Abstract
Background:
Literature on mental disorders in migrants is constantly increasing. Only a few studies describe psychopathological dimensions in migrants over their nosographic diagnoses; however, there is a growing literature about the greater utility of a categorical-dimensional approach, rather than a solely categorical approach, in the understanding of mental disorders. The aim of this paper is to describe the phenomenology of mental disorders in migrants referred to the Transcultural Psychiatric Team of Bologna (BoTPT), by analysing the psychopathological dimensions that underlie their clinical diagnoses.
Methods:
We recruited all migrants who attended the BoTPT between May 1999 and July 2009. The psychopathological assessment was conducted with the Association for Methodology and Documentation in Psychiatry (AMDP) and clinical diagnoses were formulated according to ICD-10. We proceeded through a two-step analysis: (1) comparing the prevalence rates of psychopathological symptoms across diagnoses; then (2) conducting a factor analysis to assess how those symptoms configure psychopathological dimensions and how these dimensions underlie clinical diagnoses.
Results:
As expected, we found significant associations between diagnoses and the prevalence of their core psychopathological symptoms. Factor analysis revealed a strong polymorphism of the psychopathological presentation of mental disorders and unexpectedly showed that in each diagnostic cluster, the first extracted factor was not composed of core symptoms.
Conclusions:
A mixed categorical-dimensional approach seems to improve the description of the psychopathology among migrants, as it adds relevant information regarding psychopathological dimensions useful to the understanding of the peculiar clinical expressivity of our patients.
Keywords
Background
The relationship between migration and mental health has been the subject of various investigations in the last few decades. These were mainly prompted by the finding of a higher prevalence of mental disorders among migrants or ethnic minorities compared to natives or fellow countrymen without migratory experiences (Bhugra, 2003; Cantor-Graae & Selten, 2005; de Wit et al., 2008; Fearon et al., 2006; Hutchinson & Haasen, 2004). Despite this, only a few studies have described migrants’ psychopathological features, mostly analysing some isolated symptoms (Familiar, Borges, Orozco & Medina-Mora, 2011; Lau, Cheng, Chow, Ungvari & Leung, 2009; Ritsner & Ponizovsky, 1998; Velthorst et al., 2011) or specific clinical populations, such as refugees and asylum seekers (Birman & Tran, 2008; Dobricki, Komproe, de Jong & Maercker, 2010; Laban, Gernaat, Komproe & DeJong, 2007; Montgomery, 2008; Nickerson, Bryant, Steel, Silove & Brooks, 2010; Norredam, Jensen & Ekstrøm, 2011; Porter & Haslam, 2005).
The scarcity of studies describing psychopathology in migrants may represent an important limit to the comprehension of their mental diseases. Actually, several studies show possible misdiagnoses of mental disorders in migrant patients (Charalabaki, Bauwens, Stefos, Madianos & Mendlewicz, 1995; Haasen, Yagdiran, Mass & Krausz, 2000; Lin & Cheung, 1999), probably due to peculiar clinical presentation and/or expression of suffering across different cultures (Kirmayer, 2001; Kirmayer & Looper, 2006). Psychopathological exploration is important for the understanding of mental disorders in people with different cultural backgrounds as they may challenge the borders of Western nosography through a peculiar codification of suffering. In the last decades, the concept of culture-bound syndromes (CBS) was introduced in clinical psychiatry as an attempt to better account for the clinical peculiarity of some mental disorders found in specific geographical regions or populations: CBS is ‘a broad rubric that encompasses certain behavioral, affective and cognitive manifestations seen in specific cultures’, and would allow a proper labelling and management of clinical pictures that may not be linked to a particular diagnostic category (Balhara, 2011, p. 210). However, CBS still represents a further categorization of migrants’ psychic disease.
Few studies adopt a dimensional approach, while there is wide evidence about the greater utility of a categorical-dimensional approach, rather than a solely categorical approach, in the understanding of mental disorders in psychiatric patients (Demjaha et al., 2009; Egli, Riedel, Möller, Strauss & Läge, 2009; Krueger & Bezdjian, 2009; Läge, Egli, Riedel, Strauss & Möller, 2011; Lecrubier, 2008; Möller, 2008; Möller et al., 2011). These evidences recall the well-known debate about whether the categorical nosography sacrifices validity ‘on the altar of reliability’ (Mullen, 2007, p. 113), and how the diagnostic paradigm, with its ‘dehumanizing impact’ and its ‘dryly empirical approach’ (Andreasen, 2007), would neither address the basic mandate of medicine (Kirmayer, 2005) nor be useful for research (Andreasen, 2007).
The aim of our study is to describe the phenomenology of mental disorders of migrants referred to the Bologna Transcultural Psychiatric Team (BoTPT) by analysing the psychopathological configurations of their clinical diagnoses. In particular, we aim to assess: (1) the prevalence of psychopathological symptoms in patients’ clinical diagnoses; and (2) how those symptoms configure psychopathological dimensions that underlie clinical diagnoses.
Methods
Study setting
The Bologna West Community Mental Health Centre (CMHC) has developed one of the first projects in Italy which prioritises cultural competence at primary and secondary levels of care: the BoTPT (Tarricone et al., 2011). The BoTPT is composed of Bologna West CMHC mental health operators who dedicate part of their work to migrant psychiatric consultation. In the most difficult cases, the BoTPT team directly delivers psychiatric and psychosocial treatment to migrants; in other cases, the BoTPT team provides consultation geared towards identifying the mental and psychosocial needs of migrants, and then redirects patients within the CMHC and other services. Core personnel includes psychiatrists as well as social workers, psychiatric nurses, residents in psychiatry and medical anthropologists. If needed, a cultural mediator joins the multi-professional team. All migrants, with or without papers, and regardless of gender, age, country of origin and legal status (regular or irregular), can have access to the service.
Study population
For the present study we examined data collected from all first-generation migrants who attended the BoTPT between May 1999 and July 2009. The formal inclusion criteria were: (1) patients having their first contact with our service in the indicated time frame; and (2) patients completing our full socio-demographic, migratory and psychopathological assessment. No formal exclusion criteria were applied. Data were collected within one month from their first access. We define as ‘migrants’ people who move from one area to another for varying periods of time and for any reason (WHO, 2003).
Instruments
In order to collect socio-demographic and migration history information we used the Bologna Migration History and Social Integration Questionnaire (Bo-MHQ): it explores migrants’ characteristics (socio-economic and legal conditions, cultural background, social support, quality of life) before, during and after the migration process. The Bo-MHQ was developed by our research team and is currently implemented by the research project ‘EUropean network of national schizophrenia networks studying Gene-Environment Interactions’ (HEALTH-F2-2010-241909; EU-GEI: http://www.eu-gei.eu). A pilot version of the schedule has been used in previous works from our research team (Tarricone et al., 2012a).
To assess psychopathological symptoms we used the Association for Methodology and Documentation in Psychiatry (AMDP, 1979): this is a standardized method of documentation widely spread and validated in Europe (Bobon, 1983; Bobon, von Frenckell & Mormont, 1983; Stieglitz, Fähndrich & Renfordt, 1988), based on traditional descriptive psychopathology (Jaspers, 1913; Schneider, 1950). To our knowledge, it was used only once to explore psychopathology in people with different ethno-cultural backgrounds (Diefenbacher & Heim, 1994). The AMDP covers the whole range of present psychopathological and somatic states through 100 psychopathological items (plus 15 reserve psychopathological items) and 40 somatic items (plus seven reserve somatic items), that are scored on a Likert scale ranging between 0 (absent) and 4 (very severe), according to the AMDP Italian version (Conti, Dell’Osso & Cassano, 1990). Psychopathological and somatic items can be grouped under eight psychopathological syndromes as in Pietzcker et al. (1983): of these, we have used those syndromes that in literature are more often used and significantly associated to clinical diagnoses, namely depressive, positive (paranoid-hallucinatory), negative (apathetic) and somatic (autonomic) syndromes. Positive and negative syndromes have already been shown to be structural psychopathological dimensions in non-affective psychoses (Cuesta & Peralta, 2001) and in first-episode psychoses (Cuesta, Peralta, Gil & Artamendi, 2003); depressive syndrome, along with negative syndrome, is very pertinent in the assessment of depressive disorders (Pietzcker & Gebhardt, 1983), and it has been used in several studies on depressive and other common mental disorders (Barnow, Linden, Lucht & Freyberger, 2002; Diefenbacher & Heim, 1994; Möller-Leimkühler, Bottlender, Strauss & Rutz, 2004), as well as somatic syndrome (Diefenbacher & Heim, 1994; Reischies, von Spiess, & Stieglitz, 1990). Thus, we examined all the 43 psychopathological and somatic items that are included in these four syndromes, testing their categorical correlation and their dimensional distribution in diagnostic clusters. Depressive syndrome is constituted by 13 items (rumination, feelings of loss of feeling, loss of vitality, depression, hopelessness, feelings of inadequacy, feelings of guilt, inhibition of drive, worse in morning, interrupted sleep, shortened sleep, early wakening, decreased appetite), as well as positive syndrome (delusional mood, delusional perception, delusional irruption, delusional ideas, systematized delusions, delusional dynamics, delusions of reference, delusions of persecution, verbal hallucinations, bodily hallucinations, depersonalization, thought withdrawal, other feelings of alien influence). Negative syndrome was composed of eight items (inhibition of thinking, retardation of thinking, circumstantiality of thinking, restriction of thinking, blunted affect, emotional rigidity, lack of drive, social withdrawal) and somatic syndrome had nine items (hypochondriasis, nausea, breathing difficulties, dizziness, palpitations, cardiac pain, increased sweating, headache, hot flashes).
Psychiatric diagnoses were formulated by clinical psychiatrists according to ICD-10 (WHO, 1992) criteria. Case notes were used to complete the Item Group Checklist (IGC) of the Schedule for Clinical Assessment of Neuropsychiatry, Version 2.1 (SCAN; WHO, 1998) and to collect data on symptoms at the time of presentation. Diagnoses were grouped under ICD-10 major categories, in order to perform our analyses on sufficiently numerous diagnostic subgroups.
Statistical analysis
First, we compared the prevalence rates of symptoms across the diagnostic groups, using the χ2 test. Second we conducted separated factor analyses to examine the underlying psychopathological dimensions in each diagnostic subgroup. The number of the factors to extract was determined with the scree test (Cattell, 1966) in respect of Kaiser’s criterion (eigenvalue greater than unity). Item loading with absolute values > 0.40 was used in the description of the factors. When the same items loaded in different factors, we kept those with the higher saturation. Varimax rotation was chosen for the study of the variance. SPSS 18.0 software was used for all analyses.
Ethics
The study procedure was explained in detail and informed consent was obtained from patients, in compliance with the Helsinki Declaration.
Results
Sample and diagnoses
We recruited and evaluated 235 patients. Nearly all fitted three specific diagnostic clusters: 110 patients (47%) were diagnosed with neurotic disorders (ICD F40-F48: ‘neurotic, stress-related and somatoform disorders’); 60 (25%) were diagnosed with affective disorders (ICD F30-F39: ‘affective disorders’); 37 (16%) were diagnosed with psychotic disorders (ICD F20-F29: ‘schizophrenia, schizotypal and delusional disorders’). Twenty-eight patients (12%) were diagnosed with other disorders: eight alcohol-related disorders (F10), four personality disorders (F60); two sexual dysfunctions (F52); two moderate mental retardations (F71); two expressive language disorders (F80.1); one eating disorder (F50); one post-encephalitic syndrome (F07.1); eight non-psychiatric diagnoses. Such subgroups were too small to be studied separately and we decided not to group them into a fourth cluster because of the excessive heterogeneity among these diagnoses. Thus, these twenty-eight patients were excluded from our analyses.
Table 1 shows the socio-demographic characteristics of the 207 cases included. Fifty-three per cent (103 cases) were temporary labour migrants; 20% (38 cases) family reunification migrants; 17% (33 cases) forced migrants – refugees or asylum seekers; and 10% (20 cases) had migrated for other reasons. Some of them already had contacts with psychiatric services (21%) and received (or were still receiving) psychopharmacological treatment (51%), while others were drug-naive and/or at their first contact with a psychiatric service. Migrants with affective disorders were the oldest group, more frequently women and with a high level of education. Migrants with neurotic disorders were the youngest group and more frequently men, especially those diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which was the most frequent diagnosis in refugees and asylum seekers, while psychotic disorders were more frequently diagnosed in labour migrants. More details about our study population have been reported in our previous paper (Tarricone et al., 2012b).
Description of the sample.
AFF = affective disorders, NEU = neurotic, stress-related and somatoform disorders; PSY = schizophrenia, schizotypal and delusional disorders.
5 missing; b16 missing; c13 missing.
Psychopathological analysis and diagnoses
Table 2 shows the prevalence of psychopathological symptoms in each diagnostic cluster. Positive symptoms and formal thought disorders were significantly more frequent in psychotic disorders. Most of the depressive symptoms were significantly more frequent in affective disorders; only rumination and feelings of loss of feeling were more frequent in psychotic disorders than in affective disorders. The prevalence of negative affective symptoms and somatic symptoms did not show significant differences across the diagnostic groups, except for headache, which was more frequent in affective and neurotic disorders compared to psychotic disorders.
Symptomatological prevalence per diagnostic cluster.
AFF = affective disorders; NEU = neurotic, stress-related and somatoform disorders; PSY = schizophrenia, schizotypal and delusional disorders.
*= significant; t = trend.
Factor analysis
We performed a factor analysis to assess how symptoms from the four AMDP syndromes segregated into psychopathological dimensions for each of the three diagnostic clusters (Table 3).
Factor analysis.
Note: Only item loadings with absolute values > 0.40 are shown.
In the affective group (AFF) we extracted three factors, altogether explanatory of 37.2% of the variance. The first factor was exclusively composed of positive symptoms (delusional mood, delusional perception, delusional irruption, delusional ideas, delusional dynamics, delusions of reference, delusions of persecution, depersonalization), while the second was mostly constituted by negative symptoms (circumstantiality of thinking, restriction of thinking, blunted affect, emotional rigidity, social withdrawal, hypochondriasis); only in the third and last factor did we find variables derived from the depressive syndrome, along with other positive and negative symptoms (loss of vitality, hopelessness, inhibition of drive, systematized delusions, retardation of thinking, lack of drive). Among patients in the psychotic group (PSY), we extracted four factors that accounted for 39.9% of the variance: the first factor was mostly composed of somatic symptoms (nausea, dizziness, palpitations, cardiac pain, rumination, interrupted sleep), the second mostly of negative symptoms (inhibition of thinking, retardation of thinking, restriction of thinking, blunted affect, emotional rigidity, feelings of loss of feeling, breathing difficulties), the third nearly only of depressive symptoms (loss of vitality, depression, hopelessness, inhibition of drive, lack of drive) and the fourth nearly only of positive symptoms (delusional irruption, verbal hallucinations, thought withdrawal, other feelings of alien influence, circumstantiality of thinking). In the neurotic group (NEU) we extracted five factors, accounting for 37.5% of variance explanation. The first factor was almost exclusively composed of negative symptoms (inhibition of thinking, retardation of thinking, circumstantiality of thinking, restriction of thinking, emotional rigidity, rumination), the second almost only of depressive symptoms (feelings of inadequacy, inhibition of drive, worse in morning, shortened sleep, early wakening, lack of drive) and the third mostly by positive symptoms (systematized delusions, verbal hallucinations, bodily hallucinations, hypochondriasis, nausea). The fourth factor comprised only somatic symptoms (breathing difficulties, increased sweating, hot flashes), while the fifth only positive symptoms (delusional ideas, delusions of reference, delusions of persecution).
Discussion
In this study, we examined the prevalence of symptoms and the psychopathological structure of mental disorders in a wide group of migrants: we found that, despite the fact that clinical symptoms were more prevalent in the ascribed diagnoses as expected (depressive symptoms in affective disorders, positive and negative symptoms in psychotic disorders), the factor structure of mental disorders was mainly constituted by symptoms that are not usually considered as ‘core symptoms’ in the main diagnostic criteria.
We found peculiar and polymorphic psychopathological configurations of the diagnostic clusters studied in our migrant population. However, only 37–40% of the variance was explained by the extracted factors: this implies that there is a strong polymorphism of the psychopathological presentation of the three diagnostic clusters studied and a weak psychopathological validity of the clinical diagnoses.
The psychopathological polymorphism found could be due to the different cultural backgrounds of migrants and to their complex ways of signifying psychic disease through meanings acquired in different, specific social contexts. Moreover, such a polymorphism could also be due to the diversity of diagnoses included in each diagnostic cluster, even if from a categorical point of view we found expected correlations between diagnostic clusters and core symptoms’ prevalence. Surprisingly, we found that in each of the diagnostic clusters the first extracted factor was predominantly composed of elements not belonging to the traditionally ascribed psychopathological dimensions.
Among psychotic disorders, the first factor was almost exclusively composed of somatic symptoms. Somatic symptoms are common not only among patients with major depression and anxiety diagnoses, but also among those with schizophrenia and other psychoses, both among migrants and natives (Simon & VonKorff, 1991). Somatization is a complex psychopathological construct, probably encompassing both psychosocial and biological factors: it has been explained in terms of altered ‘symptom attribution’ and altered physiological mechanisms such as increased somatic sensitivity. In migrant populations, sociocultural factors, such as stigmatization towards mental illness, fear of discrimination, different expectations on the host country’s health care system and explanations related to the illness, might account for a higher prevalence of somatization (Kirmayer & Looper, 2006). In this regard, a recent study carried out in Italy showed that among migrants, distress due to post-migratory living difficulties amplified the tendency to somatize (Aragona et al., 2011). Furthermore, positive and negative symptomatology was preeminent only in the later factors of psychotic disorders. Similarly, in affective disorders, the first two explanatory factors of the variance were almost exclusively represented by positive and negative symptoms, while elements of depressive syndrome result to be preponderant only in the third factor. Likewise, in neurotic disorders, the first factor is constituted mostly by negative items.
Our results entail several explanatory hypotheses. In our sample, patients with psychotic disorders show the phenomenological centrality of the bodily experience, which may often become the primary or only channel of communication in a migratory context. This can be further discussed through three different perspectives: anthropological, phenomenological and transcultural. According to an anthropological perspective, people live in the world through the body and it is always through the body that they live the experiences that shape their existence. In medical semiotics, the crises of the body and its languages of suffering are almost always directly related to organ dysfunction: the biomedical perspective neglects the fact that the manifestations of suffering of the body have to be thought of as historically grounded languages, which are the result of a dialectic process between perceptual, cognitive and interpersonal experiences. Such a process is shaped by culturally based ways of thinking of and understanding the experience in relation to factors such as family, work and other social contexts (Kirmayer & Sartorius, 2007). According to the phenomenological perspective, corporality is a particular form of human existence through which man speaks and expresses himself: such language becomes the out-and-out vehicle of communication when spoken language grows fainter as a result of a renunciation to communicating towards the community and by cause of a withdrawal into one’s inner self. In this condition of isolation, corporality becomes the refuge of the being, the site of a drive now blind that pushes towards the existential void of one’s own private world (‘idios kosmos’) (Binswanger, 1947). This could be a significant process for migrants, for whom linguistic barriers can thwart the verbal transmission of emotional states and psychic disease. According to a transcultural perspective, corporality and somatic symptoms could be classified as cultural idioms of distress, new meanings for a range of emotions ‘improvised through fragmentary metaphors grounded in bodily experience’ (Kirmayer & Young, 1998, p. 427). Cultural idioms of distress would not define discrete disorders as somatoform disorders, but rather they would just be ‘culturally prescribed modes of understanding and narrating health problems and broader personal and social concerns’ (Kirmayer & Sartorius, 2007, p. 835); thus, rather than being reduced to any broader diagnostic entity, they would configure as disorders in their own right cutting across DSM categories (Kirmayer & Young, 1998). These forms of body language can be read as tools for the repositioning of the subject in the context of his/her family or in his/her role in the social context.
‘In a larger sense then, symptoms can be understood as having meanings as moves within a local system of power. […] Certain symptoms have been interpreted as being forms of “resistance” or “weapons of the weak”, used to evade or attenuate injustices or to undermine otherwise unassailable power holders’. (Kirmayer & Young, 1998, p. 425)
Finally, several works have tried to emphasize how close the relation is between the symptomatic manifestation – and the sociocultural context into which it is shaped – and the process of signification (Jenkins & Barrett, 2004), thus suggesting the need to ‘move beyond the conventional view of culture as pathoplastic (merely shaping psychotic experiences and giving them content) to a view of culture as playing a role in the very structure of psychotic experience itself’ (Barrett, 1998, p. 491).
For what concerns affective disorders, instead, it is worth noticing the weight of positive and negative symptomatology in the psychopathological configurations shown by factor analysis. Such significance could have prognostic implications, as several studies have confirmed that negative symptoms predict a poorer outcome and deficit in social and cognitive functioning, not only among the schizophrenic spectrum but also in affective disorders (Bottlender, Strauss & Möller, 2010; Herbener & Harrow, 2004; Möller et al., 2010). Furthermore, Velthorst et al. (2011) focused attention on these two psychopathological dimensions in ethnic minorities, suggesting that the experience of attenuated positive symptoms, when accompanied by negative or depressive symptoms, can predict the transition to the first psychotic episode.
Neurotic disorders were characterized by different dimensions, each of them depicting a peculiar psychopathological shape of these mainly stress-related disorders: formal thought disorders, hallucinations, delusions, sleep and autonomic disorders. This variety of psychopathological expressivity may be due to the wide range of diagnoses included in this major category; although, it shows other different, polymorphic modalities of psychic effractions that migratory experience entails and their severity even in disorders that are not traditionally considered major disorders. It is noteworthy that this diagnostic cluster is mainly represented by young men, and in 13% of the cases by asylum seekers or refugees. This might explain in part the psychopathological variety of the five extracted dimensions, since these could reflect psychotic (formal thought disorders, hallucinations, delusions) and physiopathologic (sleep, autonomic) reactions to traumatic events.
Our study identified peculiar and unexpected psychopathological configurations in the clinical diagnoses of the patients assessed at our premises. If our results were to be replicated, this would remark the difficulty of collocating the psychic diseases of migrants inside the occidental nosography, and would highlight the difficulties of a categorical system describing the psychopathology of patients from other cultures. These results are in agreement with those of other studies suggesting that a categorical-dimensional approach would be more useful in the understanding of mental disorders (Demjaha et al., 2009; Egli et al., 2009; Krueger & Bezdjian, 2009; Läge et al., 2011; Lecrubier, 2008; Möller, 2008; Möller et al., 2011), with dimensions further enriching information contained within the traditional diagnostic systems (Allardyce, McCreadie, Morrison & van Os, 2007; Dikeos et al., 2006). To our knowledge, there is only one previous study that has explored migrants’ psychopathology through factor analysis (Hutchinson, Takei, Sham, Harvey & Murray, 1999).
This approach may have several clinical implications. The exploration of psychopathological dimensions may lead to an optimization of psychiatric intervention, by tailoring treatment to the individual. Furthermore, studies exploring associations of categorical and dimensional models have reported the superiority of dimensions over diagnostic categories at predicting clinical course, outcome and treatment response (Peralta, Cuesta, Giraldo, Cardenas & Gonzalez, 2002; Rosenman, Korten, Medway & Evans, 2003; van Os et al., 1996).
Limitations
These findings need to be considered in light of the study’s limitations, such as the lack of relevant information about medical and substance-related comorbidities, or the fact that some patients were already receiving treatment while others were not. Also, the sample size was relatively small, especially for the AFF and PSY cohorts: these findings can only be taken as tentative until replicated on a larger scale. Still, our study might add relevant evidence supporting the utility of a combined categorical-dimensional approach to understand psychopathology in migrants. Further studies should be carried out to confirm and extend our findings, possibly with a comparable native control group and follow-up assessment confirming the factors structure’s stability over time. Moreover, our study would need to be replicated in other settings to test the reproducibility of our observations. In the present study we did not analyse the correlation between migratory history’s features and psychopathology: this point deserves further studies, in order to elucidate if and how those features may impact on psychopathology.
Conclusions
We found that among migrants attending our services the factor structure of several mental disorders shows important differences when compared with the symptoms included in the ICD-10 diagnostic system. The analysis of psychopathological dimensions – particularly with a mixed categorical-dimensional approach – might allow a better understanding of mental disorders in migrants. In our experience, this approach is quite simple and feasible in the clinical setting. Thus, our results encourage future implementations of this methodology of psychopathological evaluation in the clinical transcultural context.
Footnotes
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
