Positive body image: Inter-ethnic and rural–urban differences among an indigenous sample from Malaysian Borneo

Abstract

Background:

Previous studies examining body image from a cross-cultural perspective have tended to neglect samples from different ethnic groups or along a rural–urban continuum. To overcome this limitation, the present study examined positive body image among rural and urban women from three major indigenous ethnic groups in Sabah, Malaysia.

Method:

A total of 202 women completed the Body Appreciation Scale, as well as measures of media exposure and financial security, and provided their demographic details.

Results:

Results showed that there were significant rural–urban differences in body appreciation, with rural participants having significantly higher body appreciation than urban participants. A comparison with a previous data set of West Malaysian women (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008) showed that the current urban sample had significantly lower body appreciation and that the rural group had significantly higher body appreciation. Further results showed that research site (urban vs rural) explained 11.0% of the variance in body appreciation. Participant body mass index and exposure to western forms of media explained an additional 2.0% of the variance.

Conclusion:

These results suggest that there are differences in body image between rural and urban women. Results are discussed in relation to the promotion of positive body image, particularly in developing societies where health care resources may be limited.

Keywords

body appreciation positive body image rural–urban indigenous Malaysia

Introduction

In most socioeconomically developed, Western contexts, negative body image appears to have reached normative levels, particularly among girls and young women (e.g. Bearman, Presnell, Martinez, & Stice, 2006; Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002; Frederick, Peplau, & Lever, 2006; Smolak, 2006). Such findings have led some authors to suggest that negative body image is culture-bound to Western societies (e.g. Banks, 1992; Lai, 2000). Indeed, several cross-cultural studies have reported higher levels of both negative body image and disordered eating in Western compared to non-Western societies (e.g. Jaeger et al., 2002; Mahmud & Crittenden, 2007; McArthur, Holbert, & Peña, 2005). This is also consistent with the finding that there are marked cross-cultural differences in ideal body size, with participants in some non-Western societies traditionally idealizing a heavier body size compared with their Western counterparts (e.g. Brewis & McGarvey, 2000; Furnham & Baguma, 1994).

However, recent theoretical and empirical work has begun to challenge these assumptions. In an important study, Lee and Lee (2000) argued that, as non-Western societies experience rapid socioeconomic development, sociocultural pressures from the mass media and peers promote a thin ideal for women, which in turn results in increased levels of negative body image (see also Becker, 2004; Nasser, 1997). Their thesis is supported by recent work suggesting that the biggest difference in ideal body size is not found between Western and non-Western societies, but rather between samples that differ in socioeconomic status (with low socioeconomic samples idealizing a heavier ideal compared with high socioeconomic samples; e.g. Swami, Knight, Tovée, Davies, & Furnham, 2007; Swami & Tovée, 2005a, 2005b, 2007a, 2007b, 2007c; see also Swami & Tovée, 2006).

Moreover, in a recent survey of over 4000 women from 10 major world regions, Swami et al. (2010) reported that there were only very small differences in body dissatisfaction across regions when sampling was limited to urban or high socioeconomic sites ( $η_{p}^{2}$ = .04). By contrast, larger differences in body dissatisfaction ( $η_{p}^{2}$ = .11–.32) were found between women in urban and rural sites within the same, non-Western countries (specifically, Malaysia and South Africa). On the other hand, there were no significant differences in body dissatisfaction between urban and rural sites in one Western setting (Austria), which is consistent with previous work suggesting that rural adolescents in North America (Jones, Fries, & Danish, 2007) and Australia (Mellor, McCabe, Ricciardelli, & Ball, 2004) show similar levels of body dissatisfaction to their urban counterparts. In short, then, the available evidence suggests that the largest differences in body dissatisfaction are found between women in urban and rural sites in non-Western societies (Swami et al., 2010).

This highlights the importance of examining body image among rural, non-Western samples, particularly as this may help identify putative resiliency factors that could aid the promotion of more positive body image among other populations. To this end, the present study sought to examine body image-related factors in Malaysia, a useful site in which to investigate these issues for several reasons (Swami, 2006). First, rapid economic liberalization and industrialization over the past two decades has resulted in the deregulation of mass media and a concomitant rise in the influence of Westernization, at least in urban areas. This, in turn, has resulted in a decline of a national identity, an assimilation of Western ideals (e.g. Kling, 1995; Nain, 1996) and a coupling of thinness with perceptions of femininity and success. Indeed, recent studies conducted in Malaysia have shown that the thin ideal for women is prevalent in affluent, urban sites (Swami & Tovée, 2005a, 2007a; Swami et al., 2010).

Second, Malaysia is a developing country in a nutritional and lifestyle transition, evidencing rapidly increasing rates of obesity in tandem with micronutrient deficiency (Ismail, Chee, Nawawi, Yusoff, Lim, & James, 2002; Khor, 2005; Moy, Gan, & Zaleha, 2004; Pon, Kandiah, & Nasir, 2004; Tee, 1999). Some scholars have suggested that these factors, in combination with the ubiquity of Western ideals of attractiveness, have resulted in more negative body image among Malaysian women (e.g. Swami, 2006). Thus, recent studies in Malaysia have reported body dissatisfaction among large proportions of pre-pubescent girls (Shariff & Yasin, 2005), adolescents (Dev, Permal, & Fauzee, 2008; Leong, Poh, & Ng, 2004; Mellor et al., 2009; Moy, Gan, & Zaleha, 2006; Pon et al., 2004; Soo, Shariff, Taib, & Samah, 2008; Teoh, 2000) and adults (Fatimah, Idris, Romzi, & Faizah, 1995; Khor, Cobiac, & Skrzypiec, 2002; see also McDowell & Bond, 2006).

Third, Malaysia is unique among other southeast Asian countries in being very ethnically heterogeneous, with ethnic Malays constituting a majority of the population (about 51%), and Chinese (26%), Indians (8%) and other indigenous ethnic groups (15%) making up the remainder (Government of Malaysia, 2001). This is important because studies that have examined ethnic differences in body image in the Malaysian context have returned mixed results. Thus, some studies suggest no ethnic differences in ideal body size for women (e.g. Swami & Tovée, 2005a, 2007a) and body appreciation (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008), whereas others have suggested significant (albeit small) ethnic differences in drive for thinness (Lukman, 2006), weight loss behaviours (Mellor et al., 2009), actual–ideal body weight discrepancy (Swami, Harris, & Tovée, 2011) and rates of disordered eating (Edman & Yates, 2004; Indran & Hatta, 1995).

Although much is now known about body image in the Malaysian context, there remain several limitations to this work. First, all the studies that have specifically examined body image among Malaysian women have relied on relatively affluent samples, typically from urban centres in West Malaysia. By contrast, there remains a dearth of studies sampling women from rural Malaysia sites, even though it is known that participants from such sites idealize larger body sizes than their urban counterparts (Dev et al., 2008; Swami & Tovée, 2005a, 2007a). In tandem with this, previous studies have tended to rely on samples recruited from one of the three main ethnic groups in West Malaysia (Malays, Chinese or Indians) and have neglected other indigenous or bumiputera¹ groups from East Malaysia. This mirrors the relative dearth of psychological research in Malaysia that utilizes bumiputera groups other than Malays.

To overcome these limitations, the present study specifically sought to examine body image-related issues among women in urban and rural sites in Sabah, one of 14 member states of Malaysia located on the island of Borneo in East Malaysia. Doing so allowed us to examine whether there are significant differences in body image in our sample as a function of place of residence. In tandem, we also sought to recruit participants from indigenous (bumiputera) groups in Sabah. Although there are some 30 officially recognized ethnic groups in Sabah, our study focused on the three largest bumiputera groups, namely the Kadazan-Dusun, Bajau, and Murut, who respectively make up 17.8%, 13.4%, and 3.3% of the population of Sabah (Department of Statistics, 2010). In sum, the present study is the first to specifically examine body image among rural and urban participants from ethnic groups indigenous to East Malaysia.

In choosing to examine body image among these neglected groups, however, we were faced with important decisions concerning measurement choice. Previously, Swami et al. (2011) noted the fact that most studies of body image in the Malaysian context have used scales of uncertain validity or reliability. For example, some scholars have used scales developed in the West in the belief that these scales retain their validity in the Malaysian context, although this assumption is very likely to be faulty (Swami, 2009, 2010; Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008). An added concern for us was the selection of scales that were brief and easily understood, in order to enhance data collection in rural areas where rates of literacy are lower than in urban areas. In the present work, therefore, we settled on the Body Appreciation Scale (BAS; Avalos, Tylka, & Wood-Barcalow, 2005), a measure of positive body appreciation that is both brief and has been validated for use among Malay-speaking samples (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008). In addition to the BAS, we also included a brief measure of media exposure and obtained key participant demographics.

In short, then, the present study examined body appreciation among indigenous samples in urban and rural areas of East Malaysia, thereby overturning the lack of research on these populations in the extant literature (for exceptions and studies that have included indigenous samples, albeit in more developed countries, see Hanley, Harris, Gittelsohn, Wolever, Saksvig, & Zinman, 2000; Mellor et al., 2004; Stevens et al., 1999). Data on body appreciation is also available for West Malaysians (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008), which allowed us to examine differences between that sample and our current East Malaysian participants. Based on previous work (Swami & Tovée, 2005a, 2007a), we initially predicted that rural participants would evidence more positive body image than their urban counterparts. In addition, we hypothesized that lower body appreciation across sites would be associated with greater exposure to sources of Western media (after Swami et al., 2010) and with participant body mass index (BMI; after Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008).

Method

Study site

All participants were recruited from the East Malaysian state of Sabah, which remains one of the least developed states in the Federation of Malaysia (GDP per capita is about US$2,400; Government of Malaysia, 2001). Average incomes are the lowest in Malaysia, with an average monthly household income of about RM1900 (about US$500), despite a cost of living that is higher than most other states in Malaysia. As of the last census, the unemployment rate was 5.6%, almost double the national average (Government of Malaysia, 2001). However, there are also marked intra-state differences in socioeconomic status. Kota Kinabalu, the capital of Sabah, is a relatively modern city that serves as the commercial and industrial hub of the state. In recent years, Kota Kinabalu has also become an important regional hub for tourism, serving as a gateway for local and international tourists visiting Borneo. By contrast, the interior of the state remains relatively underdeveloped and impoverished.

Participants

Rural participants

A total of 102 women (age M = 41.72, SD = 13.23; BMI M = 22.22 kg/m², SD = 4.20) were recruited from the districts of Ranau and Kota Belud, which are located in the West Coast Administrative Division of Sabah. Specifically, participants were recruited from several small villages located at least 50 km from the nearest main towns in each of the districts. The villages each had a permanent supply of electricity and water, though sources of mass media were typically restricted to regulated state television channels and local newspapers. All participants were smallholding farmers that depended on their crops for their livelihoods. In total, 40.2% of the sample was Kadazan-Dusun, 40.2% were Bajau and 19.6% were Murut. Of this sample, 52.0% were Christian, 42.2% were Muslim and 5.9% were of some other religion. In terms of educational qualifications, 14.9% had no formal education, 31.7% had completed primary education and 53.5% had completed secondary education.

Urban participants

Participants in the urban group were 100 women (age M = 42.90, SD = 12.10; BMI M = 22.87 kg/m², SD = 4.09) recruited from Kota Kinabalu, which is also located in the West Coast Division. The majority of participants were employed in tertiary industries (particularly in tourism-related sectors). Of this sample, 41.0% were Kadazan-Dusun, 37.0% were Bajau, and 22.0% were Murut. Most of the participants were Christian (53.0%), whereas 32.0% were Muslim and 15.0% were of some other faith. In terms of educational qualifications, 1.0% had completed only primary education, 67.0% had completed secondary education, 28.0% had an undergraduate degree from a Malaysian university and 4.0% had a postgraduate degree from a Malaysian university.

Materials

Body Appreciation Scale (BAS; Avalos et al., 2005; Malay translation: Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008)

As our central measure of body image, we used the 13-item BAS, a brief measure of positive body image in which items are rated on a five-point Likert-type scale (1 = ‘never’, 5 = ‘always’). Among Western samples, the BAS is known to have a one-dimensional structure, with good discriminant, construct and incremental validities (e.g. Avalos et al., 2005; Swami, Stieger, Haubner, & Voracek, 2008). However, the Malay translation has been shown to consist of two subscales, namely general body appreciation (eight items) and body image investment (three items) (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008). In the present study, the full BAS was administered to participants, but only the general body appreciation subscale was retained for analysis (this follows recommendations by the developers of the Malay BAS; Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008). Previous work has shown that this subscale of the Malay BAS has good convergent validity (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008; see also Swami, 2010) and that there are no ethnic differences between Malay and Chinese participants from West Malaysia. In the present work, internal consistencies were good for both the urban (α = .91) and rural (α = .88) samples.

Media exposure (Swami et al., 2010)

Participants were asked to rate their lifetime exposure to Western and local (Malaysian) media, respectively, across four items (television, movies, magazines and music) on a seven-point Likert type scale (1 = ‘not at all’, 7 = ‘very much’). Previous work has shown the items in this scale are best reduced to two subscales relating to exposure to Western and local media and that the subscales are reliably associated with body dissatisfaction in non-Western settings (Swami et al., 2010). In the present study, values for Cronbach’s α were good for both subscales in both test sites (local media: rural α = .84, urban α = .89; Western media: rural α = .86, urban α = .90).

Body mass index (BMI)

Because rural populations might not be able to accurately self-estimate height and weight, we directly measured all participants’ body mass (kg) and height (cm) to the nearest 0.5 kg and 0.5 cm, respectively, using a standard tape measure and weighing scale. All participants were measured without shoes and in loose clothing. BMI was calculated as kg/m².

Financial security

Previous work has shown that there are marked rural–urban differences in understandings of poverty and income among Malaysians (Halik & Webley, in press), which suggests that actual income may not be a reliable measure of socioeconomic status in this context (in addition, some rural participants did not receive a steady monthly income, which is, by contrast, the norm among urban participants). As such, we asked participants, compared to other Malaysians of their own age and gender, how financially secure they felt on a three-point scale (1 = ‘less secure’, 2 = ‘same’, 3 = ‘more secure’).

Demographics

Participants were asked to provide their age,² ethnicity, religion and highest educational qualification. They were also asked to rate their religiosity on a seven-point Likert-type scale (1 = ‘not at all religious’, 7 = ‘very religious’). As a simple manipulation test, participants were asked whether they understood Bahasa Malaysia (Malay) fluently (1 = ‘yes’, 2 = ‘no’).

Procedure

Ethical approval was obtained from the relevant university ethics committee. Following previous work examining the influence of the rural–urban continuum in Malaysia (Swami, Loo, & Furnham, 2010), recruitment of participants began in rural areas. Specifically, permission was obtained from heads of villages to conduct the study before female participants were invited to take part in a study ostensibly related to health and appearance. Once data collection with rural participants was complete, an age-matched sample of urban participants was opportunistically sampled from various public locations in Kota Kinabalu. In both the rural and urban areas, participants completed the two-page, paper-and-pencil questionnaire in groups of five to 10 individuals, with experimenters ensuring that participants did not confer with each other. Once participants had completed the questionnaire, two female researchers trained in the methods of psychological testing directly obtained participants’ height and body mass in a private setting. All participants provided informed consent, took part on a voluntary basis, were not remunerated for participation and were verbally debriefed once testing was completed.

Results

Preliminary analyses

Following established procedure, missing data (< 1%) were replaced using the mean replacement technique. In response to the manipulation check, all participants reported that they were fluent in Bahasa Malaysia. Descriptive statistics (means and standard deviations) for all variables included in the present study are reported in Table 1. We then conducted a 2 (research site: rural vs urban) x 3 (ethnicity: Kadazan-Dusun vs Bajau vs Murut) analysis of variance (ANOVA) with participant age entered as the dependent variable. Results showed that there was no significant main effect of research site (F(1, 196) = 0.01, p = .943, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01) or ethnicity (F(2, 196) = 2.23, p = .110, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .02), and no significant interaction (F(2, 196) = 2.07, p = .129, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .02). This confirms that our age-matching procedure in recruiting urban participants was successful.

Table 1.

Descriptive statistics for all variables included in the present study, stratified by research site and participant ethnicity (N = 202).

	Rural						Urban
	Kadazan-Dusun		Bajau		Murut		Kadazan-Dusun		Bajau		Murut
	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD
Age	39.56	12.49	40.85	13.47	41.72	13.23	41.10	12.27	45.16	9.08	42.45	15.69
BMI	23.58	4.23	22.04	3.13	19.79	5.01	23.24	5.01	22.79	3.33	22.34	3.35
ELM	3.48	1.30	3.56	1.23	3.45	1.23	4.36	1.42	4.82	1.31	4.10	1.40
EWM	2.79	1.08	2.79	1.07	2.71	1.14	4.87	1.39	4.72	1.28	5.09	1.32
Religiosity	5.63	0.97	5.39	1.18	5.85	0.75	3.93	1.51	4.46	1.12	5.09	0.87
FS	1.05	0.22	1.15	0.36	1.00	0.00	2.00	0.59	2.03	0.44	2.14	0.35
GBA	3.90	0.52	4.06	0.78	4.16	0.46	3.52	0.64	3.47	0.98	3.34	0.96

BMI = Body Mass Index, ELM = Exposure to Local Media, EWM = Exposure to Western Media, FS = Financial Security, GBA = General Body Appreciation

The same analysis was also conducted with participant BMI as the dependent variable, with the results showing no significant main effect of research site (F(1, 196) = 2.70, p = .102, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .01), and no significant interaction (F(2, 196) = 1.75, p = .176, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .02). There was, however, a significant main effect of ethnicity (F(2, 196) = 4.69, p = .010, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .05), although the effect size of this difference was small. Post hoc Tukey tests revealed that Kadazan-Dusun participants had a significantly higher BMI than Murut participants (mean difference = 2.28, p = .009), but not Bajau participants (mean difference = 1.02, p = .255). There was no significant difference in BMI between Murut and Bajau participants (mean difference = 1.27, p = .234). For this reason, we included participant BMI as a covariate in all subsequent analyses dealing with general body appreciation.

Media exposure, financial security, and religiosity

We next conducted the same ANOVA as above with exposure to local media as the dependent variable. Results showed that there was no significant main effect of ethnicity (F(2, 196) = 1.61, p = .203, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .02), and no significant interaction (F(2, 196) = 0.82, p = .444, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01). On the other hand, urban participants reported significantly greater exposure to local media than rural participants (F(1, 196) = 22.85, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .10). When exposure to Western media was entered as the dependent variable, the same basic pattern of results was found, with no significant main effect of ethnicity (F(2, 196) = 0.20, p = .816, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01), and no significant interaction (F(2, 196) = 0.45, p = .640, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01). By contrast, urban participants reported significantly greater exposure to Western media than rural participants (F(1, 196) = 140.15, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .42).

We also conducted the same analysis as above with financial security entered as the dependent variable. Results again showed no significant main effect of ethnicity (F(1, 196) = 0.52, p = .598, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01), and no significant ethnicity by research site interaction (F(1, 196) = 1.44, p = .239, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .01). There was, however, a significant main effect of research site (F(1, 196) = 288.55, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .60), with urban participants reporting greater financial security than rural participants. Finally, when religiosity was entered as a dependent variable in the ANOVA, results showed that rural participants reported significantly higher religiosity than urban participants (F(1, 196) = 45.23, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .19). There was also a significant main effect of ethnicity (F(2, 196) = 5.21, p = .006, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .05), and a significant interaction (F(2, 196) = 3.34, p = .037, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .03). For brevity, we have not reported tests of simple effects here, but these results are available from the first author.

General body appreciation

Initial analyses showed that responses on the general body appreciation scale did not differ significantly from normality (Kolmogorov-Smirnov z = 1.57, p = .578), allowing us to treat these data as parametric in nature. We then conducted a 2 (research site: rural vs urban) x 3 (ethnicity: Kadazan-Dusun vs Bajau vs Murut) analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) with general body appreciation as the dependent variable and participant BMI as a covariate. Results showed that there was no significant main effect of ethnicity (F(2, 195) = 0.07, p = .933, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01), and no significant site by ethnicity interaction (F(2, 195) = 0.78, p = .462, $η_{p}^{2}$ < .01). On the other hand, there was a significant main effect of research site (F(1, 196) = 26.69, p < .001, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .10), with rural participants reporting significantly higher general body appreciation than urban participants. In this analysis, there was also a significant effect of covariate BMI (F(1, 196) = 5.20, p = .024, $η_{p}^{2}$ = .03).

Comparisons with West Malaysia

Data are also available from Swami and Chamorro-Premuzic (2008) on general body appreciation for West Malaysian (Malay and Chinese) female, urban participants (age M = 43.07, SD = 13.14; self-reported BMI M = 22.17 kg/m², SD = 4.36; general body appreciation M = 3.68, SD = 0.86). To examine differences between the current urban and rural samples, respectively, and the West Malaysian participants, we conducted one-sample t-tests. Results showed that the present urban sample had significantly lower general body appreciation than their West Malaysian counterparts (t(99) = 2.55, p = .012, d = 0.51). On the other hand, rural participants had significantly higher general body appreciation than their West Malaysian counterparts (t(101) = 2.53, p = .013, d = 0.50).

Predictors of general body appreciation

To examine predictors of general body appreciation in our sample, we conducted a multiple hierarchical regression with body appreciation entered as the dependent variable. Research site and ethnicity were entered simultaneously in step 1, whereas participant BMI, the two media exposure variables, religiosity and financial security were entered in step 2. Results showed that the first step of the regression was significant (F(1, 201) = 13.95, p < .001, adj. R² = .11), with research site (β = .35, t = 5.28, p < .001) but not ethnicity (β = .02, t = 0.30, p = .764) emerging as a significant predictor of general body appreciation. The second step of the regression was also significant (F(7, 201) = 5.27, p < .001, adj. R² = .13). In this second step, research site remained a significant predictor of general body appreciation (β = .29, t = 2.20, p = .029). The only other significant predictors were participant BMI (β = −.17, t = −2.43, p = .016) and exposure to Western media (β = −.14, t = −1.99, p = .038).

Discussion

To date, the available literature suggests that there are few, if any, differences in body image between urban and rural participants when sampling is limited to Western settings (Jones et al., 2007; Mellor et al., 2004). On the other hand, there remains a serious dearth of research on body image differences between urban and rural samples in non-Western settings, although the results of one recent survey suggest that such intra-national differences might be larger than cross-national differences (Swami et al., 2010). The results of the present study contribute to this body of work by showing that, in the context of Malaysia, there are significant rural–urban differences in body image. Specifically, our results showed that rural participants in Sabah had significantly higher general body appreciation than their urban counterparts.

Broadly speaking, the present results are consistent with previous work conducted in Sabah, which show that there are significant rural–urban differences in ideal female body size (Swami & Tovée, 2005a, 2007a). The most likely explanation for this broad set of results is that, as societies experience rapid urbanization and socioeconomic development, sociocultural pressures (particularly from a deregularized mass media) promote a standard of appearance that ‘rigidly equates success with a young, slender, and glamorously adorned woman’ (Lee & Lee, 2000, p. 324). In tandem with growing rates of obesity, this may result in more negative body image among urban participants, at least to the extent that women are unable to achieve the thin ideal (although the extent to which participants internalized such ideals was not ascertained in the present work). Coupled with this assimilation of Western ideals of appearance is the decline of a national identity (cf. Chin, 1997), which may previously have served to buffer individuals from the deleterious effects of globalization.

In contrast, the effects of these processes on the identities and body images of women in rural areas appears to be less pronounced. As Swami and Tovée (2005a) have discussed, the social roles of urban and rural women in Malaysia may be very different because the benefits of socioeconomic development in Malaysia have been very unevenly distributed. As those authors put it, ‘Depending on where they are born and reside, women in Malaysia may lead very different lives and experience their bodies quite differently’ (Swami & Tovée, 2005a, p. 125). That is to say, insofar as the sociocultural pressures associated with socioeconomic development have not infiltrated rural areas to the same extent as urban areas in Malaysia, rural women may not yet idealize a thin ideal and, consequently, may not experience the same degree of pressure to alter their bodies in response to incoming standards of appearance.

More broadly, women in rural areas may evidence more positive body image than their urban counterparts because of the nature of rural life itself. For example, the different corporeal experiences of rural women may mean that they experience less pressure to exert effort on working on the body or appearance and, indeed, that appearance may not be a salient component of their self-concepts compared with urban women. Moreover, in rural contexts, where women’s lives remain under substantial patriarchal control, mate choice decisions may have less to do with appearance (compared, say, with health status), thus reducing any negative impact of deviation from societal ideals. Certainly, there is some evidence to suggest that, among pre-industrial societies, body size is not a reliable predictor of mating patterns (Sear & Marlowe, 2009). Additionally, rural life may also engender a greater respect for the physical self, which in turn results in more positive body appreciation.

These perspectives are also consistent with our finding that greater exposure to Western forms of media significantly predicted lower body appreciation, once the effects of research site had been accounted for. That is, regardless of whether women resided in urban or rural areas in Malaysia, greater exposure to Western media was associated with reduced body appreciation. This is consistent with previous work in developing countries showing that technology-driven permeation of Western standards of appearance engender greater fat phobia and a desire to be thin among women (e.g. Becker, Burwell, Gilman, Herzog, & Hamburg, 2002; Wang, Popkin, & Thai, 1998). In the context of Fiji, for example, Becker (2004) has discussed how Western images of beauty, introduced by television, have resulted in greater drive for thinness among Fijian women. As Fijian women increasingly buy into ‘Western styles of appearance and the ethos of work on the body’ (Becker, 2004, p. 553), they may experience negative body image, despite any buffering effect of traditional values.

Two further aspects of our results are noteworthy. First, we found that, compared to a sample of women from West Malaysia, our urban participants from Sabah evidenced significantly lower body appreciation, whereas our rural participants showed significantly higher body appreciation. A direct comparison of these samples should be exercised with caution due to differences in our sampling technique as well as the time lag between studies. Nevertheless, the comparison of the two urban samples from West and East Malaysia, respectively, is interesting because it suggests that there may be inter-regional or ethnic differences in body appreciation. Hypothetically, at least, it might be suggested that the more socioeconomically developed context of West Malaysia (specifically, of the capital Kuala Lumpur) should be associated with lower body appreciation than urban areas in East Malaysia. That this was not the case requires further attention, possibly by comparing body appreciation among Malay and Chinese participants in both East and West Malaysia.

Second, we found that once the effects of research site had been accounted for, participant BMI was significantly and negatively correlated with body appreciation. This is consistent with previous work in both the Malaysian (Swami & Chamorro-Premuzic, 2008) and Western contexts (Swami et al., 2008), which shows that higher self-reported BMI is associated with lower body appreciation. It should be noted, however, that our results suggest that BMI was not a strong predictor of body appreciation. Together with exposure to Western media, BMI only accounted for 2.0% of additional variance, over and above research site (which accounted for 11.0% of the variance in body appreciation). In this respect, our results highlight the possibility that there may be other, stronger predictors of body appreciation that we neglected in the present work.

Limitations

The main strength of this study was our inclusion of relatively neglected samples in the literature, namely women from rural areas as well as indigenous populations. Nevertheless, our opportunistic method of sampling means that we cannot be certain to what extent our participants are representative of their ethnic groups or localities. Certainly, there are difficulties with sampling from rural areas (e.g. due to the remoteness of, and access to, some villages), which our study attempted to overcome by limiting sampling to a relatively constrained area within the West Coast Division of Sabah. Even here, however, there may have been intra-regional differences, as well as inter-village differences, which our work did not fully take into account. Additionally, while we have sampled the three major bumiputera groups in Sabah, future work would do well do include samples of other indigenous groups.

A further limitation of our work was the use of a single measure of body image. In this regard, our primary concern in scale selection was to ensure maximal participation, particularly among rural group, by utilizing a measure that was not too taxing and brief. Certainly, the BAS fulfils both criteria and has the added benefit of being validated for use among Malay-speaking samples. Nevertheless, future work could improve on our design by including a wider range of variables that tap body image-related constructs and that may be relevant in rural contexts, such as appearance investment. In future work, it would also be useful to include a broader array of putative factors that are known to be associated with body image, such as self-esteem. In our view, it will be important for such work to rely on scales that have either been validated, or have been purpose-designed, for use among cross-cultural samples.

Conclusion

The take-home message of our study is that there appear to be significant rural–urban differences in body appreciation when sampling is focused on non-Western societies. Further work that seeks to identity the factors that buffer rural women from negative body image, or conversely promote positive body image, may prove useful for practitioners seeking to promote healthier corporeal experiences among women in developing societies. Clearly, an important focus of such efforts will be on the deleterious effects of Western forms of media, although it will also be important to consider the way in which broader social, political and economic factors shape body images. Certainly, this remains an important task especially in developing nations that are experiencing rapid urbanization but that may not have the resources to cope with increasing rates of negative body image (Swami, 2006).

Footnotes

Notes

References

Avalos

Tylka

T. L.

Wood-Barcalow

(2005). The Body Appreciation Scale: Development and psychometric evaluation. Body Image, 2, 285–297.

Banks

C. J.

(1992). ‘Culture’ in culture-bound syndromes: The case of anorexia nervosa. Social Science and Medicine, 34, 867–884.

Bearman

S. K.

Presnell

Martinez

Stice

(2006). The skinny on body dissatisfaction: A longitudinal study of adolescent boys and girls. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 35, 217–229.

Becker

A. E.

(2004). Television, disordered eating and young women in Fiji: Negotiating body image and identity during rapid social change. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 28, 533–559.

Becker

A. E.

Burwell

R. A.

Gilman

S. E.

Herzog

D. B.

Hamburg

(2002). Eating behaviors and attitudes following prolonged exposure to television among ethnic Fijian adolescent girls. British Journal of Psychiatry, 180, 509–514.

Brewis

A. A.

McGarvey

S. T.

(2000). Body image, body size, and Samoan ecological and individual modernisation. Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 39, 105–120.

Cash

T. F.

Pruzinsky

(Eds). (2002). Body images: A handbook of theory, research, and clinical practice. New York: Guilford Press.

Chin

(1997). Politics of federal intervention in Malaysia, with reference to Kelantan, Sarawak, and Sabah. Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 35, 96–120.

Department of Statistics. (2010). Laporan kiraan permulaan [Initial statistical report]. Putrajaya, Malaysia: Government of Malaysia.

10.

Dev

R. D. O

Permal

Fauzee

M. S. O.

(2009). Rural–urban differences in body image perception, body mass index, and dieting behaviour among Malay adolescent Malaysian schoolgirls. European Journal of Scientific Research, 34, 69–82.

11.

Edman

J. L.

Yates

(2004). Eating attitudes among college students in Malaysia: An ethnic and gender comparison. European Eating Disorders Review, 12, 190–196.

12.

Fatimah

Idris

M. N. M.

Romzi

M. A.

Faizah

(1995). Perception of body weight status among office workers in two government departments in Kuala Lumpur. Malaysian Journal of Nutrition, 1, 11–19.

13.

Frederick

D. A.

Peplau

L. A.

Lever

(2006). The swimsuit issue: Correlates of body image in a sample of 52,677 heterosexual adults. Body Image, 4, 413–419.

14.

Furnham

Baguma

(1994). Cross-cultural differences in the evaluation of male and female body shapes. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 15, 81–89.

15.

Government of Malaysia. (2001). The Eighth Malaysia Plan, 2001–2005. Putrajaya, Malaysia: Economic Planning Unit, Prime Minister’s Department, Malaysia.

16.

Halik

Webley

(in press). Adolescents’ understanding of poverty and the poor in rural Malaysia. Journal of Economic Psychology.

17.

Hanley

Harris

S. B.

Gittelsohn

Wolever

T. M. S.

Saksvig

Zinman

(2000). Overweight among children and adolescents in a Native Canadian community: Prevalence and associated factors. American Journal of Nutrition, 71, 693–700.

18.

Indran

S. K.

Hatta

S. M.

(1995). Brief report: Eating attitudes among adolescent girls in a Malaysian secondary school using the EAT questionnaire. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 41, 299–302.

19.

Ismail

M. N.

Chee

S. S.

Nawawi

Yusoff

Lim

T. O.

James

W. P. T.

(2002). Obesity in Malaysia. Obesity Reviews, 3, 203–208.

20.

Jaeger

Ruggier

G. M.

Edlund

Gomez-Perretta

Lang

Mohammadkhani

Lamprecht

(2002). Body dissatisfaction and its interrelations with other risk factors for bulimia nervosa in 12 countries. Psychotherapy and Psychomatics, 71, 54–61.

21.

Jones

L. R.

Fries

Danish

S. J.

(2007). Gender and ethnic differences in body image and opposite sex figure preferences of rural adolescents. Body Image, 4, 103–108.

22.

Khor

G. L.

(2005). Micronutrient status and intervention programs in Malaysia. Food and Nutrition Bulletin, 26, S281–285.

23.

Khor

G. L.

Cobiac

Skrzypiec

(2002). Gender difference in eating behavior and social self concept among Malaysian university students. Malaysian Journal of Nutrition, 8, 75–98.

24.

Kling

(1995). The Malay family: Beliefs and realities. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 26, 43–66.

25.

Lai

K. Y. C.

(2000). Anorexia nervosa in Chinese adolescents: Does culture make a difference? Journal of Adolescence, 23, 561–568.

26.

Lee

A. M.

(2000). Disordered eating in three communities of China: A comparative study of female high school students in Hong Kong, Shenzhen, and rural Hunan. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 27, 317–327.

27.

Leong

S. H.

Poh

B. K.

L. O.

(2004). Study on body image perception, weight loss behaviour and practices among adolescents girls. Malaysian Journal of Nutrition, 10, 72.

28.

Lukman

(2006). Assessment of eating disorder symptomatology in young adult female students in urban Malaysia. Paper presented at the 19th World Congress of Psychotherapy, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 22–26 August.

29.

Mahmud

Crittenden

(2007). A comparative study of body image of Australian and Pakistani young females. British Journal of Psychology, 98, 187–198.

30.

McArthur

L. H.

Holbert

Peña

(2005). An exploration of the attitudinal and perceptual dimensions of body image among male and female adolescents from six Latin American cities. Adolescence, 40, 801–816.

31.

McDowell

A. J.

Bond

(2006). Body image differences among Malay, Samoan, and Australian women. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 15, 201–207.

32.

Mellor

McCabe

Ricciardelli

Ball

(2004). Body image importance and body dissatisfaction among indigenous Australian adolescents. Body Image, 1, 289–297.

33.

Mellor

McCabe

Ricciardelli

Yeow

Daliza

Hapidzal

N. F. M.

(2009). Sociocultural influences on body dissatisfaction and body change behaviors among Malaysian adolescents. Body Image, 6, 121–128.

34.

Moy

F. M.

Gan

C. Y.

Zaleha

M. K. S.

(2004). Body mass status of school children and adolescents in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 13, 324–329.

35.

Moy

F. M.

Gan

C. Y.

Zaleha

M. K. S.

(2006). Eating patterns of school children and adolescents in Kuala Lumpur. Malaysian Journal of Nutrition, 12, 1–10.

36.

Nain

(1996). The impact of the international marketplace on the organisation of Malaysian television. In French

Richards

(Eds), Contemporary television: Eastern perspectives (pp. 157–180). New Delhi, India: Sage.

37.

Nasser

(1997). Culture and weight consciousness. London, UK: Routledge. 31–147.

38.

Pon

L. W.

Kandiah

Nasir

M. T. M.

(2004). Body image perception, dietary practices and physical activity. Malaysian Journal of Nutrition, 10, 131–147.

39.

Sear

Marlowe

F. W.

(2009). How universal are human mate choices? Size doesn’t matter when Hadza foragers are choosing a mate. Biology Letters, 5, 606–609.

40.

Shariff

Z. M.

Yasin

Z. M.

(2005). Correlates of children’s Eating Attitude Test scores among primary school children. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 100, 463–472.

41.

Smolak

(2006). Body image. In Worell

Goodheart

C. D.

(Eds), Handbook of girls’ and women’s psychological health: Gender and well-being across the lifespan. Oxford series in clinical psychology (pp. 69–76). New York: Oxford University Press.

42.

Soo

K. L.

Shariff

Z. M.

Taib

M. N.

Samah

B. A.

(2008). Eating behaviour, body image, and self-esteem of adolescent girls in Malaysia. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 106, 833–844.

43.

Stevens

Story

Becenti

French

S. A.

Gittelsohn

Going

S. B.

Murray

D. M.

(1999). Weight-related attitudes and behaviours in fourth grade American Indian children. Obesity Research, 7, 34–42.

44.

Swami

(2006). Female physical attractiveness and body image disorders in Malaysia. Malaysian Journal of Psychiatry, 14, 3–7.

45.

Swami

(2009). An examination of the factor structure of the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-3 in Malaysia. Body Image, 6, 129–132.

46.

Swami

(2010). Translation and validation of the Malay Acceptance of Cosmetic Surgery Scale. Body Image, 7, 372–375.

47.

Swami

Chamorro-Premuzic

(2008). Factor structure of the Body Appreciation Scale among Malaysian women. Body Image, 5, 409–413.

48.

Swami

Frederick

D. A.

Aavik

Alcalay

Allik

Anderson

Zivcic-Becirevic

(2010). Body weight ideals and body dissatisfaction in 26 countries across 10 world regions: Results of the International Body Project I. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36, 309–325.

49.

Swami

Harris

A. S.

Tovée

M. J.

(2011). An examination of ethnic differences in actual–ideal body weight discrepancy and its correlates in a sample of Malaysian women. Manuscript under review.

50.

Swami

Knight

Tovée

M. J.

Davies

Furnham

(2007). Perceptions of female body size in Britain and the South Pacific. Body Image, 4, 219–223.

51.

Swami

Loo

P.-W.

Furnham

(2010). Public knowledge and beliefs about depression among urban and rural Malays in Malaysia. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 56, 480–496.

52.

Swami

Stieger

Haubner

Voracek

(2008). Translation and validation of the German Body Appreciation Scale. Body Image, 5, 122–127.

53.

Swami

Tovée

M. J.

(2005a). Female physical attractiveness in Britain and Malaysia: A cross-cultural study. Body Image, 2, 115–128.

54.

Swami

Tovée

M. J.

(2005b). Male physical attractiveness in Britain and Malaysia: A cross-cultural study. Body Image, 2, 383–393.

55.

Swami

Tovée

M. J.

(2006). Does hunger influence judgements of female physical attractiveness? British Journal of Psychology, 97, 353–363.

56.

Swami

Tovée

M. J.

(2007a). The relative contribution of profile body shape and weight to judgements of women’s physical attractiveness in Britain and Malaysia. Body Image, 4, 391–396.

57.

Swami

Tovée

M. J.

(2007b). Perceptions of female body weight and shape among indigenous and urban Europeans. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 48, 43–50.

58.

Swami

Tovée

M. J.

(2007c). Differences in attractiveness preferences between observers in low and high resource environments in Thailand. Journal of Evolutionary Psychology, 5, 149–160.

59.

Tee

E. S.

(1999). Nutrition in Malaysia: Where are we heading? Malaysian Journal of Nutrition, 5, 87–109.

60.

Teoh

H.-J.

(2000). Sociocultural and developmental theories as explanations of body image dissatisfaction amongst secondary school girls. Malaysian Journal of Psychiatry, 8, 15–21.

61.

Wang

Popkin

Thai

(1998). The nutritional status and dietary pattern of Chinese adolescents, 1991 and 1993. European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 52, 908–916.