Abstract
The authors analyze the effect of technological innovation on employment and job quality using a difference-in-differences matching model and a unique matched data set of French firms (the Community Innovation Survey with administrative and fiscal data). Overall, they find evidence that product innovation increases employment and certain dimensions of job quality, such as the number of permanent contracts and working hours. The authors consider this virtuous circle between innovation, employment, and job quality to be nuanced, however, for two reasons. First, not all social groups benefit from firm innovation, as lower-skilled workers are less positively affected in terms of employment and are sometimes negatively affected in terms of wages. Second, the positive effects of innovation appear mainly in manufacturing and not in services. Public policy should pay attention, then, to the consequences of innovation across individuals and sectors to ensure that innovation is beneficial to all.
Keywords
Innovation is considered a major determinant of employment changes in both empirical and theoretical economics. At the policy level, encouraging firm innovation is generally assumed to produce more and better jobs. This assumption is at the heart of the Europe 2020 Strategy (and, before that, the Lisbon Strategy). From this perspective, a virtuous circle is apparent among innovation, employment, and job quality: A growth strategy based on innovation would be a driver of more and better jobs in Europe, which, in turn, may favor the development of new innovations at the workplace. Nevertheless, although empirical work generally reveals a positive impact of innovation on employment, little analogous evidence for job quality is revealed, so we are not able to fully assess whether a virtuous circle truly exists between innovation and better-quality jobs.
Innovation is also likely to have distinct effects on workers according to their individual characteristics. It may well produce unemployment, especially for those in low-skilled (following the hypothesis of skill-biased technological change) or “routine” intermediate occupations according to the more recent polarization hypothesis (Autor, Levy, and Murnane 2003; Goos, Manning, and Salomons 2014). Similarly, while the current development of new technologies may improve job quality (wages, working conditions, etc.), recent work has shown rather flat job quality over time, with some evidence of decreasing job quality for specific social groups (low-skilled and, to a lesser extent, young workers) (Green et al. 2013). The development of telework and information and communication technologies (ICT) mobile work has also been shown to have ambiguous effects on various dimensions of job quality (working time and work–life balance) as well as on health and well-being (Eurofound and ILO 2017).
In this context, further research is needed to inform the policy debate about innovation and employment and job quality. Such research should take differences by types of innovation into account—introducing a new product may have more favorable effects on employment than implementing a new labor-saving production process—as well as differences in the effects by skill, which is a crucial issue in the debate on employment polarization. It is also important for public policies to differentiate innovation effects by industry, during this time when tertiary employment is increasing and when most developed countries are trying to support the manufacturing sector in a context of increased international competition.
In this article, we focus on the impact of technological innovation (product and process innovation) on job quality at the firm level. Following the recent socioeconomic literature, we adopt a multidimensional approach to job quality, including wages as well as some non-wage indicators (the type of employment contract and working hours). In addition to bringing some job-quality dimensions into the analysis of the labor-market effects of innovation, our main contributions are the following. First, we use a large and original panel database of French firms (including information on both innovation and employment) that was specifically collected for our analysis and that covers both manufacturing and services to analyze the effects by industry. Second, since we are able to follow firms over time, we use econometric techniques that go beyond simple correlation to better identify causal effects. Last, in addition to overall job-quality effects at the firm level, we consider the distribution of jobs and job quality by occupation following innovation to see if innovation is beneficial to all or may lead to an increase in inequalities.
Innovation, Employment, and Job Quality: Policy Issues and Existing Literature
Innovation and Employment
In standard economic theory, technological innovation has ambiguous employment effects at the firm level that will also depend on the type of innovation (product or process) (Van Reenen 1997). Process innovation may decrease the level of employment through a direct labor-saving effect: The required level of employment for a given output decreases when a firm implements a new production process. Compensation mechanisms might mitigate or even overcome that negative impact, however, because such process innovations also reduce the effective cost of labor and may lead firms to increase output. Product innovation leads to the opening of new markets or to an increase in the range or quality of products or services, which should have a job creation effect. This effect should be stronger when the innovation is more radical, for instance, when the firm is the first to implement an innovation at the international or market level. Yet, even in the case of new products (goods or services), some contradictory mechanisms are at play; for example, new products might displace the older ones, reducing the positive effect on employment. Much empirical literature (see Vivarelli 2014 and Calvino and Virgillito 2018 for very detailed reviews) concludes somewhat positive employment effects of product innovation in various countries in recent years, especially when combined with patent applications and when the product innovation takes place in high-technology firms. Effects are mixed for process innovation. The literature shows often insignificant effects and sometimes negative effects in line with the labor-saving hypothesis at the firm level (Calvino and Virgillito 2018). We herein follow this literature but also more specifically focus on two issues on which research has, to date, been more limited: the effects of innovation on some dimensions of job quality and the potential heterogeneity in the employment and job-quality effects, by both occupation and industry.
Innovation and Job Quality
Considering a multidimensional approach to job quality as in recent socioeconomic literature (Davoine, Erhel, and Guergoat-Larivière 2008; Muñoz de Bustillo, Fernández-Macías, Esteve, and Antón 2011; Green et al. 2013; Osterman 2013), we can make a number of hypotheses about the general impact of innovation on job quality. First, technological change is a determinant of productivity, which is generally thought to be positively correlated with job quality. This effect, however, depends on workers’ bargaining power and their ability to capture the returns from higher productivity. Second, technological change can affect the structure of the workforce, leading to the creation and/or destruction of good and bad jobs and distinct aggregate job qualities (at the macro but also the firm level). Finally, the adoption of new technologies may have significant effects on the work environment, work organization, task division, and working conditions (Muñoz de Bustillo, Grande, and Fernández-Macías 2016). We herein focus more specifically on employment-quality variables—namely, wages, employment contracts, and working hours—and identify the precise channels through which innovation affects workers. These variables do not reflect the whole set of dimensions that may be included in a job quality concept (see, e.g., Gallie 2007; Green et al. 2013), but their importance for workers is confirmed by empirical analyses focusing on the determinants of job satisfaction. Indeed, the literature on job satisfaction has shown that earnings, job security, and working hours matter for job satisfaction (see, e.g., Clark 2005 or Sousa-Poza and Sousa-Poza 2000 on International Social Survey Programme data). In the French case, higher wages and higher working hours increase job satisfaction, and temporary contracts tend to decrease job satisfaction (Davoine 2007).
From a theoretical point of view, the effects of innovation on wages are ambiguous (Calvino and Virgillito 2018). In the neoclassic approach, workforce displacement after innovation leads to a greater labor supply followed by a decrease in wages that produces the labor demand required to put the labor market back in equilibrium. In a Keynesian-Schumpeterian perspective, however, higher productivity that follows innovation can produce an increase in wages if workers are able to appropriate some of the productivity gains. More generally, the bargaining power of workers may affect the relationship between innovation and the various dimensions of job quality.
Considering the type of employment contract, we expect the effect of innovation—which is generally found to be positive on firm-level employment—to favor permanent employment if the firm expects the innovation to have durable positive consequences on its activity and has a long-run strategy (labor-force hoarding and investment in human capital and specific skills). By contrast, innovation can encourage temporary contracts if it is, instead, considered to be more transitory and occurring in depressed economic conditions (Malgarini, Mancini, and Pacelli 2013), again, depending on the firm’s strategy (Antonucci and Pianta 2002).
Last, the effect of technological change and especially digitization on the number of hours worked is also ambiguous. Productivity may increase and lead to a decrease in working hours, as has been seen in developed countries over the past century. Conversely, from a frictional labor-market perspective (with a scarcity of specific skills), innovation may increase working hours for some categories of workers. Digitization can also bring greater potential to work longer hours away from the workplace or from home. In terms of job quality, longer working hours can be considered an improvement for some workers (e.g., involuntary part-timers) but can also mean excessive working hours for full-timers.
Only a few empirical economic analyses have considered the effects of innovation on job quality. Those that have mostly focus on wages and investigate the impact of innovation on the relative dynamics of wages and not on the absolute levels of wages. At the firm level, only a few studies exist (mainly on the United Kingdom or the United States), and they show contrasting effects of innovation on wages, either insignificant or positive (Van Reenen 1996; Doms, Dunne, and Troske 1997; Aghion, Bergeaud, Blundell, and Griffith 2017). Even less literature has also looked at the relationship between the type of employment contract and innovation, mostly from the point of view of the effect of the former on the latter, and not the potential effect of innovation on the development of permanent and/or temporary jobs. Using data from various countries, most of these past studies reported a negative relationship between the use of flexible contracts and innovation. Firms with greater shares of temporary workers have fewer patents (Franceschi and Mariani 2016), lower sales of innovative new products (Zhou, Dekker, and Kleinknecht 2011), and lower R&D investment (Vergeer and Kleinknecht 2014). Only Giuliodori and Stucchi (2012) concluded that product and process innovation favored both temporary and permanent employment following the decrease in employment protection legislation in Spain in 1997 (previously, innovation had increased only temporary employment).
Heterogeneous Effects of Innovation by Occupation and Industry
We also question the potentially heterogeneous effects of innovation by occupation. In the economic literature, under skill-biased technological change, innovation favors higher-skilled employment and destroys low-skilled jobs. Considerable empirical support now exists for this hypothesis using national, sectoral, and firm-level data (Autor, Katz, and Krueger 1998; Machin and Van Reenen 1998). More recently, however, the job-polarization hypothesis has appeared in both the economic literature and political debate, with a number of empirical contributions (Goos et al. 2014; Autor 2015; Eurofound 2015). This hypothesis describes the process by which low- and high-skilled jobs are simultaneously created in most economies, while middle-skilled jobs disappear. Although the level of analysis in the empirical polarization literature (the aggregate employment level) differs from that mentioned previously (firm-level data), it does seem crucial to evaluate the effect of technological innovation separately for specific groups of workers, especially by skill level. We thus consider potentially diverse effects by occupation, which has rarely been done at the firm level (Calvino and Virgillito 2018).
We also carry out estimations by industry to see if the effects differ in manufacturing and services. The existing results for the employment effects of innovation generally come from the manufacturing sector. Very few studies have focused on the effect of technological innovation in services, even though services account for more than 75% of private employment in France (and in many developed countries). The scarcity of analyses on innovation in services is because technological innovation is historically associated with manufacturing. Various types of approaches coexist about how technological innovation should be understood and analyzed in services: Assimilation (or technologist) approaches argue that theories and concepts developed for manufacturing apply in services; demarcation approaches stand that specific theories and tools are required to analyze innovation in services; and synthesis approaches try to think about a comprehensive framework that would borrow from each approach to analyze innovation across the economy (Coombs and Miles 2000; Gallouj and Savona 2010). The few existing quantitative analyses of innovation in services usually adopt the first perspective, using the same tools and hypotheses for services as for manufacturing. Certain characteristics of services lead us to question the transposability of hypotheses on employment effects of innovation from manufacturing to services, however. First, the degree of competition is generally expected to be lower in services than in manufacturing. In manufacturing, product innovation is a way to challenge competitors, yet it may be less the case in services because of lower competition. Second, some authors also point out the intangibility of the service product, which makes it difficult to convince consumers about the superiority of innovative services (Miles 2010) and could lead to lower effects of product innovation on sales and employment in services. Combined with the hypothesis on the lower level of competition, even when sales increase, this may not lead to higher employment if it only increases the profit margin. Third, the diversity of firms in services is even stronger than in manufacturing. Services include very diverse activities—from microbusinesses in family shops, consultants, accountants, and so on, to very large organizations in finance or insurance—so the overall effect of innovation in services may be a sum of diverse and heterogeneous effects. In empirical quantitative approaches, services are usually analyzed as a whole and the effects of technological innovation on employment are found to be lower than in manufacturing (Ugur, Churchill, and Solomon 2018).
Data and Empirical Strategy
A Firm-Level Database Linking Innovation and Employment Outcomes
We use three separate databases at the firm level: the Community Innovation Survey (CIS), administrative data on employment, and fiscal data.
The CIS was designed at the European level to collect data on innovation activities in firms following the Oslo Manual definitions of innovation (see text Appendix). In France, the sample is 18,109 firms in the market sector in CIS 2014 (after nonresponse and unusable questionnaires are dropped). 1 The French survey data are considered to be of good quality, with an unweighted nonresponse rate of 25%, which is far below the nonresponse rates observed in many other European countries (for instance, 49% in Germany and 35% in Italy). 2 The database includes only firms with 10 or more employees and is exhaustive for firms with more than 250 employees. It covers most market activities classified by the Nomenclature of Economic Activities (NACE, sections B to N), including the following industries: mining, manufacturing, electricity, water supply, construction, retail, transport, hotels and restaurants, information and communication, financial and insurance services, real estate, technical, scientific activities and administrative services. The industries excluded are agriculture, public services, education, health, arts and entertainment, extraterritorial activities, and private household employment (such as babysitting and cleaning).
The DADS (Déclarations Annuelles de Données Sociales) are administrative data on employment collected every year on the basis of establishments’ compulsory declarations. These include information collected at the establishment level in the private sector on employment, as well as contract type (fixed-term or permanent), annual working hours, and wages. Although employment, working hours, and wages can be disaggregated by occupation, contract types (fixed-term or permanent) cannot. These administrative data are of very good quality, with their main limitation being only the small number of variables that are collected (in particular, they contain no information on the work environment). We aggregate this establishment-level data up to the firm level to match them with the other data sets.
Our fiscal data (FARE-FICUS) include the standard accounting data used by the government to collect taxes on benefits and other assets. These databases provide information on productivity and labor costs. 3
We construct our database by merging CIS, DADS, and FARE-FICUS at the firm level, which yields a sample of 14,491 firms. The coverage of the merged data set is the same as CIS coverage in terms of firm size and industry (firms with 10 or more employees and exhaustive for firms with more than 250 employees, covering the NACE B to N sectors). The final sample represents 17% of total employment in France in 2011 and 28% of the total value added. 4
The merged database includes three sets of variables. The first concerns technological innovation behavior (as declared by firms in the 2012 to 2014 CIS data), separated into product and process innovation in accordance with the Oslo Manual typology and the CIS questionnaire (see text Appendix). We capture the intensity of product innovation by two complementary measures of innovation: product innovation that is “new to the market” and product innovation that is accompanied by a patent application. Although organizational innovation is also identified in the CIS, we do not consider it here as it may reflect heterogeneous management choices for which the potential job-quality effects are not straightforward (Rubery and Grimshaw 2001; Lam 2004).
The second set of variables covers the employment and job-quality outcomes in firms (available every year). This includes the total number of firm employees, the number of employees decomposed by occupation, and three dimensions of job quality: hourly wages, average annual number of hours worked per employee, and type of employment contract (permanent or fixed-term). In comparison to the job-quality literature, our approach focuses on employment quality and does not include the work environment or working conditions, for which there is no comprehensive database that could be matched to our data for France. We interpret higher wages and more permanent contracts as reflecting greater job quality (in accordance with job satisfaction analyses, as previously mentioned). The interpretation for working hours is less straightforward, as we cannot disentangle voluntary from involuntary increases in hours worked. In the French context, however, considerable involuntary part-time employment is present and overtime is quite heavily regulated, suggesting a positive relationship between hours of work and job quality. The third set of variables (available every year) relates to firms’ structural characteristics and economic performances (industry, size, age, productivity, labor costs, and so forth). We use two sectoral classifications: the usual one distinguishing among manufacturing, construction, retail, and services (based on NACE codes), and another developed by Eurostat to better characterize firms by their levels of technology and knowledge intensity (distinguishing among high-tech, medium high-tech, medium low-tech, and low-tech manufacturing, and between knowledge-intensive and less knowledge-intensive services). 5
This merged database then tells us whether the firm innovated between 2012 and 2014 and provides information on firm employment, job quality, and characteristics in 2011 and 2015. We can thus carry out a difference-in-differences analysis combined with a matching model to evaluate the impact of various types of innovation on employment and job quality. Given our methodological framework, our analysis is limited to the short-term effects of innovation. Nevertheless, we provide an alternative specification in the robustness checks that controls for repeated innovation over a longer period.
Empirical Strategy: A Difference-in-Differences Matching Model
Because firms that innovate have characteristics that differ from firms that do not, a simple variation of firms’ employment or job quality outcomes does not correspond to the proper effect of innovation: Employment or job quality trends are also influenced by many other factors, of which some may be observed (firm size, technological level, and so on), and others remain unobservable in the data. In addition, we also have to disentangle between the effect innovation has on job quality and the effect job quality may exert on innovation. For instance, workforce qualification level may favor firms’ innovations.
We use an empirical method that accounts for observable differences among firms (through propensity score matching) and corrects for unobserved characteristics (through difference-in-differences). The aim is to better approximate a causal effect of innovation, that is, the effect innovation has on employment and job quality, independently of firms’ characteristics (whether they are observable or not). This method proceeds in two steps. First, we use the firms’ characteristics, such as sector, size, age, and level of technology to predict whether firms will introduce innovations and to identify the characteristics of innovating firms. Among firms with these characteristics, some innovated and some did not innovate over the period considered for our empirical analysis. In the second step, we match firms that innovated with their “twins” that did not innovate and compare changes in job quality between the two groups of firms (that did or did not introduce innovations).
In technical terms, this method combines difference-in-differences with propensity score matching (PSM). To compare job-quality outcomes in similar firms, we use a PSM model initially developed by Rosenbaum and Rubin (1983) to assess the effects of medical treatments. This approach consists of considering innovation (I) as a treatment and constructing, for each firm that innovated between 2012 and 2014, a similar counterfactual firm that did not innovate.
The effect of innovation is measured by the outcome variable (here, differing measures of employment and job quality). Each firm thus has two potential outcomes:
Let
In practice, many propensity score matching methods are described in the literature. For instance, Caliendo and Kopeinig (2005) recommended using a number of estimators. We here use radius matching with a caliper of 0.00001, which is small and implies a precise matching between the treated and control firms. Indeed, as mentioned earlier, one of our main contributions is to capture as much as possible a causal effect of innovation on job quality, which requires comparing very similar firms. There is, however, a trade-off between the size of the matching group and the reduction of the bias between the treated and untreated firms. A small caliper value implies that more firms drop out of the common support (i.e., “off-support” firms) as they are too particular for counterfactuals to be found. In our case, the share of innovating firms dropping out of the common support is between 12.6% and 18.8% depending on the innovation variable we analyze, which we consider reasonable. Figure A.1 (in the Online Appendix) depicts the share of treated, untreated, and off-support firms by the predicted propensity score. Off-support firms do indeed have high propensity scores but no comparison firms. We test various methods and parameters in the robustness checks (kernel matching and radius matching with different calipers; see Discussion and Robustness Checks section).
We evaluate the matching robustness with a balancing test (see Online Appendix Table A.1) that analyzes the standardized differences. This method compares the mean of the control variables for the treated and untreated firms, and thus the reduction in the selection bias before and after matching. The results show that after matching, there are no average differences in the control variables between the treated (innovating firms) and control (non-innovating firms) groups. The selection model then reduces the bias between treated and untreated firms. Our choice of a small caliper value explains the considerable similarity between the two groups of firms, although it does exclude some very particular firms. Table A.2 in the Online Appendix reports the characteristics of off-support firms compared to on-support firms in the case of product innovation: 6 Off-support firms appear larger and belong more often to the high-technology sector. Choosing a very small caliper leads to dropping these big innovating firms and to focusing only on comparable firms to measure as much as possible a causal effect. This approach may, of course, change some of the effects usually found when big innovating firms are kept in the sample, but it gives a better measure of the proper effect of innovation.
A final condition for PSM validity is that no systematic differences should be between the treated and control groups in terms of unobserved characteristics that may influence the outcomes. This hypothesis may well not hold, as there are likely important unobserved factors influencing innovation behavior at the firm level: We therefore introduce difference-in-differences using the time dimension of our data to correct for unobserved heterogeneity. This consists of calculating the change in the outcome variable between two dates (the first difference) and comparing this change between the treated and untreated firms (the second difference). The formula for the treatment effect on the treated firms is as follows:
where
Our empirical strategy consists of two steps. In the first, we estimate a logit model to produce the propensity score. We here consider various determinants of innovation: firm size and age, industry, whether the firm is part of a business group, labor costs, and labor productivity. All of these variables are measured in 2011, that is, before the firms decide whether to innovate. For age, productivity, and labor costs, we calculate quartiles over the sample as explanatory variables. In the second step, we estimate the average effect of the treatment—the treatment here being innovation—on the difference in employment and job-quality changes for the treated and control groups using the radius-matching estimator.
Descriptive Statistics
In our database, we identify the firms that innovated between 2012 and 2014 (Table 1): 27.6% of the firms declared to have introduced a new or significantly improved product, and 27.5% introduced a new or significantly improved process. 8 A total of 18.9% of the firms developed product innovations that they declared to be “new to the market,” which we consider as an indicator of the novelty or intensity of innovation. Far fewer firms (7.3%) declared both product innovation and patent application, which also indicates more intensive innovation activity.
Share of Innovating Firms by Type of Innovation and across Industries (between 2012 and 2014)
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 14,491 firms.
The innovating firms have particular characteristics. They are overrepresented in manufacturing but underrepresented in retail and construction. We found that 47.0% of product innovators and 44.9% of process innovators are in manufacturing, and this figure is higher for the more intensive types of innovation (50.5% of new-to-the-market product innovators, 70.8% of product innovation and patenting firms). The share of innovating firms in services is slightly below their sample share, but the difference is small. Decomposing by technology, the innovating firms are overrepresented in all groups except less knowledge-intensive services. Larger firms (more than 50 employees) are overrepresented among innovators (57.1% of product innovators and 53.4% of process innovators have more than 50 employees, compared with 37% in the whole sample), as well as members of a business group (65.2% of product innovators and 60.9% of process innovators). Innovating firms are older on average and have higher average labor costs and productivity. 9
We can use our matched sample of firms to compare a number of indicators of employment and job quality in innovating and non-innovating firms. Some of the main indicators for 2011 are summarized in Table 2.
Job Quality and Employment by Firm Innovation Status
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 14,491 firms.
In Table 2, the shares of open-ended and temporary contracts are similar in the subsamples of innovating and non-innovating firms, for product and process innovation. In the case of more intensive product innovation (new-to-the-market or patent), the share of permanent contracts appears higher in innovating firms. Average annual hours worked per employee are close in innovating and non-innovating firms. Hourly wages are systematically higher in innovating firms, with the gap being higher for more intensive innovators (product–new-to-the-market, and especially product and patenting). Innovating firms also have workforce skill structures that differ from those of non-innovating firms: 10 They have smaller shares of manual and clerical workers but more managers and professionals as well as more technicians and associate professionals.
Econometric Results: The Impact of Innovation at the Firm Level
As set out in the methods section, we apply a two-step strategy to estimate the impact of innovation on job quality. We first use a matching model to pair innovating firms to similar firms that did not innovate; and second, we compare the differences in the changes in job quality and employment between innovating and non-innovating firms. We estimate models for the four types of technological innovation: product innovation, product innovation–new-to-the-market, product innovation in patenting firms, and process innovation. The outcome variables include employment (decomposed by occupation), employment by contract type (permanent or temporary), and wages and working hours (also decomposed by occupation). The presentation of the results proceeds as follows: We first analyze the determinants of innovation in the matching model; next, we analyze the impact of innovation on employment and job quality for the whole sample and by occupation; we then consider industry-level heterogeneity by running separate analyses for manufacturing and services. Finally, we present the sensitivity analysis and robustness checks.
The Determinants of Innovation at the Firm Level
The logit regressions (for the four innovation types defined above) include some structural firm characteristics that are correlated with innovation, such as industry decomposed by level of technology, firm size and age, and whether the firm belongs to a business group. Productivity is also introduced as an economic performance indicator, as well as labor costs that are usually considered as a factor determining innovation capacity. We introduce the corresponding quartiles for the continuous variables (age, productivity, and labor costs). Table 3 shows the results for product innovation (the results for the other innovation variables appear in Table A.3 in the Online Appendix).
Determinants of Firm Product Innovation
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 14,491 firms.
p < 0.01; **p < 0.05; *p < 0.1.
As in the descriptive analysis, all types of innovations occur more in larger firms, which can be explained by large fixed innovation costs and there being more employees dedicated to innovative work. Being in a group also increases the probability of innovation. Compared to less knowledge-intensive services (the reference category), innovation is more likely in all other industries. Innovation increases with the technological level and is higher in manufacturing (compared to services). The effect of age differs from that in the descriptive statistics: Once we control for other firm characteristics, older firms are less innovative. This outcome may reflect a Schumpeterian effect in that new firms compete with older firms by introducing new products or processes. High productivity (the fourth quartile of ex ante 2011 productivity) increases product innovation. Higher labor costs also increase innovation. In a given institutional context (French firms generally face the same law in terms of minimum wage and social contributions 11 ), higher labor costs are actually a sign of a more educated workforce, which drives more innovation from a human capital perspective.
These results for the factors explaining innovation are very similar to those for new-to-the-market product innovation and process innovation (see Online Appendix Table A.3). 12
Fairly Positive Impact of Innovation but Strong Differences by Occupation
The second step compares the 2011 to 2015 changes in employment and job quality between innovating (treated) and non-innovating (control) firms. We also decompose the employment and job-quality effects (and in particular, wages) of innovation by occupation.
We first find a positive and significant impact of product innovation on firm employment, which also appears when firms have applied for a patent (see Table 4). More precisely, that positive impact corresponds to a positive difference in employment variations between innovating and non-innovating firms. In the case of process innovation, the impact on employment is negative (i.e., the difference in employment variations between innovating and non-innovating firms is negative). These results appear to be consistent with the existing theoretical and empirical literature that generally finds a more positive effect of product innovation at the firm level, whereas the results are more mixed for process innovation. The average size of the results is rather small but grows with the intensity of innovation: The workforce increases amount to 5.7 employees for product innovation and 14.4 employees for product innovation in patenting firms. 13
Impact of Innovation on Employment and Job Quality
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 14,491 firms.
Notes: The first three variables represent the variations in the number of employees. The fourth variable shows the difference in hours (per employee) and the last one represents the difference in euros (per employee). These results are from difference-in-differences models, psmatch 2.
p < 0.01; **p < 0.05; *p < 0.1.
When decomposing employment by type of labor contract (permanent or temporary), we observe a positive effect of innovation on permanent-contract employees both for product innovation and combined with patent application, whereas that for temporary-contract employees is either insignificant (for product innovation) or negative (for process innovation). Concerning permanent contracts, the effects are stronger than in the case of total employment: Product innovations increase the number of permanent employees by 8.2 and 19.8 in the case of patenting firms. The negative effect of process innovation on fixed-term contracts is more limited (–3 employees). Technological innovation (product as well as process) then favors stable employment (at least in terms of labor contracts). Innovative firms appear to invest in their human capital rather than increase labor flexibility.
In terms of working hours, we report a positive impact of total product innovation on annual hours, which remains relatively small (+12.7 hours on average, to be compared with the 1,826.7 hours worked annually in sample firms). The effect is insignificant for process innovation as well as for more intensive forms of product innovation. This positive effect for product innovation may reflect a number of phenomena that we cannot disentangle: an increase in the share of full-time workers or more hours being worked by part-time and/or full-time workers.
Last, the impact of product and process innovation on hourly wages is insignificant: In our sample, innovation activities thus do not seem to produce any rent-sharing with workers. This insignificant result is not surprising to us since theoretical literature indicates ambiguous effects of innovation on wages (Calvino and Virgillito 2018). As mentioned previously, an increase in wages can appear if workers are able to appropriate some of the productivity gains. It will thus depend on their bargaining power. In our case, the relatively short time horizon of our study does not necessarily enable workers to exert their bargaining power and negotiate higher wages, especially in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. In addition, an increase in the workforce may hide some flows in and out of the firm so that we cannot measure the impact on the wages of employees who are staying (and should be able to capture part of the productivity gains).
To sum up, the empirical results underline ambiguous effects of technological innovation on employment, somehow positive in the case of product innovation but negative for process innovation. They also show a fairly positive impact of both product and process innovation on the stability of employment contracts, which are an important component of job quality. No effect on wages is found and a limited positive effect on working hours is found, however, so job quality effects appear limited (although rather positive). In the case of product innovation only, these results tend to confirm the hypothesis that innovation could produce a virtuous circle at the firm level, favoring both the quantity and quality (especially here, stability) of jobs. This interpretation is, of course, speculative, as the definition of job quality is restricted to only a few dimensions and does not include important components such as working conditions. We, in addition, do not know whether temporary contracts and low working hours are voluntary or involuntary. Nevertheless, given the importance of job security for French workers and the very protective legislation in France regarding working hours, these features do seem central to worker well-being.
The overall employment and job-quality effects of innovation may also differ according to skill level. Apart from contract type, we can decompose these effects by occupation.
For employment (Table 5), notable differences by occupational group are evident. First, all types of product innovation increase the number of managers and professionals as well as intermediate occupations, 14 compared to non-innovating firms, whereas this is not the case for manual and clerical workers (the effect is insignificant). Second, process innovation significantly decreases the number of manual and clerical workers, whereas its effects on other occupational categories are insignificant. Thus, a skill-biased pattern occurs in the employment effects of firm-level innovation: Product and process innovations are associated with skill upgrading and benefit higher-skilled workers. According to the estimations, the growth in the number of managers and professionals is stronger for patenting firms (+15 managers and professionals compared to +5.6 for total product innovation). Given the positive impact on the employment of intermediate occupations obtained for product innovation (in general or combined with patent application), our results do not correspond to the hypothesis of skill polarization from innovation but are rather in line with skill-biased technological change.
Impact of Innovation on Employment by Occupations
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 14,491 firms.
Notes: These results are from difference-in-differences models, psmatch 2.
p < 0.01; **p < 0.05; *p < 0.1.
Regarding wages and working time, most effects by occupational group are insignificant, but product innovation leads to slightly lower wages 15 for manual and clerical workers (see Table A.4 in the Online Appendix). This can also be read as skill bias in the effects of innovation that reduces wages for less-qualified workers. This effect is only found for total product innovation though and disappears for the more intensive forms of innovation (new-to-the-market and patenting firms). Working time also increases for lower-skilled occupations following product innovation, indicating that firms tend to prefer longer hours for these categories of workers rather than hiring new employees or increasing wages.
Heterogeneity in Job-Quality Outcomes by Industry
Because the general results presented above may conceal considerable industry-level heterogeneity, we re-estimate our innovation regressions by industry. 16 The results appear in Tables 6 and 7.
Impact of Innovation on Employment and Job Quality: Manufacturing
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 5,058 firms.
Notes: The first three variables represent the variations in the number of employees. The fourth variable shows the difference in hours (per employee) and the last one represents the difference in euros (per employee). These results are from difference-in-differences models, psmatch 2.
p < 0.01; **p < 0.05; *p < 0.1.
Impact of Innovation on Employment and Job Quality: Services
Sources: CIS 2014; FARE 2011–2015; and DADS 2011–2015. Matched data based on authors’ calculations for 4,462 firms.
Notes: The first three variables represent the variations in the number of employees. The fourth variable shows the difference in hours (per employee) and the last one represents the difference in euros (per employee). These results are from difference-in-differences models, psmatch 2.
p < 0.01; **p < 0.05; *p < 0.1.
The results for manufacturing are similar to those in the whole sample but display stronger and more significant effects on employment. Product innovation increases total and permanent employment but reduces fixed-term employment. The positive effects on employment are larger than those observed for the whole sample (+15.7 employees and +16.9 permanent contracts in the case of product innovation, +22.7 employees and +25.1 permanent contracts in the case of product innovation in patenting firms). The negative impact of process innovation on total employment becomes nonsignificant when focusing on manufacturing, but the negative effect on fixed-term contracts is confirmed. Only a few significant estimated coefficients appear in the service sector, and these confirm general results for process innovation (negative effect on total employment, which appears stronger than for the whole sample, and negative effect on fixed-term contracts), but often differ from those in manufacturing: In particular, the new-to-the-market product innovation positively affects fixed-term contracts.
The results for other job quality variables are less clear-cut. Considering working hours, the only significant effect is an increase in the case of total product innovation in manufacturing (as in the general results). As far as wages are concerned, a slightly negative effect on wages appears for product innovation in manufacturing (only in the general case, not for the more intensive forms of innovation), whereas for services, we find a positive effect for product innovation in patenting firms. Although both effects are very small (–0.2 euros per hour for the first, and +0.6 euros for the second), they suggest that wage effects of innovation are not homogeneous across industries.
Although the literature on innovation effects by industry is limited, the differences between manufacturing and services may be interpreted with regard to some hypotheses mentioned before. In particular, the insignificant effect of product innovation in services may be related to lower competition compared to manufacturing. However, services remain a very broad category and this result could also hide varying effects in subcategories of services. When we run regressions only in high-tech or low-tech services, 17 it appears that the increase in fixed-term contracts and the slight increase in wages is concentrated in low-tech services, whereas in high-tech services, the results are slightly closer to manufacturing (with a positive effect of product innovation on employment). These results on low- and high-tech services are in line with the rare previous studies that analyzed the effect of innovation distinguishing by technology level of services using CIS (Evangelista and Savona 2002). These results also show that the labor-saving hypothesis on process innovation seems to hold for services and is concentrated in low-tech services.
Comparing the results between manufacturing and services suggests contrasting human resources strategies coexist regarding innovation. In manufacturing, firms increase the workforce (number of employees and working hours) and invest in employment stability, whereas in services (especially in low-tech services), they develop rather flexible jobs and slightly increase wages. Wages and employment flexibility can be related both directly and indirectly. In accordance with French labor law, fixed-term contracts come with a flexible wage premium, and more generally, wages may be a way of compensating for greater job flexibility.
Discussion and Robustness Checks
We have considered a number of alternative models to check the validity and stability of our empirical results. 18
First, we consider different types of matching. We have re-estimated all our models with radius matching and a caliper of 0.001 and estimated kernel-matching models. Overall, our results change little by matching type and parameters. Effects on total employment tend to be smaller, but polarization by occupation is stronger when we increase caliper. Indeed, this approach leads to the reintroduction in the analysis of some firms that were off-support in our baseline estimations. As mentioned in the methods section, our off-support firms are larger and concentrated in the high-technology sector, and their global employment variations are quite specific, which can explain such variations in the size of the effects. This also reduces the precision of the matching and, therefore, the ability to capture causal effects of innovation, which leads us to maintain the 0.00001 caliper.
Second, our baseline models were tested on the previous wave of CIS (2012) matched with data from DADS and FARE-FICUS from 2009 to 2013. Here, innovation took place between 2010 and 2012, and the employment and job-quality changes were measured between 2009 and 2013. 19 All results continue to hold over time for product innovation, in particular, the skill-biased effects (differences between managers and professionals on the one hand and manual and clerical workers on the other hand). The results for process innovation differ in the sense that the effect on employment variables is positive. The interpretation here is not straightforward as both periods cover booms and busts in France (the global financial crisis followed by the sovereign-debt crisis in Europe). This result is, however, not entirely surprising considering the heterogeneity of the empirical results concerning the effects of process innovation in the literature (Calvino and Virgillito 2018).
Last, we used the two CIS waves (2012 and 2014) to construct a database that includes firms that were present in both waves. The sample is, of course, much smaller (2,977 firms), but we can now look at innovation over a longer period of time. Based on this sample, we run a model using data from CIS 2014 to look at changes in employment and job quality between 2011 and 2015, introducing as a control a dummy for innovation in the previous 2010 to 2012 period. This model is a way to control for repeated innovation and thus overcomes the limits of the parallel-trend assumption. The main results of this model (see Online Appendix Table A.5) are in line with those from the baseline: They display positive effects of product innovation on employment and on permanent contracts. Effects on managers and professionals as well as on intermediate occupations are also much stronger, while they become insignificant (instead of negative) for manual and clerical workers. Product innovation (in general and in patenting firms) also increases the number of hours worked. All estimated effects are clearly stronger than in the general sample (+37.2 employees and +39.3 permanent contracts for product innovation, and up to +59.8 employees and +61.1 permanent contracts for product innovation in patenting firms). 20 Although the sample size may limit the general validity of these results, it clearly indicates that innovation persistence increases the size of its positive effects on employment and job quality even though inequalities among occupations persist. By contrast, in the case of process innovation, effects become nonsignificant in this panel perspective, which corresponds to the idea developed in the literature that some positive compensation effects may appear over time following a labor-saving process innovation.
All of these robustness checks help ensure the validity and stability of our results. In addition to the global positive effects of product innovation, on employment level as well as on employment stability, they confirm the differences by occupations and the skill-biased effects of innovation at the firm level. They also recall the higher volatility of the empirical results concerning process innovation as pointed out in recent empirical literature. It is useful, however, to note the main limitations of our study, which are primarily related to the level of analysis and the collection and timing of the data.
A first limit applies to all firm-level analyses of the effects of innovation. As underlined by Vivarelli (2014), microeconomic approaches do not account for so-called business-stealing effects and more aggregate innovation dynamics. Firm-level analysis may thus overestimate the positive effects of innovation. We find that innovating firms have somehow better employment and job-quality outcomes but we do not consider the effect on rivals. Nonetheless, firm-level analyses do allow a better grasp of the nature of firms’ innovations, while more aggregate analyses (macro or sectoral) generally struggle to find good proxies for innovation and to disentangle their effects on employment from institutional and macroeconomic factors.
A second limitation is that we rely on innovation measures declared by firms, which are liable to the usual biases related to surveys: In particular, firms may overestimate their innovation behaviors. However, the innovation indicators from the Oslo Manual are often considered to be better innovation proxies than are the traditional measures of R&D expenditures or patenting behavior (Kleinknecht, van Montfort, and Brouwer 2002).
Conclusion
We have explored how various types of innovation may affect not only employment but also its qualitative dimensions (wages, contract stability, and working hours). In that sense, this article asks whether there is a virtuous circle among innovation, employment, and job quality, as stated in the Europe 2020 strategy. The answer is mixed, as the analyses show differentiated employment effects for product and process innovation (positive for product and mixed for process). Innovation also has a positive effect on employment stability, but other job quality effects (wages, working hours, and so on) are generally not significant, except for the number of working hours, which increase in firms with product innovations. The methodology of this article also helps to catch the effect of innovation in similar firms and avoids this effect being driven by very large innovating firms.
In addition, decomposition by occupation and industry clearly shows that the hypothesis of a virtuous circle among innovation, employment, and job quality should be nuanced. First, not all social groups benefit from firm innovation, as lower-skilled workers are less positively affected in terms of employment and wages. This finding confirms the hypothesis of a skill-biased technological change and calls for public policies that ensure lower-skilled workers can access training throughout their life cycle to participate in and to benefit from technological change. Second, the positive effects of innovation on employment level and employment stability appear mainly in manufacturing, whereas innovation in services, especially low-tech services, can lead to more flexible employment. This heterogeneity is rarely highlighted in the literature, which generally focuses on the aggregate effects of firm innovation or on manufacturing only. Considering that services are the main provider of employment in all developed countries, more research is needed on that industry. Analyses of innovation in specific subsections of services are promising avenues for research. The measurement of innovation in services should also be questioned: If Community Innovation Surveys already represent a step toward better measurement of innovation by focusing beyond R&D expenditure and patents, the questionnaire could be better adapted to firms in services. Our results in services also emphasize that effects of innovation are mediated by the institutional context. The increase in flexible employment following product innovation in services raises the question of how public policies can set a framework that ensures innovation is beneficial to all and does not develop more precarious forms of employment, especially in services. Although innovation brings more and better jobs in some cases, public policy should focus on the consequences of innovation for the individuals for whom and the sectors in which its effects are notably less positive.
Supplemental Material
ILRR_Guergoat-Lariviere-et-al_Supplemental-Online-Appendix – Supplemental material for More and Better Jobs, But Not for Everyone: Effects of Innovation in French Firms
Supplemental material, ILRR_Guergoat-Lariviere-et-al_Supplemental-Online-Appendix for More and Better Jobs, But Not for Everyone: Effects of Innovation in French Firms by Richard Duhautois, Christine Erhel, Mathilde Guergoat-Larivière and Malo Mofakhami in ILR Review
Footnotes
Appendix
Acknowledgements
We thank all the researchers of the QuInnE project (Quality of Jobs and Innovation Generated Employment Outcomes) and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments and suggestions.
This work was supported by the European Commission Horizon 2020 Programme (H2020-EU.3.6. - Societal Challenges, QuInnE project) and by a public grant overseen by the French National Research Agency (ANR) as part of the Investissements d’Avenir program (reference: ANR-10-EQPX-17 – Centre d’accès sécurisé aux données – CASD).
For information regarding the data and/or computer programs used for this study, please address correspondence to
1
3
FARE: Fichier Approché des Résultats d’Élaboration des Statistiques Annuelles d’Entreprise. FICUS: Fichier de Comptabilité Unifié du Système de Statistique d’Entreprise. Productivity is measured as the ratio of value added to the number of full-time equivalent jobs, and labor cost as the ratio of the total wage bill plus employers’ social security contributions to the total number of hours.
4
These shares are calculated by comparing total employment in DADS to total value added in FARE-FICUS.
5
6
Statistics on other types of innovation display the same differences. They are available on request.
7
We cannot do so for contract type, as this variable was not available from 2006 to 2008. The DADS (administrative data on employment we used) are not available after 2015 because of changes in the data collection procedure. We can thus only compare the evolution of employment variables between innovating and not innovating firms one year after treatment (in 2015).
8
Over our study period, 18.4% introduced both types of technological innovation.
9
Detailed statistics on the characteristics of innovating and non-innovating firms are available on request.
10
The French occupational classification (PCS) is not always easily comparable to that in other countries. We here use the following terms: “managers and professionals” for French cadres, which corresponds to International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO) 1-2, “technicians and associate professionals” for French professions intermédiaires (ISCO 3), and “manual and clerical workers” for French ouvriers et employés (ISCO 4-9).
11
Some temporary exceptions might exist, for instance for very small firms in the context of the 2008 recession, for which the government created a temporary exemption of social contributions. We do not include such very small firms in our sample, however.
12
Certain particularities for product innovation in patenting firms are evident, which may indicate that this type of innovation (which is the least frequent in our sample) is determined differently and for distinct types of firms: firm age is insignificant, and the effect of productivity is no longer significant for the top quartile.
13
The average number of employees for firms in our sample is 235.1 (see
) and the median number is 33 (reflecting the Pareto distribution of firm size). Median numbers of employees by groups of innovating firms are the following: 86 employees in firms doing product innovation; 67 employees in firms doing process innovation; 114 employees in firms doing new-to-the-market innovation; 359 employees in firms doing both product innovation and patenting.
14
Except in the case of product–new-to-the-market for which the effect on intermediate occupations is nonsignificant.
15
The effect is very small: the hourly wage decreases by 0.17 euros.
16
We do not run the analysis separately for retail and construction as the number of observations is too small. The results presented here are based on the traditional decomposition between manufacturing and services, but heterogeneity is also present when we use the technological intensity approach proposed by Eurostat.
17
These regressions are available on request.
19
We could not compare the effect of innovation on employment decomposed by type of contract because of the high proportion of missing values in the 2009 to 2013 data set.
References
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