Abstract
How do undocumented immigrants engage in political advocacy despite their social and legal exclusion? In her book Undocumented Politics: Place, Gender, and the Pathways of Mexican Migrants, Abigail Leslie Andrews explores this question as she follows the lives of Oaxacan migrants to Southern California to understand their distinct strategies of inclusion and political activism. Centering the role of gender and location in her analysis, the author finds that hometown dynamics in Oaxaca and Southern California are intrinsically linked to migrants’ decision to move out of Oaxaca, their sense of belonging in the United States, as well as women’s inclusion and exclusion in local and transnational politics. Undocumented Politics provides rich theoretical advances to literature on transnational political strategies, the role of local-level contexts, and immigrant “illegality.”
Drawing on ethnographic observations, oral histories, surveys, and archival research, Andrews traces the pathways of migrants from Partida to Los Angeles (L.A.) and from Retorno to North County San Diego. While Partida and Retorno share similar economic and demographic characteristics, migration patterns out of Oaxaca and into the United States diverged. Once in Southern California, the local modes of control in L.A. and North Country influenced migrants’ attitudes toward co-ethnics and toward their Oaxacan community. With thorough detail, Andrews captures participants’ struggle for inclusion, resistance toward US hostility, and striving for belonging.
This compelling book begins with an overview of the political and social dynamics of Partida and Retorno. During the 1990s, both towns shared similar socioeconomic and geographic features; yet, their mode of governing differed drastically. Partida operated under a cohesive model in which all members contributed to the development of their community. When migrants left Partida, it was often with the intention to better themselves in the urban cities of Mexico. Women also migrated to urban areas to escape abuse and mistreatment. Conversely, Retorno operated under stratified rule in which political bosses held most of the power. When migrants left Retorno, it was often because of limited resources and opportunities in the village. Power dynamics in Partida and Retorno influenced who left these towns and created networks of emigration wherein migrants from Partida were funneled into L.A. and those from Retorno made their way to North County San Diego.
Chapter 2 documents how local laws and labor practices shaped migrants’ perception of the state. Andrews’s carefully chosen field sites in Southern California provided the opportunity to witness how destinations influenced migrants’ experiences of US exclusion and co-ethnics. Andrews argues that L.A. and North County San Diego operate under different local-level practices in what she refers to as modes of control. While immigrants in L.A. faced threats of deportation and detention, they perceived their belonging as conditional. Pro-immigrant activism, denouncement of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) collaboration by city stakeholders, sanctuary policies, and social movements led to the perception that only “bad” immigrants received punishment. Immigrants in North County San Diego faced a different reality. They experienced their treatment as arbitrary. Proximity to a hyper-militarized border and collaboration between border patrol and local police led to a sense of widespread fear and mistrust of the state.
Chapter 3 explores how conditional and arbitrary control shape migrants’ strategies of political incorporation in the United States. Andrews demonstrates how local contexts of “illegality” shaped migrants’ sense of belonging, understanding of laws and policies, and their social and political mobilization. The conditional treatment of undocumented immigrants in L.A. led them to employ a “law-abiding/criminal” framework. Participants felt that they could prove they were “good” immigrants by displaying and declaring an appreciation for the United States. Migrants in L.A. felt that integration was achievable with good behavior. However, this came at a cost; the author poignantly describes how this framework often pitted immigrants against one another and served to further criminalize undocumented men. Conversely, in North County San Diego, arbitrary control led to a strategy of withdrawal. Migrants denounced and expressed mistrust toward the United States and felt little hope for their integration. These distinct contexts influenced gendered political incorporation, as conditional treatment in L.A. provided women with more opportunities to engage politically and arbitrary treatment in North County San Diego negatively impacted all migrants and further silenced women who faced abuse.
Chapter 4 centers on how migrants related to their hometowns and how they engaged with larger Mexican politics. Respondents in L.A. engaged in what Andrews refers to as polarized transnationalism. Most respondents did not plan to return to a “backwards” Partida and sought to improve their village. While not explicitly stated, respondents appear to apply an internalized nativist approach to the improvement of their hometown. For instance, participant use of derogatory terms such as “Indians” in reference to their community members suggests that L.A. migrants sought to Americanize Partida. In North County, migrants operated through solidarity transnationalism. Migrants engaged in cross-border advocacy with residents in Retorno to improve life back home by demanding resources and implementing strategies for change. Their exclusion in the United States helped them stay connected to Retorno and participate in efforts to promote the advancement of the community.
Chapter 5 documents how emigration from Partida and Retorno shaped how community members approached their participation in Mexican politics. Participants in both Partida and Retorno were influenced by the negative images and oral histories of migration. Those in Partida asserted that US and Mexico intervention threatened autonomy of their village, resulting in antiglobalization backlash. Partida villagers often even pushed back against gender equality as some regarded it as Western influence. Residents of Retorno engaged in alternative globalization in which they drew on help from migrants and Mexican political parties to combat their town’s long history of exclusion. Women were important leaders as those in Retorno engaged in gendered jujitsu to use resources to fund their own movement in the village. To this end, Andrews finds that histories of migration from migrants also shape the hometowns.
One of the book’s major strengths is the author’s ability to disentangle how hometowns in sending countries contribute and shape immigrants’ experience of “illegality” in the United States. Andrews’s careful assessment of outward emigration channels and local contexts in Southern California demonstrates the production of distinct consequences of “illegality” for both men and women. In supportive contexts, women feel empowered to engage in political activism and often use their political voice to support co-ethnics in their communities. Women who live in unfavorable circumstances, however, are not afforded these opportunities. The place in which migrants live can produce unique experiences across gender and immigration status. Attention to the role of generational status (e.g., first generation and 1.5 generation) or age of migrants could have provided more depth to Andrews’s analysis. Investigating these factors could complicate immigrants’ experience of belonging and strategies for political and social inclusion. Despite this, Undocumented Politics is a powerful read that contributes to the literature on international migration, undocumented immigrants, and gender.