Prevention of demoralization in prolonged bicultural conflict and interaction: The role of cultural receptors I

Abstract

Background:

This article examines how symbols and sentiments are exchanged to produce a synthesis of two cultures in the context of prolonged bicultural conflict and interaction, thereby minimizing or preventing sociocultural disintegration and the resulting demoralization. This process will be shown to be anchored on the discovery of certain thematic areas (cultural receptors) in which social roles or cultural mandates are missing, unclear, ambiguous or congruent.

Material:

The setting of this research is the history of Goa, a former Portuguese state on the western coast of India, where the exchange between the Portuguese and Indian cultures lasted longer than four centuries (1510–1961). Both published and unpublished sources were studied.

Discussion:

From 1510, the year of the beginning of the Portuguese rule, until 1540, the local traditions and leadership patterns were respected. This was followed by a period of religious intolerance during which attempts were made to encourage Hindus to convert to Christianity and to wipe out the bicultural interaction. Finally a new era of tolerance and cultural integration started around 1773 and continued until 1961. The bicultural interaction persisted and a hybrid culture developed around cultural receptors.

Conclusions:

The history of Portuguese Goa is a natural experiment that allows us to examine the role played by cultural receptors in the adaptation to acculturative stress.

Keywords

Acculturation demoralization stress Goa history

The city-state [society] is prior in nature to the household; the household is prior in nature to the individual; because the whole is, by necessity, prior to the part.

Aristotle, Politics

Background

Approaches to acculturation

How does a society respond to the challenge of an invading culture when the interaction between the two cultures is slow, persistent and prolonged? Generalizations regarding this important question are difficult, yet history points to cultural conflicts in which neither side can claim complete victory. Such conflicts arose, for example, between colonizers and indigenous people, between contrasting but neighbouring cultures, or between natives and new settlers. Reactions to an invading culture may range from collaboration, assimilation and accommodation, to outright rejection. Over a prolonged period of time, in the absence of an outright rejection of the invading culture, such conflicts may convert into relatively peaceful interactions and lead to adaptive strategies aimed at preventing a complete collapse of the recipient culture and the associated vulnerability to demoralization. During such interactions, a hybrid culture sometimes emerges. This type of contact between different cultures usually results in acculturation.

Acculturation has been defined as ‘those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups’ (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936). Acculturation may be viewed from the perspectives of structure, process and outcome. These perspectives were first defined by Donabedian in connection with the problem of measuring the quality of health care delivery systems, but they can also be useful in the study of any system (Donabedian, 1966). Extensive research has attempted to elucidate the structure, the process and the outcomes of acculturation. The structure of acculturation consists of the blending of the social structures of the two cultural groups involved. The process of acculturation involves changes in attitudes, values and maintenance of traditions. Different outcomes of acculturation have been described and debated, for example assimilation, separation, integration and marginalization (Berry and Annis, 1974; Rudmin, 2003). Because such outcomes assume the existence of clear-cut and easily bounded cultural groups, other concepts, such as ‘syncretism’, ‘hybridity’, ‘mimicry’ and ‘creolization’ have been proposed.

‘Syncretism’ has been defined as ‘borrowing, affirmation, or integration of concepts, symbols, or practices of one religious tradition into another by a process of selection and reconciliation’ (Berling, 1980). In this sense, debate on syncretism is largely confined to the interpenetration of different religious beliefs and practices. By contrast, the use of the term ‘hybridity’ goes beyond religious blending to include cross-cultural exchange and the creation of new transcultural forms (Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 1998). ‘Mimicry’ refers to the imitation of members of one cultural group (e.g. the colonizers) by members of a different group (e.g. the colonized). Such emulation, however, rapidly evolves into hybridity due to misrecognitions of the colonizers’ expressions (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1991). Probably the most controversial of all the constructs debated in the post-colonial literature is the concept of creolization (Stewart, 2007). This concept has been proposed to describe the appropriation of ‘symbols of power of powerful others in situations of physical invasion and conquest’ (Romberg, 2005). For some scholars, creolization took place largely by borrowing or conversation between cultures (Hannerz, 1987). For others, it was an unplanned and unfriendly process, at times described as ‘rupture and revenge of signification’ (Taussig, 1987), at other times as ‘symbolic piracy’ (Bolland, 1993; Romberg, 2001). Much of the literature on creolization is derived from observations made in the Caribbean and South America. Here, creolization has been viewed as a ‘contagion, pollution or depravity’ (Dayan, 1995; Abrahams, 1983 and 2003), a violation of attempts by the invading group to maintain ‘purity and civility’ by ‘policing cultural displays’ (Romberg, 2005). Creolization has also been interpreted as the ‘making of a comfort place’ involving transformations of conditions and contexts (Crichlow and Northover, 2009). However, as Romberg noted, ‘the nature of such transformations, its agents, motives and products are by no means agreed upon’ (Romberg, 2005). For Mintz and Price, the term creolization was taken out of its geographical and chronological context specific to the Caribbean and the New World (Mintz & Price, 1976; for the specific case of how this term was used to refer to Portuguese acculturation, see Havik and Newitt, 2007). The term itself varied in meaning and its applicability to other contexts with different historical experiences remains controversial (Palmié, 2006). Other terms such as globalization, transnationalism and transculturalism have also been used to refer to bicultural or multicultural interactions and have been assigned different meanings, often overlapping in representation (Stewart, 2007). Although culture is a dynamic process, research has shown that it is resilient, and its capacity to change appears to be a function of certain stable dimensions. Hofstede identified six such dimensions: (1) small vs.large power distance; (2) individualism vs collectivism; (3) ‘masculinity’ vs ‘femininity’; (4) weak vs strong uncertainty avoidance; (5) long- vs short-term orientation; and (6) indulgence vs restraint (Hofstede, 2001).

Acculturation and mental health

Several definitions of demoralization have been proposed. As defined by Frank, demoralization is the ‘state of mind of a person deprived of spirit or courage, disheartened, bewildered, and thrown into disorder or confusion’. Frank proposed that these terms describe the state of mind of many persons who seek psychotherapy, whatever their diagnostic label (Frank and Frank, 1991). Demoralization has been documented in a number of clinical settings and in the general population (de Figueiredo 1983a, 1993, 2007) and is shown to consist of distress and subjective incompetence (de Figueiredo and Frank 1982; de Figueiredo 1983a, 1993; Cockram, Doros, & de Figueiredo, 2009, 2010). By modifying slightly a definition proposed specifically for cancer patients, distress may be defined as an unpleasant emotional experience of a psychological (cognitive, behavioral, emotional), social, and/or spiritual nature that may interfere with the ability to cope effectively with a stressful situation. Distress extends along a continuum, ranging from common normal feelings of vulnerability, sadness, and fears to problems that can become disabling, such as depression, anxiety, panic, social isolation, and spiritual crisis. Subjective incompetence is a self-perceived incapacity to perform tasks and express feelings deemed appropriate in a stressful situation, resulting in pervasive uncertainty and doubts about the future.

By means of symbols, members of a society share sentiments, some of which are dominant. Sentiments are relatively stable components of personality made up of attitudes and values (Leighton, 1959).¹ A sentiment is called ‘dominant’ when the beliefs included in that sentiment (assumptions, expectations and values) refer to issues viewed as vital to the common good and survival of the members of a society. Symbols representing sentiments are linked to each other by meaningful interconnections. Meaningful connections are idiosyncratic interpretations of links among events in a person’s life story (Jaspers, 1997). The symbols that represent dominant sentiments may be called ‘dominant symbols’. The German word ‘Umwelt’ (roughly translated as ‘ambient world’) was introduced by von Uexkull, an ethologist, to describe the perceptual world of a non-human animal (von Uexkull, 1957). Extending this notion to humans, a personal Umwelt may be defined as a person’s own sentiments, hierarchically organized by the degree of dominance, with some being more dominant than others, and the meaningful interconnections among the symbols representing those sentiments at a given time (de Figueiredo and Frank, 1982). A personal Umwelt consists of meaningfully interconnected Lewinian fields (Lewin, 1935). A collective Umwelt is the common ground of all personal Umwelten and consists of dominant sentiments and their meaningful interconnections (de Figueiredo and Frank, 1982).

Many studies have shown that acculturation can be stressful, and that acculturative stress can foster demoralization, psychopathology and medical illnesses. Other studies have found no evidence that acculturation is stressful (de Figueiredo, 1983b; Koneru, Mamani, Flynn, & Betancourt, 2007). These seemingly contradictory findings may be reconciled when we note that the sociocultural change (i.e. transformation of symbols) involved in acculturation becomes stressful to a group only when the symbols being transformed refer to certain dominant sentiments found in that group (dominant symbols) (de Figueiredo, 1983b). Leighton referred to these dominant sentiments as ‘essential striving sentiments’ and to the transformation of dominant sentiments as ‘sociocultural integration or disintegration’ (Leighton, 1959).

Research has shown that the stress of rapid sociocultural change, when affecting certain dominant symbols and sentiments of a group, results in sociocultural disintegration, making the members of that group more vulnerable to demoralization and psychopathology (Leighton, Harding, Macklin, Macmillian, & Leighton, 1963; de Figueiredo, 1983b). In particular, at a given level of sociocultural change, the prevalence of demoralization has been shown to be inversely associated with the degree of sociocultural integration (de Figueiredo and Lemkau, 1978). This important generalization was called the ‘law of sociocultural demoralization’ by de Figueiredo and presented as one of the most important laws in social psychiatry (de Figueiredo, 1983b). Subsequent research demonstrated that this relationship is not simply a correlation. Sociocultural disintegration causes demoralization. The mechanism involved appears to be a chain reaction: high perceived stress and a collapse of social supports, both inherent in sociocultural disintegration, cause the co-occurrence of distress and subjective incompetence, the two components of demoralization (Table 1). Consistent with this explanation is the finding in a recent study that low perceived stress and strong social supports prevent the co-occurrence of distress and subjective incompetence (de Figueiredo and Frank, 1982; de Figueiredo, 1983b, 1993 and 2007; Cockram et al., 2009 and 2010).

The obvious conclusion from this line of research is that the prevention or minimization of demoralization during the process of acculturation requires that the more dominant symbols and sentiments be preserved at the expense of the less dominant ones.

Table 1.

Highlights of the theory of demoralization^a.

1. Demoralization consists of distress and subjective incompetence.

2. Subjective incompetence is the clinical hallmark of demoralization.

3. When perceived stress is high and social supports are weak, distress and subjective incompetence occur together; the converse is true when perceived stress is low and social supports are strong.

4. During the state of sociocultural disintegration, perceived stress is high, social supports are weak and dominant sentiments are not shared; the converse is true during sociocultural integration.

5. Some people with subjective incompetence eventually become helpless; some people who are helpless, eventually become hopeless; hopeless people may commit suicide independently of the level of distress.

6. At a given level of sociocultural change (transformation of symbols), the prevalence of demoralization is inversely correlated with the degree of sociocultural integration (law of sociocultural demoralization).

7. Sociocultural disintegration causes demoralization.

Please refer to the text for definitions of terms and bibliographic references.

The significance of cultural receptors

The dominant symbols of an existing culture are part of the personal Umwelten and ultimately part of the collective Umwelt. The invading foreign culture presents a different set of symbols, at times conflicting with the prevailing symbols. Critical in the process of acculturation are the themes in the two sets of symbols (prevailing and conflicting) in which social roles or cultural mandates are missing, unclear, ambiguous or congruent. Such themes will be designated in this article as ‘cultural receptors’. They may be viewed as lacunae or ‘soft spots’ in the symbolic systems of the personal Umwelten. Since the meaningful interconnections are malleable, as noted by Jaspers, cultural receptors become windows of opportunity and converging nodes for the synthesis of the two cultures (Jaspers, 1997). The challenge of the conflicting set of symbols prompts the analysis of both the prevailing and the conflicting collective Umwelten by the members of the society. A period of transition occurs during which the two sets of symbols are explored, cultural receptors are discovered and new meaningful interconnections among them are created. The end result is a hybrid collective Umwelt. The conflicting set of symbols is assimilated into the prevailing set as much as possible and, at the same time, the prevailing set is accommodated to receive the conflicting one. The result of this process is the harmonization that manifests itself as a synthesis of the two cultures.²

The concept of ‘cultural receptors’ refers to the more malleable aspects of both cultures, old and new. These cultural features allow for intelligent compromise and make it easier to preserve some of the old norms, values and sentiments, and, at the same time, accept the new beliefs. Such cultural receptors foster a hybrid culture and prevent a complete collapse in the recipient culture of the dominant symbols and the sentiments they represent, thereby minimizing or preventing demoralization. They also allow convenient exceptions to the dominant sentiments in the invading culture when existential concerns are paramount.

Objective

The objective of this article is to describe the historical background for the conflict and interaction between the Portuguese and Indian cultures that took place in Goa, a former Portuguese state on the western coast of India. This bicultural exchange lasted longer than four centuries (from 1510 to 1961). It will be argued that the history of Portuguese Goa is a natural experiment that allows us to examine the role played by cultural receptors in the adaptation to acculturative stress. A companion article will describe how the skilful use of cultural receptors by the natives of Goa as well as the Europeans settled in Goa or their descendants prevented or minimized sociocultural disintegration and potential demoralization during this bicultural exchange, and how a new, hybrid culture emerged as a result. It will be shown that the Goan cultural interpenetration cannot be adequately or fully described in terms of any of the four major paradigms that emerged in post-colonial scientific literature – syncretism, mimicry, hybridity and creolization.

Method

Given that acculturation takes place over decades and centuries, historical analysis is a powerful tool for gaining insight into the process of adaptation to acculturative stress. Historical analysis is the interpretation of social and cultural phenomena identified by historical research in terms of current evidence-based and integrated knowledge in psychiatry, psychology, epidemiology, sociology and anthropology. Published and unpublished sources of information on the history of Portuguese India were studied in the archives and libraries in Goa, elsewhere in India, the USA, Portugal and other European countries. They included books, articles and manuscripts and provide a wealth of data on how the two cultures interacted to produce a hybrid culture. The main published sources of historical records and documents consulted for this research are listed in Appendix 1.

Results

When the Portuguese arrived in India in the 16th century, Goa was the seat of an advanced civilization. Hindus formed the bulk of the population but Muslims had succeeded in conquering Goa. The native language, Konkani, was Indo-European, directly derived from Sanskrit, and a sister-language, Marathi, was also used, particularly for writing.

Society was organized into two overlapping systems: the village communities and the caste system. The household (kula), the village (ganv) and the temple dedicated to the patron deity of that village (kuladeva) were linked by meaningful interconnections and economic understandings. A set of villages formed a community (ganvpon). The villages were autonomous, being ruled by the elders (ganvkar), the presumed descendants of the first settlers (vangad). At the head of each village were one or two chief elders and one or two scribes (nadkarni). The status of chief elder and scribe were hereditary rights passed on from father to son. Decisions were made by unanimity by the vangad. As a matter of principle, land was considered a gift of God to mankind and, therefore, too precious for ownership by individuals.³

The caste system was based on the legitimization by a supernatural authority of an irreversible social and economic inequality organized by perceived degrees of ‘purity’. Theoretically, there was a hierarchy of four major castes: Brahmans (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (warriors and aristocrats), Vaishyas (cultivators and traders) and Sudras (laborers). These four castes, defined by the Vedas (Hindu holy text), were known as varnas, a concept based on notions of purity and control of ritual. But there were also numerous jatis, hereditary groups, also arranged hierarchically, segregated by taboos on marriage, food and custom. In practice, a myriad of races, castes and classes made up the social mosaic. At the bottom were the untouchables, so ‘polluted’ that they could not even be mentioned in the hierarchy of castes (Thapar, 2002). The Hindu temples in Goa were magnificent and the Brahmans were rich and powerful. To refer to Hofstede’s classification, the power distance among the Hindus was fragmented by the caste system and was relatively small, particularly among members of the same caste (Hofstede, 2001). This is to be contrasted with the patriotism of the Portuguese, who frequently attributed their discoveries and accomplishments to their king who was sitting in Europe and had never set foot overseas.

In 1498, the Portuguese discovered the sea route from Portugal to India. In the years following they attempted to establish trade relations with India but they were unsuccessful because commerce was largely in the hands of the Muslims who viewed the Portuguese as a threat. After centuries of Muslim occupation, the whole of the western coast of India and South India had returned to Hindu control, except for Goa and a surrounding area that belonged to the Sultanate of Bijapur (Muslim). According to Portuguese sources, generally viewed as reliable, the Hindus approached Afonso de Albuquerque, the Portuguese captain, to free Goa from Muslim rule. In 1510, after one failed attempt, the Portuguese occupied the island of Tisvadi (Tissuari), where the capital of Goa was located, as well as four adjacent islands, together known as the ‘Ilhas’ (‘Islands’). The Hindus fought against the Muslims in Albuquerque’s army and welcomed him as a liberator. To refer to Hofstede’s classification again, the collectivism of the Goans, as expressed by the system of village communities, surprised the Portuguese who tended to be more individualistic, and led Albuquerque to write to his king that ‘this land [Goa] belongs to no one except the king and the lord of the land’ (Albuquerque, 1884-1935, I p. 29-65). He had envisioned populating Goa with mixed-blooded Christians and eventually evicting those who refused to convert to Christianity and intermarry. Rejected by his successors and opposed by the Goan dominant sentiments related to religion and endogamy, his plan never came to fruition. Instead, the Goans built a hybrid culture on their own terms.

In 1520, the Emperor of Vijayanagara (Hindu) defeated Adil Khan, the Sultan of Bijapur, who was attempting to re-conquer Goa, and offered the neighbouring districts of Salsete and Bardez to the Portuguese. For some 250 years, Portuguese jurisdiction was limited to these three districts, later designated as ‘Velhas Conquistas’ (‘Old Conquests’), in order to distinguish them from the remaining seven districts, acquired in the second half of the 18th century, known as ‘Novas Conquistas’ (‘New Conquests’). Virtually all of these additional districts were acquired by treaty and not by war. The events described in this article took place in the Velhas Conquistas.

In the four centuries following the occupation of Goa, a long and complicated interaction evolved between the Portuguese and the Goans. Only a brief sketch can be given in this article.⁴ The history of this interaction may be viewed as a continuum involving several phases blending into each other. Together, they constitute a natural experiment that throws new light onto the process of acculturation.

Albuquerque understood immediately that the Portuguese presence in India required the development of trust within the social context in Goa. Under his leadership, and for several years thereafter (1510–1540), peaceful co-existence prevailed and the local institutions were scrupulously maintained and codified by the Portuguese with help from local leaders and scholars, including practices forbidden by Christianity such as polygamy. Albuquerque lowered the taxes significantly from the level that had been imposed by the Muslim rulers, maintained all Hindu leaders in their key positions and gave them free access to himself and other Portuguese administrators.

Beginning around 1540 and following a trend that had become widespread in Portugal and Spain, the Portuguese saw their mission as the spread of Roman Catholicism. Catholic religious orders were sent to Goa to convert the Hindus to Catholicism. These missions were part of the so-called ‘Militant Church’ or ‘Counter-Reformation’, organized as a reaction to Luther’s protest against Rome. They were inspired by a deep conviction that the only path to salvation was the Roman Catholic version of Christianity as defined by the Council of Trent. Tireless in their commitment to Christianization, these missionaries identified themselves completely with India and the Indian culture and would have been insulted if they were reminded of their European origin. They instructed the Goan Hindus on Christianity and baptized them, individually first, then collectively by sprinkling baptismal water on large groups of Hindus. Their efforts were thwarted by the immense complexity of Hindu culture and society and by the corruption and promiscuity of many Europeans, who, from their viewpoint, gave a bad example to the natives. The reluctance of the natives to convert, particularly the Brahmans, was difficult to overcome. This reluctance is understandable, given that the Christian doctrine of equality and fraternity among all human beings posed a direct and major threat to the deeply ingrained Hindu normative myth of Brahmanic superiority. Outnumbered by the natives and frustrated by their reluctance to convert, the Church leaders formed an alliance with the Portuguese monarchy aimed at promoting the spread of Catholicism (Boxer, 1978). Here again the contrast between the two cultures was remarkable. To refer to Hofstede’s classification, although the gender roles were clear in both cultures, among the Goans, both men and women tended to be more ‘modest, tender and concerned with the quality of life’ than the Portuguese. As a group, the Goans accepted their cultural norms, and also as a group, they appeared to be far less ambitious and driven than the Portuguese. Albuquerque had tried hard to encourage Goan Hindus to replace the Muslims in leading the sea trade to no avail (Albuquerque, 1884-1935, I p. 306-307). Part of the Hindu reluctance to convert to Christianity might have been a cultural bias towards restraint, short-term orientation and aversion of uncertainty (Hofstede, 2001).

In 1540 a period of religious intolerance began in Goa. This period of Goan history has to be understood in the context of parallel developments in Europe. In the 16th century, the idea that the religion of the ruler dictates the religion of the ruled (cuius regio, eius religio) had begun to gain ground. This principle was formally adopted by the Peace of Augsburg in 1555. (The same idea was the norm in India at that time among both Muslims and Hindus.) Moreover, the Vatican delegated to the kings of Portugal and Spain the administration of the local churches in their dominions, an arrangement known as Padroado (Patronage). Neither the Catholic Church nor the king of Portugal allowed conversion by force. Short of the use of direct force, however, every conceivable measure was legislated in Goa to encourage conversion to Christianity and discourage the practice of Hinduism.

Religious affiliation defined citizenship and Goa was the capital of the Portuguese Empire. It was logical, therefore, for the Portuguese to want Goa to be fully Catholic at all costs. To attract the Hindus to the Catholic religion, the missionaries used persuasion, charity and kindness; meticulous study of the local culture and languages; translation of Hindu religious books to learn from them and then refute their beliefs; dramatization of Christian themes; stimulating debates with the Brahmans and other Hindu scholars; public exposure and denunciation of injustices inflicted by Brahmans to other castes; and magnificent public display of religious services (Heras, 1933; Silva Rego, 1949; D’Costa, 1965; Boxer, 1996). Stronger methods were also used. Hindu temples were demolished, books burned and people dispossessed of their properties. Hindus were excluded from government jobs because they allegedly used their jobs to vex the Christians. The temples of Ilhas were demolished in 1540; historical sources differ as to who demolished them.⁵ The temples of Salsete were raided between 1564 and 1566 by a Portuguese captain. (After the first temple was demolished, the Hindus filed a lawsuit; this captain’s actions were condemned by the court, and he was ordered to pay for the restoration of the temple at his own expense; the court’s decision, however, was reversed by the governor who gave him carte blanche to demolish more temples (DI VII p. 387, 391, 394-95; X p. 734; XII p. 919). The temples of Bardez were demolished in 1573 by the Franciscans (SR V p. 408). The rebuilding of new temples was banned and the king ordered a search in the houses of the Hindus suspected of hiding their ‘idols’. It should be noted that the Hindu temples in Goa were not just places of worship. They were also centres of learning and religious instruction. They were venues for making decisions on important issues related to the village and the Brahmans controlled the temple patrimony, including the land.

Decrees were also issued by kings and viceroys to facilitate the conversion of Hindu orphans before the age of 14, the age recognized by Portuguese law as adulthood, but the definition of what constituted an orphan and the rationale and criteria for separating them from their families remained highly controversial. Attempts to convert the orphans were motivated by compassion and the orphans were treated with kindness by the Catholic priests, but such attempts incensed the Hindus. These decrees, like many others, were debated and modified, probably to placate the Hindus. Some Hindus converted to prevent the separation and others gave their orphans to relatives to prevent their conversion. Many orphans returned to their former religion after they grew up and they were allowed to do so. Their early exposure to western values may have planted the seeds of biculturalism in the Hindu community.

By and large, Goan Hindus reacted to this ordeal with dignity, using every legal measure at their disposal and filing lawsuits, at times with success, and also protesting, boycotting their trades, discouraging conversions, disinheriting those who converted, sending their families and transporting their “idols” to the neighbouring territory outside Portuguese rule, and even painting their deities on leaves and on coconuts so that they could hide them easily when the searches occurred (SR II p. 143). As might be expected, occasional clashes between Hindus and Christians and attacks on the missionaries took place (DI XII 925-929; see also Cunha Rivara, 1857; D’Costa, 1965; Boxer, 1965 and 1978; de Mendonça, 2002). Nevertheless, the anti-Hinduism laws were modified over and over and inconsistently applied or enforced. The appropriateness of the methods being used was the focus of intense debate, perplexity and disagreement among the Portuguese lay and religious authorities (DI XVI p. 59; Silva Rego, 1949; D’Costa, 1965; Boxer, 1996; de Mendonça, 2002).

The basis for this religious intolerance was a letter of Dom João III, King of Portugal, to his Viceroy of India, Dom João de Castro, written in 1526, in which he ordered some of these measures, apparently instigated by two leaders of the Catholic clergy. The authenticity of this letter has been questioned for several reasons. The style of the letter is out of tune with the king’s previous communications in which he was cautious and concerned about excesses in the task of ‘fighting idolatry’. He had instructed at least one Portuguese judge in Goa to be fair to the Hindus (Silva Rego, 1949 p. 210). Several versions of the letter are found, a fact that suggests that the letter might have been fabricated. Only a few years earlier, in 1522, the same king had confirmed the appointment of a Goan Hindu, Krishna Sinai, who had travelled to Portugal to meet with him, for several lifetime jobs and honorific titles, as a reward for his loyalty, much to the disgust of some members of the Catholic clergy (Pissurlencar, 1952, p. 3-4). Assuming that the king’s letter was authentic, however, incomprehensible and appalling by today’s standards, these measures are actually mild compared to the massacre of the Huguenots that took place in France around that time (1572) and the atrocities of Aurangzeb, the Mughal (Muslim) emperor who ruled in India from 1658 until his death in 1707, and of Tipoo Sultan, a Muslim who ruled in South India from 1782 to 1799. (Aurangzeb forced Hindus to become Muslims and tortured and killed a Sikh guru, Tegh Bahadur, for refusing to change his religion; Tipoo Sultan tortured and forcibly circumcised thousands of Christians and converted them to Islam (Singh, 1975; Dubois, 1823 p.74; Scurry, 1824 p.102-107).) All three monarchs were moved by spiritual concerns, as they were understood in their times. Of the three, however, Dom João III was the only one who firmly believed that conversions should be done by persuasion only, and not by force. Following this reasoning, the Portuguese Viceroy of India, Conde de São Vicente, in a treaty signed with Aurangzeb, assured him that forcible conversions to Christianity would not be made because ‘in our religion it is not allowed to convert [any one] by force’ (cited by Heras, 1927 p.43). After Dom Joao III’s death, his successors issued decrees to favour Christianity and eliminate the practice of Hinduism and other non-Catholic religions, not only in Goa, but also in other territories controlled by the Portuguese, just as they were doing in Portugal. The local lay authorities, however, often disagreed with the king and allowed the Hindus to practise their religion and customs secretly and at times participated in Hindu festivals. Opinions of the missionaries also varied. Some believed in using force and harassing the Hindus so much that they would become Christian or leave Goa; others disagreed. Some harassed the Hindus by cutting their hair tuft and forcing them to eat beef; others condemned such methods (SR VI p. 297).

Christianization was eventually taken as meaning ‘westernization’, thus demanding a complete transformation in the deeply rooted links between belief and behaviour. The conversions were at first individual, but later became collective. Individual conversions divided families as some members of the same patriarchal family decided to convert, while others refused. Having abandoned their caste and family, the newly converted Goans were totally dependent on the Portuguese, sometimes discriminated against by the Europeans, unwanted by their Hindu relatives, and socially isolated. Having lost their cognitive map and no new map to take its place, coming from a culture marked by an aversion of uncertainty, as might have been viewed by Hofstede, these individually converted Goans were probably demoralized (Hofstede, 2001). As a result, the Portuguese felt morally compelled to favour the converted Hindus over those who had refused to convert. An office was created, called ‘Pay dos Christãos’ (‘Father of the Christians’), usually held by a government officer, often a priest, to enforce the laws and regulations favouring Christianity, look after the welfare of the new converts, and protect them against the abuses of both the Europeans and the Hindus (Wicki, 1969).

At the same time, greatly outnumbered by native Hindus, the European missionaries soon came to the realization that the Christianization of this close-knit society required the conversion of the head of the patriarchal family so that other members of the household may follow. As the pressure for Christianization increased, the method of collective or group baptisms was introduced. Large groups of Hindus were baptized by simply sprinkling baptismal water on them. Supposedly they were all instructed in the Catholic faith, although concerns were expressed about this. At times, entire Hindu groups, sometimes entire villages or towns, offered themselves to become Christian, a phenomenon viewed by the Catholic missionaries as miraculous because they believed that conversions were acts of God. We now understand that these collective requests for baptism were attempts to save the social support inherent in patriarchal families, and thereby prevent or minimize the co-occurrence of distress and subjective incompetence, a natural phenomenon consistent with the theory of demoralization. Efforts were also made to ‘purify’ Christianity and in 1560 the Inquisition was introduced in Goa (Cunha Rivara, 1857; Baião, 1945; Priolkar, 1961).

Several factors prompted the downfall of the Portuguese power in India (for a review of some of these factors, see Boxer, 1980; Heras, 1928.) Nevertheless, by the 18th century, as stated above, the Portuguese had succeeded at annexing to their territory the neighbouring lands, later called Novas Conquistas, to which many Goan Hindus had migrated, and ‘westernization’ spread to those districts as well. By then a new order was implemented, first by the Marquis of Pombal, a Portuguese dictator and prime minister who believed in civil rights and the separation of church and state, and later by the establishment of the constitutional monarchy in Portugal.

In 1759–74, Pombal abolished the Inquisition, expelled the Jesuits from Portuguese territory, prohibited discrimination against Goan Christians, and laid down the foundation for religious freedom for the Hindus. Although he was a feared dictator, his orders were not implemented in Goa until 13 years later and the Inquisition did not officially end until 1812 (Baião, 1945; Priolkar, 1961). From around 1773 onwards, however, all Goans, Christians first and later Hindus, enjoyed the civil rights and freedoms guaranteed by Pombal’s orders (and later, by the Portuguese Constitution), including explicit guarantee of freedom of religion, the right of Portuguese citizenship and representation in the Portuguese parliament.

The adoption of a constitutional government in Portugal created a new political climate in Goa that continued to foster the bicultural synthesis that had been happening all along. Despite the anti-Hinduism laws, many Hindus and other non-Christians collaborated actively with the Portuguese, a fact decisively demonstrated by Pissurlencar, leading Pearson to suggest that without the loyal help of the Sarasvat Brahmans in Goa and the Banyas in Gujarat, the Portuguese Estado da India would not have survived (Pissurlencar, 1952; Pearson, 1981). In 1739, a Hindu family of merchants, Kamat Mhamai (Camotim Mamai), was probably the wealthiest family in Goa (about this family, see De Souza, 1985). Throughout the Portuguese rule, many Goan Hindus continued as willing and trusted partners in the Portuguese administration, business and diplomacy, earning titles of nobility or medals for their loyalty to Portugal. This cultural exchange became stronger after the proclamation of the republic in Portugal in 1910.⁶ The Portuguese presence in India came to a sudden end in 1961 when Goa was forced into the Republic of India by an act of war.

Discussion

This article describes the historical context of the interaction between a European (Portuguese) culture and an Asian (Hindu) culture that took place in Goa and extended over 451 years. When the interaction between two cultures is slow, persistent and prolonged, the members of the recipient culture use several adaptive strategies for the prevention of sociocultural disintegration and the resulting demoralization. Some strategies, such as transformational mapping, privatization, individuation, cohesiveness and pragmatism, have been described elsewhere (de Figueiredo, 2013). The success of these strategies, however, depends on the skilful recognition and application of certain negotiable themes in both cultures. These themes, called ‘cultural receptors’, serve as nodal points for the fusion of the two cultures and the genesis of the resulting hybrid culture.

The Indo–Portuguese bicultural interaction was neither outright rejection nor total acceptance of the foreign (Portuguese) culture by the people of Goa. Furthermore, a period of religious and cultural intolerance intervened between two periods of tolerance and multicultural integration. During this intervening period, attempts were made to wipe out the bicultural exchange. Such attempts, however, were unsuccessful. The bicultural exchange between Goan Hindus and Christians continued uninterrupted in a climate of mutual respect and understanding. The result was not only the prevention or minimization of demoralization but also the creation of a new, hybrid culture, the Indo–Portuguese culture of Goa, superseding racial, religious and linguistic barriers. For this reason, the Goa case is a natural experiment that allows us to examine the role played by cultural receptors in the adaptation to acculturative stress.

The Portuguese acculturation of Goa was not only slow, persistent and prolonged but also inconsistent. The policies legislated or advocated by the Portuguese during the intervening period of intolerance were inconsistent and the subject of debate. Had the Indo–Portuguese interaction been an outright rejection of the Portuguese culture by the Hindus or a consistent and escalating enforcement of the anti-Hinduism measures by the Portuguese, the results might have been different.

Limitations

The limitations of this research should be recognized. Factors other than cultural receptors and adaptive strategies may have influenced this interaction. The subtexts of salvation of the souls, material gain and political favoritism often conflicted with each other. Major crises such as epidemics or threats from powerful neighbours forced adjustments in those subtexts. From a methodological viewpoint, the historical narrative is largely based on European sources because contemporary Indian sources are limited or unavailable. Had they been available, this narrative might have offered a different perspective. Bicultural exchanges had existed in India between Hindus and Muslims before the arrival of the Portuguese, but probably not to the depth and extent of the reciprocal Indo–Portuguese acculturation witnessed in Goa.

Conclusion

The history of Portuguese Goa is a natural experiment that allows us to study how cultural interpenetration takes place under slow and persistent acculturative stress. In a companion article it will be shown how cultural receptors were used during the Indo–Portuguese bicultural exchange. It will be argued that the Goa case is fairly unique and cannot be fully explained by any of the concepts proposed in post-colonial scientific literature to account for the outcomes of acculturation.

Footnotes

Appendix 1 Funding

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Notes

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Prevention of demoralization in prolonged bicultural conflict and interaction: The role of cultural receptors I – Description of a natural experiment

Abstract

Background:

Material:

Discussion:

Conclusions:

Keywords

Background

Approaches to acculturation

Acculturation and mental health

The significance of cultural receptors

Objective

Method

Results

Discussion

Limitations

Conclusion

Footnotes

Appendix 1

Funding

Notes

References