a predominantly White university and indicated their willingness to participate in the study by responding via e-mail. Each participant was mailed a packet containing a cover letter, informed consent form, biographical questionnaire, and a prepaid, stamped envelope. After they returned the signed informed consent forms and demographic questionnaires, they were contacted by e-mail to arrange a time to conduct interviews. Due to students’ busy schedules, e-mail (first interview) and instant messenger (IM; second interview) were deemed the most suitable methods of gathering information (Moore & Flowers, 2003). Scholars have found that sending questions to students via e-mail is an effective means of collecting qualitative data (Meho, 2006).
The first round of data collection consisted of e-mailing structured interview questions to students to determine eligibility for participation in the study and provide foundational content for the semistructured questions used in the second interview. Once the first round of interviews was completed, the research team analyzed the responses and formulated a list of semistructured questions (Patton, 2002) designed to help participants provide more in-depth information related to their first-round interview responses. Using the first-round interview data, the research team identified words, phrases, and events that appeared similar and grouped them into like categories or open codes (Patton, 2002). The research team’s open codes were finalized and e-mailed to the first author who compiled them and e-mailed the complete list to the team. The research team reviewed and considered the codes for 1 week and discussed the nature and importance of each code over the phone.
Participants were e-mailed a number of open-ended, exploratory, structured interview questions based on information derived from a thorough review of the available literature related to Asian American students in honors programs, as well as the educational experiences of the first and third authors. Participants were informed within 1 month of the initial e-mail interview that the second interview, lasting approximately 1 to 1½ hours, would be scheduled.
The first author used various types of IM platforms to collect the second round interview data (e.g., America Online Instant Messenger [AIM], Yahoo! Messenger, Gmail Messenger, etc.). This method was used, because, according to Moore and Flowers (2003), it minimized geographical constraints and was cost-effective. In addition, it allowed for real-time interaction, which is necessary when asking semistructured interview questions, though limited in that voice tone, inflection, and nonverbal responses are omitted. As a whole, the research team considered this method of data collection one of the best means to grant participants the opportunity to expand on their responses in the first round of interviews.
Data Analysis
For data analysis, the research team employed the consensual qualitative research (CQR) method (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997), which emphasizes methodological triangulation while enhancing trustworthiness of the results (Patton, 2002). CQR is consistent with qualitative research components (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992; Henwood & Pidgeon, 1992) such as collecting data from natural settings, using researchers as human instruments for data analysis, obtaining insight into the data, describing phenomena, attending to the process of the experience as well as outcome, using inductive analyses approach, and emphasizing the participants’ lived experiences (Hill et al., 1997). CQR strengthens triangulation, emphasizing the use of numerous researchers, the consensus-building processes among researchers, and a systematic approach to examining the representativeness of findings across individual cases (Hill et al., 1997).
Data analysis consisted of two major tasks. First, two members of the research team transcribed the interviews and reflected on the data. Second, the collected data were analyzed based on the main steps of CQR. In the first step, two researchers examined the data independently to create domains. Domains were defined as a conceptual framework to deal with huge amounts of qualitative data (Miles & Huberman, 1994) and used to group the data in line with similar topics. Then they discussed the coding until they reached domain consensus. The two researchers independently developed core ideas to briefly summarize the content of each domain for each individual case (Hill et al., 1997). Then they discussed the domains until they reached consensual agreement about them. In the next step, the researchers independently created core ideas. Core ideas were defined as brief summary of each domain for a given individual case (Hill et al., 1997). Similar to what the two researchers did for group consensus building in the first step, they met to discuss core ideas and came to consensus. A unified version of the domains and core ideas was sent to the auditor, who independently examined the raw data, domains, and core ideas. Based on the auditor’s suggestions, domains and core ideas for each individual case were revised. The final version included the following six domains: (a) experiences in the honors program, (b) resources, (c) perceptions of ethnic identity, (d) career aspirations, (e) suggestions for gifted students, and (f) needs and hopes.
To interpret data, cross-case analysis was performed to develop categories that describe consistencies and similarities in the core ideas across all the cases (Hill et al., 1997). The two researchers first individually developed categories across all cases. Since determining categories is a discovery-oriented process (Mahrer, 1988), the two researchers worked to capture the real meaning of the phenomenon in words, then shared their ideas and reached consensual categorical agreement. The categories were then sent to the auditor. When the cross-case analysis was completed, several categories for the six domains emerged (see Table 1).
Asian American Students’ Experiences in a Collegiate Honors Program.
Note. AP = advanced placement. General: applies to all of the cases; Typical: applies to half or more of the cases; Variant: applies to one or two cases.
To establish trustworthiness and authenticity, several strategies were employed. Using CQR that highlights decision-making processes among research members and includes auditors in the steps of data analyses, the trustworthiness of the findings was enhanced throughout the data analyses processes. The auditor provided critical insights into carrying out theoretical triangulation and brought relevant literature to the findings. In addition, to accurately capture the essence of participants’ perceptions of their experiences, direct quotations were used rather than interpretation of the meaning of participants’ responses. Moreover, multiple data sources from participants and reflective notes of researchers’ impressions and emerging thoughts about the meaning of the data were used for triangulation (Charmaz, 2002). Reflective memos were kept throughout coding and analysis processes. Finally, peer debriefers were used (Padgett, Mathew, & Conte, 2004) to clarify ideas for coding and category development.
Results
Data analysis produced six major domains: (a) Experiences in the Honors Program, (b) Resources, (c) Perceptions of Ethnic Identity, (d) Career Aspirations, (e) Suggestions for Gifted Students, and (f) Needs and Hopes. Within these domains are a number of categories that further explain the phenomenon. For data presentation, a variation of the classification technique used by Hill et al. (1997) was selected to illustrate representativeness of each phenomenon in the sample. This approach allowed for studying the complexity of participants’ experiences, preserved anonymity, and served the interest of space.
Experiences in the Honors Program
All participants mentioned benefits associated with participating in the honors program. The most common were new opportunities to interact with students who have similar interests, small class size, and activities and events. As Amanda described, “I think it’s a good way to challenge yourself by making a course that you really enjoy [into] an honors course” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). Judy also saw the honors program as positive:
I liked the idea of having smaller class sizes so I could get more acquainted with other students and my professor. I enjoy the honors classes, because they all sound incredibly interesting and are a new opportunity for honors students that nonhonor students do not have. I also enjoy having smaller class sizes, so I will not have to worry about the overwhelming class sizes of normal college classes. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Although two of the participants mentioned they did not find any disadvantages in the honors program, two others perceived the amount of required coursework negatively. Amanda reported, for example, that “it was hard to take advantages of all the opportunities it offers. There is definitely a lot of work to be an honors student and take honors courses” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009).
Due to the competitive nature of the honors program, participants expressed paradoxical feelings toward their Asian American peers. On one hand, they believed that they were competitors who needed to work as hard as possible to stay on top; on the other hand, they were friends with similar cultural backgrounds who had developed close ties. According to them, unlike White students, who enjoyed the company of peers with similar intellectual levels, they faced more struggles in terms of finding peer support among members of the same ethnicity within the honors program due to feelings of competition among one another. They recalled putting great emphasis on getting As, which they claimed impeded their ability to enjoy friendships with their Asian American peers. As Judy stated, “In other groups, larger groups of students have less motivation for high achievement, whereas in the Asian group, I think fewer students slack off” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). Similarly, Amanda noted,
It is a little difficult to be recognized as able to do things in certain classes because I have to compete with other Asian students who are motivated as I am. . . . But ironically, most of my close friends are Asian American. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Setting and achieving high academic goals, meeting parents’ expectations, and balancing academic requirements and social needs were also common phenomena. To obtain a high GPA, participants reported having to work hard and be self-disciplined, which led to feelings of extreme stress and very little social life. As Emmy described, she had to
maintain discipline enough for the hard work, time management, and balance between study and family. After I hit college, things changed. I got some B’s, things got hard. I don’t feel myself particularly brilliant anymore, and it was depressing and frustrating. I lost my motivation. My parents were disappointed. They were always supportive but they were frustrated too. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Similarly, Judy described,
I know what study habits work the best for me, but they are incredibly time consuming and I am a little worried about if I will have enough time both to have a social life and to study as much as I need in order to succeed. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
According to Judy, “Being an ethnic minority student is the hardest challenge in college in terms of competing with students within the ethnic majority” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). However, participants also recalled receiving considerable recognition due to being an ethnic minority. According to Cara, she “never really considered herself as a minority until college” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009), so she did not expect minority student benefits. As time progressed, however, she realized being a minority expanded her comfort zone with the university because she was invited to participate in cultural gatherings targeting her and other minority groups on campus. Judy also described how being a member of an ethnic minority group benefitted her experience in the honors program:
I will be able to contribute my opinions of the program from a new perspective, to compare and see if my experience varies from those who are not Asian American. With a smaller [Asian] population, I will also have a better chance at meeting those with similar ethnic backgrounds. I doubt anything negative will result from being an ethnic minority in the honors program; everyone involved with the [collegiate] honors program that I met came off as incredibly kind, understanding, and generous. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Resources
Four categories pertaining to participant resources emerged from the data: academic support, social support, personal endeavors, and technology. Most participants’ support systems involved their academic advisors/counselors, parents, friends, and colleagues. According to participants, they did not hesitate to talk to their academic advisors about anything personal, academic, and/or career related. Three participants described counselors who helped them deal with personal issues and encouraged their educational pursuits. Judy stated the following:
My [academic] counselor is there to advise and help me through any difficult problems I encounter in college, so I will feel really at ease when talking to her. I can relay any issues I have, and they can also help me on my career path to make sure I am headed in the right direction. I don’t think I will have trouble discussing anything with my counselor. Nothing in my social or personal life dealing with education really embarrasses me, so I should not have issues discussing them with my counselor. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Parental involvement in educational attainment and achievement was another common system of support. Participants expressed feeling pressure from parental expectations and cultural values; however, they also noted that parental guidance helped facilitate their educational development and influenced their career selection and planning. According to Amanda, her mom was the first person to tell her about collegiate honors programs and presented opportunities for her to take more challenging classes. Similarly, Cara noted that her mom helped her with managing time and prioritizing her tasks, which assisted Cara to be a more effective learner as well as to cope better with her stress. Every participant described friends as emotional support and using social media as a way to relax and escape the rigors of the honors program.
Perceptions of Ethnic Identity
Most of the participants mentioned ethnicity as being an important aspect of their lives. For example, they discussed the degree of comfort they felt in discussing their family’s customs with others who expressed an interest in learning more about Asian culture. When asked about difficulties experienced on campus as a whole, they all agreed that being an ethnic minority student on campus is difficult. Most of our participants, for instance, mentioned a lack of diversity and cultural awareness on campus. Emmy stated, “Race should not be an issue . . . other than promote[ing] students’ understanding and appreciation of cultural diversity” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). Cara also described, “When I started visiting campuses, I noticed a lack of diversity. Not only diversity, but also actual cultural awareness needs to be emphasized in college” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). Regardless of negative perceptions of campus, all participants consistently voiced the important role of their cultural background and the role it played in their lives. As Judy described, “My culture is so important. It’s beyond mentioning. It’s given” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009).
Career Aspirations
All participants had specific future career plans and were very conclusive in determining a specific career path. In addition, participants chose career paths based on specific knowledge related to the nature of the career they chose to pursue. As Emmy stated,
Being a physician allows me to work with people, to educate them about their own health and try to correct their misconceptions, and to help those who are most vulnerable. . . . Being a physician is hard work with long and irregular hours, and the job [will] often take precedence over the rest of my life. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Some participants planned their careers paying close attention to their personal strengths. As Judy described,
I find everything in the field of psychology interesting, especially the disorders. I also have a passion for helping others, so the two combined are my perfect job career. I want to have the satisfaction of knowing I helped a truly disturbed individual. I know I cannot and will not be able to help and “cure” every single person I come into contact with, and that disappointment might have effects on me in the long run. However, successfully helping that other handful of people will keep me going. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
All participants’ career choices were heavily influenced by parents and cultures of origin. Parents seemed to make it clear that participants were expected to excel in college and/or pursue lucrative occupations. For example, Emmy explained,
My academic goals were influenced by my parents. My current professional goals are to complete my residency in Internal Medicine, learn to be the best doctor I can be, apply for a Chief Resident position, and then find a niche. This may involve doing a fellowship to pursue even further specialty training following residency or the year as Chief. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Suggestions for Gifted Students
Each of the participants expressed benefits and privileges associated with being in a collegiate honors program, as well as in honors programs and advanced placement (AP) classes when they were in high school. They mentioned that advanced courses and programs can be extremely stimulating and recommended that other students take those courses if given the opportunity. As Emmy mentioned, “The challenges presented in advanced classes can push you to grow and rise to bigger and better things than you’ve ever done before” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). Judy also posited,
I would let them [gifted students in high school] know about the competition and challenges they might face when taking those classes; I think that it requires a lot of work to succeed. However, the rewards reaped are definitely worth it and you learn so much from the experience even if your grades suffer a little bit. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Participants also mentioned that gifted students who are interested in taking honors classes in college should definitely take advantage of the opportunity. Amanda, for example, stated the following:
If you have the opportunity to get into an honors program in college, do it! There are a variety of ways to get involved and chances for you to excel if you want to. There’s no real disadvantage of getting into an honors program in college. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Furthermore, according to Judy, students should
do it. Go for it because it’s not like joining would hurt. It opens up so many doors for a student because it gives him or her more options when taking classes—more classes to take, and possibly extended projects to the class. Joining the honors program can also help the student meet even more people at college, and it will help them meet people similar to them. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Needs and Hopes
Needs and hopes were related to experiences of social isolation, racism, and deprivation as ethnic minorities. Despite voiced benefits associated with participation in a collegiate honors program, as well as gifted education programs in K–12 settings, some participants also viewed their experiences as discouraging with respect to the lack of diversity and individuality. According to Amanda,
The worst thing was that I felt like a stereotypical Asian student. I felt like I was the one who liked math a lot and got good grades in school. I was stereotyped as a nerd . . . I felt pressured to destroy such stereotypes, but I also took a little pride in being a nerd because being smart was a major part of my identity and the best way to survive. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Likewise, Emmy recalled that “being an ethnic minority was most difficult in that I didn’t have a lot of friends, and White peers had their own little group that I was never a part of” (interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009). When asked for suggestions to remedy the situation, Judy suggested,
Teachers should treat all gifted students the same by challenging them to their full potential and also to make sure they are being challenged in other classes. Make sure to include a diversity of experiences that are appropriate for the class and don’t single out specific minorities, just treat them the same as everyone else. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Judy recommended the following:
The university officials should just check in on the minority students to make sure things at school go well, and that they fit into the college atmosphere and know what’s going on in classes and around them. They should encourage the minority students to join as many organizations as possible, including the honors program, so the student can meet new people and find others with their similar interests to help ease the process of a new school, new people, and being away from home. (Interview data collected via AIM on September 14, 2009)
Discussion
Given the strength of the model minority stereotype’s embeddedness in society, cultural dilemmas, and personal developmental tasks that Asian American gifted students face (Chol Yoo et al., 2010; Kao & Hébert, 2006; Olenchak & Hébert, 2002), the emergence of challenges, support systems, and needs unique to this population is not difficult to imagine. Scholars and educators have begun to address the experiences of Asian American gifted students during their K–12 school years, yet, to date, studies on experiences of these students as collegians are scant in the educational literature. In an attempt to fill this gap, this study sought to provide in-depth analyses of Asian American students’ perceptions of their experiences in a collegiate honors program, specifically.
Participants described their unique experiences within multiple contexts (i.e., in the ontogenic level, the micro system, and the exo system) that influenced each other and their developmental tasks (Bronfenbrenner, 1997; Cicchetti & Lynch, 1993). Within the context of participants’ micro systems, high self-standards and eagerness for excellence in advanced classes caused emotional distress and dissatisfaction in the college lives of our participants. Pressure and concerns about maintaining a high GPA limited their freedom in taking honors courses and inhibited their social lives. In addition, due to the competitive nature of the honors program, participants, as members of an ethnic minority group, had paradoxical feelings toward gifted peers within the ethnic group—viewed as competitors because they studied just as hard, but also as friends. Unlike White students, whom participants perceived as having the privilege to enjoy the company of same-ethnicity peers with similar achievement levels, participants seemed to struggle to form friendships among honors students of Asian descent. This finding, on the surface, seems to confirm the stereotypical image of gifted students as socially limited (Berlin, 2009; Ely, 2009); however, participants desired strong relationships with intelligent peers of similar ethnic backgrounds, as well. To achieve academic success, however, they made the conscious decision to sacrifice their social desires and compete with these students. It appears that participants believed the best way to excel is to compete against those who excel. In this case, Asian American students were perceived to be the hardest workers in the honors program and, thus, represented the stiffest competition.
Within the university setting, participants experienced a lack of diversity and cultural sensitivity on campus, which they had not encountered until entering college. This finding is quite similar to other researchers’ reports of Asian American students’ educational experiences (e.g., Suyemoto et al., 2009). These issues led to a great deal of stress, which caused participants to perceive being an ethnic minority student as the most difficult aspect of their college lives. Because participants had not seen themselves differently from White students until they reached college, they had not experienced a strong need to acculturate or pay particular attention to their ethnic background. Until arriving on campus, they had not identified themselves differently from White students; however, within a larger university setting, racial self-segregation was quite common, leading to recognition of differences and an increased awareness of and appreciation for their own ethnicity.
Participants’ personal strengths such as earlier career exploration and decision making had a constructive influence on the participants’ developmental tasks, especially in the area of career intentions and plans. They had clear ideas of personal interests and future lifestyles related to their career path. In contrast with the findings of studies in which most students in honors program were unsure of their career choices (Blackburn & Erickson, 1986) and in which many high-achieving Asian American students changed their majors, our participants had a clear understanding of what they wanted after graduation. All of our participants were able to describe their ideal career choices and had a clear understanding of the requirements and limitations of their interested occupations.
Within the context of the family, parents’ support and high academic expectations influenced participants’ learning attitudes, coping strategies, and career plans, which is consistent with previous findings (Chen, 2006; Kao & Hébert, 2006; Yagi & Oh, 1995). Specifically, family values played a significant role in planning career paths among our participants. Parents transmitted their desires on our participants to enter postsecondary education and/or pursue lucrative occupations. The family provided useful information about honors programs and future career paths.
Within the university setting, support from academic advisors and counselors assisted participants in becoming more adaptable and successful in their college life. This finding is inconsistent with previous literature indicating that advanced students do not need help from others (Terman, 1925). When faced with personal (e.g., how to adjust and transition more smoothly), academic (e.g., course selections), and career-planning issues, participants sought assistance and support from academic advisors and university counselors.
In terms of recommendations, participants mentioned being intimidated by the amount of work they had to do for AP classes; yet, they were quick to add that being in an honors program was rewarding and provided opportunities to broaden their interests and options later in college. Thus, participants suggested that high school students pursue AP classes rather than avoiding advanced classes for fear that they would be challenged by the amount of work and extra responsibility required in the courses. In terms of the university setting, participants recommended that educators and staff members be more open-minded to diversity and pay attention to the needs and difficulties of ethnic minority students. In addition, they recommended more of a variety of honors classes and seminars that are not just for first-year students but also open to all students, as a means to increase diversity in honors as well as access to more rigorous educational opportunities. They further recommenced including topics and diverse experiences in classes that do not single out specific ethnic minorities. To further facilitate a healthy integration between Asian and American cultures, participants mentioned culturally diverse events and activities targeting both Asian Americans and other ethnic groups as an opportunity to help all students, including honors students, embrace and gain an appreciation for different cultures.
Limitations
Several limitations exist in this study. First, the participants’ responses were based on self-reporting of answers to interview questions. To ensure methodological triangulation, it would have been helpful to use other types of data collection methods, such as observations and focus groups, or a combination of both. It may also have been beneficial to ask students of other ethnicities for their impressions of Asian American students enrolled in honors programs as a way to compare and contrast perceptions. Second, some of the participants had limited answers to certain questions that also restricted the understanding of the whole. It may have been useful to ask students why they did not want to elaborate on certain questions. It is quite possible that their cultural backgrounds suggest that information considered to be “too personal” should not be discussed; however, since the question was not asked, this assumption cannot be made.
Future Research
In this study, all participants were female. Future research investigations could focus on male or males’ and females’ experience as a means to explore the role of gender in honors program experiences. In addition, future research might consider inviting participants who have not chosen career goals, comparing their career decision-making processes with other ethnic minority or White students. Moreover, students in this study talked about difficulties in balancing their social life with studying. For honors students, this could be a major factor contributing to social isolation. Future research should glean additional information about Asian Americans students in honors students’ peer relationships to gain more information about their thought processes regarding their personal and academic lives.
Conclusion
It is important to view this study as an exploratory study designed to attract more attention to the Asian American honors student population at the collegiate level. They may be pursuing their career goals successfully, but they may also consider themselves to be too smart to fail. Nevertheless, this study’s participants were found to be keenly aware of others’ high expectations of them and responded, in turn, with high academic and career aspirations of their own. On the surface, this appears to be a wonderful attribute; however, these students also failed to establish strong relationships with peers of similar backgrounds as a function of said aspirations. Educators who ignore students’ cultural values and place too much emphasis on helping high-achieving Asian American students who develop friendships may run the risk of coming off as lacking cultural understanding at best and, at worst, disrespectful of students’ upbringing. As a result, it is important to explore gain a better understanding of students’ rationales for their behaviors and help them develop ways to find success that they deem to be culturally acceptable and congruent with their lofty goals. Participants in the study offered numerous suggestions, but there is still more exploration that needs to be done regarding this unique population.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.