Abstract
In Spanish society, social inequalities continue in connection with diet; however, no data examines whether these inequalities altered during the period of economic crisis. This article aims to analyze trends in inequalities related to adherence to government guidelines concerning healthy diet during the period of economic crisis based on the data obtained from the National Health Surveys conducted by the National Statistics Institute. The approach involves studying first the data from the 2006 survey, shortly before the crisis, and then comparing these with the data from the 2011–2012 survey. Applying models of logistic regression shows that certain social inequalities were accentuated by the crisis. However, the general and widespread pattern of eating habits does not disappear in times of crisis. Inequalities are more commonly seen when socioeconomic factors affect foods that the guidelines indicate should be eaten daily. However, with respect to more expensive products, socioeconomic factors did not have so much negative effect on how far a healthy diet was followed because it is recommended that consumption of these foods should be limited. The results suggest that food policy should have specific focuses during times of economic recession.
Despite evident improvements in health and nutrition in Spanish society, dietary inequalities associated with sociodemographic and economic factors continue.1,2 Adherence to a healthy diet shows patterns of social inequality, as in other countries.3–6 Following the advent of the economic crisis in 2008, Spanish households modified their consumption, with a confirmed fall in the average level of household income and redistribution of expenditure, particularly in households affected by unemployment.7,8
The economic crisis and associated unemployment led to an increase in the number of households in poverty. Some social groups had difficulty making it to the end of the month, with late payments and limited resources to deal with unforeseen expenses, as is seen in the surveys on living conditions and studies on poverty carried out between 2008 and 2017.8–10 The surveys show an increase in the number of households with basic food needs, as 2.1% “could not afford a meal with meat, poultry, or fish at least once every two days,” a figure that rose to 3% in 2011.11,12 These data highlight food problems and show the effects of the crisis on diet. However, to address these problems with specific policies, we need to know what changes and variations in food consumption occurred during the period of recession, as well as the extent to which the guidelines for a healthy diet are followed. There are no studies on this aspect of food policy.
The few studies that have tackled the relationship between periods of economic crisis and the following of healthy habits in other contexts do not agree in their results. Studies carried out in Iceland show an increase in healthy habits, including eating patterns, during the recession of 2008. 13 Data from the United States show contradictory results: the work of Ruhm 14 confirms an improvement in diet during the economic crisis of 1987–2000. In contrast, Macy and colleagues 15 indicate that later on, during the recession of 2005–2008, the quality of diet declined. In the United Kingdom, the research of Maguire and Monsivais, 16 based on the National Diet and Nutrition Survey 2008–2011, finds that the financial pressures of the economic recession and rises in prices led British consumers to a more energy-dense diet with more processed food, less in line with health guidelines. Also in the United Kingdom, the report of Yau and colleagues 17 considers that between 1986 and 2012 adherence to dietary recommendations was low to moderate but improved over time, although they do not relate this directly to economic crisis.
Taking this background as a framework and bearing in mind that no Spanish studies analyze trends in eating habits during the economic crisis, this article aims to analyze the trends in dietary inequalities in this period based on the data obtained by the National Health Surveys from the National Statistics Institute.18,19 First, we study the data from 2006, before the crisis began, to examine how closely habits conformed to the recommendations on healthy eating and whether there were sociodemographic and economic inequalities in how the guidelines were followed. We start from the hypothesis that poor eating habits will be more evident in the social groups that are disadvantaged on the social scale, as seen in previous studies examined below. Then we analyze the data from 2011 to determine the degree to which dietary recommendations were followed and establish if the patterns of consumption altered with respect to 2006 and if dietary inequalities grew or lessened during the period of economic crisis. We expected, as a hypothesis, that a worsening in the population’s economic conditions would give rise to greater difficulties in access to and frequency of consumption of certain foods considered to be healthy.
Background
Of the factors that are most widely noted in the literature on dietary inequalities, the relation between diet and social class – as measured according to occupation or occupational standing, despite criticism of its adequacy in categorizing groups20 – continues to show differentiated patterns in eating habits.2,5,21 In Europe, there is an association between the better-positioned social groups and greater consumption of fruit and vegetables, particularly in the countries of northern and eastern Europe. 22 In Spain, unhealthy eating habits – specifically the consumption of sweets, snacks, and fast food – have been observed more often in households in lower social categories.2,23
These generalizations can be extended to another socioeconomic indicator: income. Groups with higher incomes have been observed to have a greater consumption of fruit and vegetables and to have a diet closer to the dietary guidelines on health. In contrast, those at a lower income level have a higher intake of high-calorie foods and a diet that is less in line with dietary recommendations.2,6,24
Another indicator of social position that is particularly related to dietary inequality is education. Research looking at this variable indicates that people with more education consume a greater variety of foods, including more fruit and vegetables, than the rest.2,24,25 These groups are known to be better informed about nutrition and therefore to have a better understanding of the dietary advice.
Difficulties in following a healthy diet do not depend solely on socioeconomic position, and other variables have a bearing: age and gender are also sources of inequality. In terms of age, younger people have a less healthy diet and consume more fast food.1,4,26 In relation to gender, the data are contradictory. Some studies show that women find it harder to select their own diet as they almost always subordinate personal preferences to those of their companions or children.27–29 In contrast, other studies, looking at the population as a whole, find that women follow recommendations on healthy eating more than men. 17
In terms of ethnic groupings, a large number of studies have shown the importance of this factor in inequalities of diet and state of health.3,30 These researchers consider that coming to a country with a different food culture produces changes in eating habits that do not always translate into the adoption of patterns that are healthier than those of the country of origin.
Location is a further factor in social stratification that leads to dietary inequalities. People living in rural environments have been shown to have less access to food, especially in “food deserts,” areas with a scarcity or absence of shops, thereby limiting opportunities for shopping for food daily in a healthy way.31–33 Although such deserts are usually associated with rural areas, dietary inequalities also exist in geographical areas that have a lower density of supermarkets or a greater number of fast food outlets.34–36
Thus some data confirm that sociodemographic and socioeconomic factors explain the dietary inequalities and show that less advantaged social groups are less likely to follow the guidelines for a healthy diet. However, data are not sufficient to show whether these food inequalities persist over time; this is particularly important in periods of economic recession when we need to ask if the population’s nutrition worsens in periods of crisis, even in societies without problems of hunger.
Methods
Data
To test the hypothesis proposed in this study, we start from applying the healthy diet guidelines used by the National Health Survey (ENS) of the National Statistics Institute (INE)18,19: fruit and vegetables should be eaten daily; fish should be eaten at least 3 times a week; and consumption of meat and animal fats should be moderated, while the use of olive oil in the diet and regular physical exercise should be encouraged.37,38
The survey’s population scope is the adult population (over 16), and it is conducted every 5 years. We have compared the data of the 2006 survey, 18 which had a sample of 29,478 people, with the 2011–12 survey, 19 which had a sample of 21,007 people. The survey consists of 3 different types of questionnaires: an individual one, aimed at a household member selected at random; a second one about the household; and a third one about children under 15. This article uses the individual and household questionnaires.
We have focused on the question in these 2 surveys that asks how often 12 types of food are eaten: fresh fruit; meat (poultry, beef, pork, lamb, etc.); eggs; fish; pasta, rice, and potatoes; bread and grains; vegetables and salad; pulses (beans, peas, lentils, etc.); processed meats and sausage; dairy products; sweets (cookies, pastries, sweetened cereals, jelly, candy); and soft drinks with sugar. 19 The survey offers 5 categories of frequency: daily; 3 or more times a week (but not daily); once or twice a week; less than once a week; and seldom or never.
Statistical Methods
For each of the food groups indicated above, we analyzed the change in the frequency of consumption between 2006 and 2011. All the data were weighted using the original weighting variable for each year. Afterwards, to determine any sociodemographic or economic inequalities, we examined the profiles of the consumers who most closely follow the patterns considered healthy. We then analyzed the trends shown by these profiles during the period of the economic crisis. This was done by means of models of logistic regression for the 5 food groups that have received the most attention in the specialist literature, since these foods have been shown to involve the greatest levels of social inequality2,25,39–41 and appear in both surveys: fruit, meat, fish, vegetables, and sweets.
The dependent variables are the recommended frequencies for consumption from the “Guide to Healthy Eating” by the Spanish Society for Community Nutrition. 37 For fruit and vegetables, the value “1” is assigned to “daily consumption.” For meat and fish, the value “1” is “three or more times a week,” and for sweets the dependent variable of “1” is for the categories “less than once a week” and “seldom or never.” For all the dependent variables, all other frequencies are assigned the value “0.”
As independent variables we included a series of variables expected to be associated with the recommendations for healthy eating. The sociodemographic variables related to the person responding to the individual questionnaire include sex, age, size of household, marital status, employment situation, and level of education. Household variables include, first, the social class of the main breadwinner, understood as the member who regularly contributes most to the household budget, and second, the presence of children, a variable affecting household structure. We did not include the variable of household income because of the high number of replies with “no answer” in both surveys (11% in 2006 and 25.2% in 2011–2012), and, furthermore, income is divided into different bands in the 2 surveys.
We have also incorporated 3 indicators from the individual questionnaire that are related to healthy lifestyles: first, body mass index (BMI), classified into 3 categories according to World Health Organization criteria – normal or underweight (BMI 24.9 or less), overweight (BMI of 25 to 29.9), and obese (BMI of 30 or more) 42 ; second, being on a diet; and third, engaging in physical exercise. The selection of these variables is justified both by research confirming the rise in obesity43–46 and also because following a healthy diet is not necessarily associated with physical exercise.47,48
Results
Frequency of Consumption of Food Groups
The first question we address here is how far the food recommendations were being met in the period before the crisis (2006), to establish whether the food model followed by Spaniards was or was not one recommended as healthy. As can be seen in Table 1, there are food groups for which most of the population showed a frequency of consumption in line with the recommendations (fruit, meat, bread, vegetables, pulses, dairy, soft drinks) and other foods where the guidelines for healthy consumption were not followed (eggs, fish, pasta-rice-potatoes, sweets).
Frequency of Consumption of Food Groups in the Total Population (Percentages).
Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from ENS 2006, 2011–2012.18,19
With respect to the trends in consumption of these food groups over the period of the crisis (Table 1), it cannot be said that the crisis made Spaniards diverge from the recommended pattern of a healthy diet, but that some trends favored a shift toward healthier habits (a rise in the consumption of vegetables and pulses, and a fall for meat and sweets), while other trends denote a shift toward a worse diet, in particular the fall in the consumption of fruit, fish, dairy, and pasta-rice-potatoes. These divergences do not indicate the absence of these foods in the diet, just a change from the recommended frequency.
These data offer an overall view of how the Spanish population followed the food recommendations and whether the pattern remained similar or changed during the period of the crisis. Nevertheless, to explore food inequalities it is necessary to know the characteristics of different social groups to find out who ate better and worse, in other words, how far they followed the guidelines for a healthy diet. For this purpose, we have drawn up models of logistic regression for the 5 food categories that are most widely cited in specialist literature on healthy eating: fruit, meat, fish, vegetables, and sweets.
Fruit Consumption and Health Guidelines
In relation to fruit (Table 2), for which daily consumption is recommended, in 2006 women followed the guidelines more than men, as also found by other studies. 17 Age clearly differentiates the youngest age group from the others, especially those over 60, who followed the guidelines most closely. Married people ate more healthily than single, separated, or divorced people, a predictable corollary of not living alone. In terms of education, the fruit consumption of those with university-level education was closest to the guidelines. At the same time, those who were on a diet or engaging in physical activity followed healthy eating recommendations more. In terms of employment, unemployed persons were confirmed to be the ones who were furthest from the guidelines for fruit consumption.
Logistic Regression: Frequency of Fruit Consumption.
Source: Prepared by authors with data from ENS 2006, 2011–2012.18,19
*P < .100; **P < .050; ***P < .010.
If we compare these results with those for 2011, some inequalities remained and others increased. Thus location becomes important, and those who lived in large towns and cities were less likely to eat fruit daily and followed the guidelines less. Inequalities related to employment status remain, with the unemployed the group least likely to follow the guidelines. The differences related to educational level are more pronounced, with a progressive and direct association: the higher the educational level attained, the closer to the guidelines for fruit consumption. Social class also takes on greater importance. In 2006, the highest occupational category was the closest to the dietary recommendations. In 2011, this occupational group was even closer to matching the guidelines, as was the group just below it (executives of companies with fewer than 10 workers; professionals associated with a university degree). The BMI, which was not relevant in 2006, became so, confirming that the obese and overweight were most likely to consume fruit with the frequency advised in the guidelines.
In summary, it can be stated that the economic crisis had effects on the frequency of consumption of fruit, which can be related to factors of social inequality such as educational level and social class. Furthermore, the inequality associated with employment that was present in 2006 persisted, as the unemployed continued to be the group least likely to follow a healthy pattern. This trend confirms the increase in inequality with respect to the guidelines for the healthy consumption of fruit.
Meat Consumption and Health Guidelines
With respect to following recommendations on meat consumption (Table 3), we can state that the variables of age, marital status, and educational level are significant, as younger people, those who are married, and those with university education were more likely to follow the guidelines on frequency of meat consumption. Household structure also led to differences, as households with children followed the guidelines more closely. Nationality proves to be a difficult variable to study, due to the small proportion of different nationalities or ethnicities in the survey; however, with that caveat, Spaniards were closer to the recommendations.
Logistic Regression: Frequency of Meat Consumption.
Source: Prepared by authors with data from ENS 2006, 2011–2012.18,19
*P < .100; **P < .050; ***P < .010.
Comparing these results with those from 2011, there are few changes, apart from more pronounced differences in age and gender. The difference between young people and the rest of the population grew, while the gap between women and men increased, diverging from healthy recommendations. Everything appears to indicate that the crisis pushed meat consumption closer to the guidelines with a trend toward less meat consumption.
Fish Consumption and Health Guidelines
For the consumption of fish, the health guidelines set out a frequency of 3 or more times a week. Women were closer to this pattern than men. Employment status raises some quirks, as homemakers were closest to the recommendations, while married people were closer than single or divorced people. Foreigners followed the guidelines of consumption of fish less than Spaniards, and educational level was also associated with differences, with the highest group being closest to the recommended pattern. Furthermore, being on a diet and engaging in physical activity are factors that were very positively associated with a healthy frequency of fish consumption (Table 4).
Logistic Regression: Frequency of Fish Consumption.
Source: Prepared by authors with data from ENS 2006, 2011–2012.18,19
*P < .100; **P < .050; ***P < .010.
What effect did the economic crisis have? In the data for 2011, the differentiation of the variables continues, but location becomes very significant. Communities with populations of fewer than 500,000 inhabitants were far less likely to follow the guidelines. It can be stated that the crisis in Spain made a geographical difference in the availability of fish, perhaps through small businesses closing and, in some areas, through the disappearance of mobile sellers that had previously prevented them from being food deserts. It is also worth noting that employment situation became more significant, with the unemployed less likely to follow the guidelines in 2011.
In summary, dietary inequality grew with respect to location and employment status, with communities of fewer than 500,000 people and those out of work being most affected by the crisis and facing greater difficulty in following guidelines for fish consumption.
Vegetable Consumption and Health Guidelines
Vegetables should be consumed daily according to the guidelines for a healthy diet (Table 5). Before the crisis, in 2006, women met this standard, eating more healthily than men. The same was true for homemakers and married people, presumably not living alone, with healthier patterns of vegetable consumption. Those in the higher social groups were also more likely to follow the guidelines than those lower down. People over 30 were also closer to the guidelines for healthy eating, increasing the link between diet and age. Being on a diet and taking physical exercise were positively associated with following guidelines on vegetable consumption.
Logistic Regression: Frequency of Vegetable Consumption.
Source: Prepared by authors with data from ENS 2006, 2011–2012.18,19
*P < .100; **P < .050; ***P < .010.
Comparing the data for 2006 with those for 2011 confirms that the crisis accentuated social differences, so that educational level and employment status, which were not significant in 2006, took on more importance in how far the guidelines were adhered to or not. During the crisis there was also a change toward less frequent consumption of vegetables in the social group most affected by the economic effects of the crisis, the unemployed. People with a lower educational level also reduced their consumption. Lastly, the inequalities found for social class in 2006 persisted to 2011.
Sweet Consumption and Health Guidelines
The guidelines on the frequency of eating sweets advise occasional consumption, a standard that was not met before the crisis (Table 6). As the trends from 2006 to 2011 show, the frequency of consumption fell during the years of economic crisis, though the profile of those who followed the health guidelines changed little. Those who followed the guidelines most closely were the obese or overweight, which might appear paradoxical but is also logical for people trying to improve their condition by eating more healthily. Related to this is the fact that being on a diet was the most significant variable associated with limited consumption of sweets. There was also a trend toward less consumption of sweets with increasing age.
Logistic Regression: Frequency of Consumption of Sweets.
Source: Prepared by authors with data from ENS 2006, 2011–2012.18,19
*P < .100; **P < .050; ***P < .010.
Discussion
In Spain, if we analyze the population as a whole, the pattern of eating does not follow the recommended guidelines strictly, but it cannot be said that the crisis pushed Spaniards away from the bases of a healthy diet. Some trends observed in the years of the crisis point to closer adherence to the model, specifically the increase in the consumption of vegetables and pulses and the fall in the consumption of meat and sweets. Nevertheless, there were also opposing trends, such as the fall in the consumption of fruit, fish, dairy, and pasta-rice-potatoes. It should also be underlined that these changes relate to frequency of consumption, not the disappearance of these food groups from the diet.
In essence the changes that took place were based on the same dietary model and did not lead to any drastic changes in diet, but they did highlight social inequalities linked to food, some of which became more pronounced with the crisis. These inequalities can be explained by a variety of factors acting simultaneously.
Social class influences foods that should be eaten daily – fruit and vegetables – but not the rest. During the crisis this effect was slightly accentuated. We also encounter social inequality in the daily consumption of fruit and vegetables in the context of employment status. The unemployed were the population group that followed the food guidelines least closely, and their disadvantage was heightened by the crisis. Employment status did not impact on the consumption guidelines for other food categories. We therefore witness disadvantages associated with social position that existed before the crisis and persisted during those years affecting the same social groups, the economically disadvantaged.
Educational levels within the population also demarcated differences and were often a factor in the frequency of consumption of the foods examined. It is observable that as educational level increased, the proportion of those following the guidelines also increased. Furthermore, with respect to educational level, the social inequality associated with foods that should be eaten daily – fruit and vegetables – increased with the economic crisis. It can therefore be stated that both before and after the crisis the years spent in education have a positive effect on following healthy eating habits.
Women were more likely to follow all food recommendations than men. The data for marital status show that married people were closer to the guidelines too. And in terms of age, younger people (those under 30) were furthest from the recommended patterns. It is quite possible that the gender effect explains these behaviors, as in Spain the traditional differentiation of roles within the home, where women have been more involved in organizing meals and food, means that women’s cooking experience is what produces the difference in following dietary guidelines in comparison with men, and younger people are less involved with domestic chores. 49
There were also differences based on nationality. The pattern of frequency for meat and fish consumption followed by Spaniards was closer to the guidelines than those of other nationalities, whose consumption was lower. The heterogeneity of the immigrant population in Spain 50 may explain this, as foreigners diverge culturally from Spanish food patterns.
Location also influenced how far a healthy diet was followed, although its influence was clearest in the case of frequency of fish consumption, which fell during the crisis in areas with lower population. Changes in commercial food distribution and the closing of smaller businesses during the economic crisis may have given less access to some foods associated with small and medium-sized businesses that disappeared during the crisis, affecting fish in particular.51,52
As has been stated, physical exercise is a very significant variable when it comes to analyzing how far a healthy diet is followed. Those who engaged in some form of physical exercise were the ones who stuck most closely to the healthy diet guidelines, and this was true both before and after the crisis, with no variations worth mentioning.
One curious piece of data concerning the relationship of obesity with a healthy diet is that obese and overweight people followed the healthy eating guidelines, particularly with respect to the frequency of eating fruit, vegetables, and fish. Nor did these habits vary during the crisis, even with respect to consumption of sweets, adhering to the guidelines at both the beginning and the end of the period under study. It is probable that those who are obese or overweight are motivated to lose weight and do so by following the guidelines, which is why their diets were closer to the recommendations for healthy eating, even though only 25% of obese and overweight people were actually on a diet according to the National Health Survey. 19 Obesity, which can be seen as a sign of inequality, is not a determining factor in following recommendations for a healthy diet or not.
An alternative explanation, put forward in various studies, 46 is the significance of sedentary habits rather than eating as a key factor in the problem of obesity. Obese people follow the recommendations on healthy eating, are aware of what they need to do to keep to the guidelines, and monitor their eating, but they were the group that took least exercise, with 56% of the obese and 43% of the overweight taking no form of exercise, even occasionally. 19 It should be considered, as a hypothesis, that rather than eating too much, it is the lack of physical exercise, the sedentary lifestyle, that causes obesity, although it cannot be ruled out, as noted below, that methodological issues with the survey itself may explain these surprising data.
In summary, looking at the results obtained, we can state that Spanish eating patterns did not alter substantially during the economic crisis, since we are not considering the removal or substitution of one food for another, just a change in the frequency of consumption of basic food groups examined by the National Health Survey.
There was an appreciable change in the frequency of consumption of the more expensive foods, such as meat and fish; however, these changes, which could be tied to economic factors, did not have a negative effect on adherence to a healthy diet because for these kinds of food the guidelines themselves point toward limiting consumption. It can even be said that when the guidelines indicate limiting consumption and economic crisis motivates poorer people to reduce the amounts of the more expensive foods, the inequality is reduced. In contrast, where social inequality is most notable is in products which should be eaten daily, fruit and vegetables, where the fall in consumption accentuated differences between groups during the crisis. This decline goes against healthy eating guidelines. It is not a case, therefore, of unhealthy food for the poor and healthy food for the rich. Spain has relatively healthy eating habits throughout the population that do not disappear in times of crisis, and the patterns of consumption reduce the effect of food inequalities.
Finally, it is worth indicating potential limitations related particularly to the data source, the National Health Survey. This survey measures adherence to a healthy diet mainly through fresh foods (fruit, vegetables, fish, meat) and measures inappropriate diet by how often highly processed foods are eaten (soft drinks, snacks, fast food). Furthermore, with respect to this latter category, it considers the recommended level to be “occasional” consumption, which is actually a minority frequency in Spain: 54% of the population seldom or never consume soft drinks, 54% seldom or never eat snacks, and 57% seldom or never eat fast food. 19 Perhaps healthy eating is better defined if it also includes, as it does, pulses, which are a traditional part of the Spanish diet. But it is probable that judging how far these guidelines are followed will not reveal bad eating habits simply through the frequency of consumption of the processed foods on the list, which are frequent in the obese population of other countries but exceptional in the case of Spain.
Policy Implications
It is worth pointing out a special feature of this study, which is that it shows the fall in the consumption of fruit and vegetables occurred at the same time as the fall in meat consumption. These are 2 opposing trends: the first negative and second healthy. Reducing the frequency of consumption, eating less, is, therefore, a trend accompanying the crisis, but it does not affect only one food group nor only one group of the population.
It is to be assumed that a government initiative based on reducing the price of fruit and vegetables would yield positive changes in the consumption of these foods, but would not necessarily go together with an alteration in the frequency of meat consumption. Policy interventions should, therefore, consider the changes affecting various types of food where consumption is influenced by economic constraints and not just focus on promoting healthier foods. The data of previous studies about official dietary recommendations in Spain show that the recommendations are excessively generalized. 53
Another aspect of the results is the finding that obese people are following the dietary recommendations, which demonstrates both their motivation to lose weight and their awareness of the correct way of doing so. Nonetheless, the data show that this population group is the most sedentary. Policies of education that focus on greater awareness of healthy eating habits are not as necessary as some may have supposed. This study confirms that obesity is associated more with a sedentary lifestyle than with eating. Food recommendations are probably more oriented to improving awareness about eating habits and relegate the importance of physical activity to a secondary position. Encouraging exercise and sports is a suitable point of focus to improve people’s health and should be recommended in conjunction with the current dietary guidelines as part of healthy life habits. However, there may be other reasons for the increase in weight related to obesogenic environments, as indicated by some researchers. 54 Some countries have regulated the ingredients of processed foods, excess fats, salt, and sugar, and imposed targeted taxes on the food industry, measures which have not been taken in Spain.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work is part of the research project “Food and social structure. Analysis of food inequalities in Spain” (“Alimentación y estructura social. Análisis de las desigualdades alimentarias en España”). Ref: CSO2015-68434-R financed by the National Program for Research Development and Innovation focusing on Society’s Challenges (National Research Agency, European Research Development Fund, FEDER, European Union).
Author Biographies
). She is a member of the Scientific Committee in the Food Spanish Agency (AECOSAN).