Cultural responses towards the aftermath of suicide among the Acholi in Northern Uganda

No grieving of a suicide

Among the Acholi, culture demands no grieving of a suicide. It was noted in the interviews that those that kill themselves are a disgrace to themselves and the society, and therefore not worth grieving: ‘Killing oneself is disrespect and a disgrace for yourself and you don’t expect others to respect you. We don’t show emotional devastation [outpour] for such people [the suicide]’ (community leader, Unyama), and ‘Society is expected to grieve only those that deserve [grieving] it’ (community leader, Unyama). We see in the views of these informants that suicide is regarded a disgrace. It affects the relationship of the individual and the society, and this position provokes, within the Acholi culture, normative affect regulation, as the family and community members are meant to believe that they have not lost a valuable person. This is contrary to what is regarded as ‘normal’ death where there is always a lot of emotional outpour (Bukuluki, 2008).

Burying immediately

After deaths, the Acholi have long periods of grieving and mourning extending to weeks or months. This cultural practice partly depicts the respect society had for the deceased person. However, upon a suicide, the body is always buried immediately, because culture demands no grieving. There is never a vigil (e.g. sleeping overnight at the deceased person’s place; a common practice in Uganda and among the Acholi) for such a person, and even in circumstances where the person has died in the house, the body is immediately removed for burial: ‘Even if someone has died in the house; the body will be removed immediately [and be buried]’ (KI). Those that die elsewhere (outside) the house are also buried immediately from where the suicide has taken place: ‘The body of a suicide is always buried immediately [from where the act has taken place] because it [the body] cannot be taken home’ (KI).

Here, we see two important cultural symbols at play relating to a home (house) among the Acholi: (a) a home is deemed a decent place, and since a suicide is regarded a disgrace to society, the body of a suicide does not deserve to be put in the home, and (b) keeping the body of a suicide in a house means conducting a vigil, yet culture demands immediate burial of the disgraced person which society should not be culturally obligated to respect. Since culture demands no emotional expression upon a suicide, burying immediately seems to be one of the ways to support the bereaved family, relatives and the close community members in affect regulation that is normative of the Acholi culture.

This finding is in keeping with what we found among the Baganda in central Uganda. They also undertake a similar practice by burying a suicide immediately and do not allow the body in the house for a vigil (Mugisha et al., 2011). In essence, the community seems to shorten the grieving process (in the Baganda and Acholi culture) in order to prevent the bereaved family (and other community members who may be close to the deceased person) from emotional display which culture seems to forbid.

In addition to the above, the body of the suicide is not only immediately buried, but it is also buried in what communities described as a special way, as the body of the suicide is regarded as dangerous material:

The head of a suicide will not face the house [as it is done with normal death], it faces the opposite direction. This is a traditional symbol that the spirit of the deceased should not come or keep near the house or home. It should go somewhere else. (FGD, men)

Another member of the FGD noted, ‘The head should not face the house because the spirit should go into big rivers and forests’. By burying the body in a special way, the communities feel that they have dealt with the threat of the spirit of the suicide, and this is likely to restore calmness among members of the deceased family and the community since they are assured that the spirits will not haunt them. The Baganda display a related practice by sometimes burying in a forest or near a river due to the similar cultural fears and reasons.

Using strong words and singing songs while burying a suicide

In addition to burying a suicide quickly and in a special way, elders use strong words and songs while leading the community to bury the deceased person. Informants noted that the essence in these words and songs is to display that the elders and the entire community are unhappy with the suicide, which is likely to cause trouble to the family and the entire community: ‘The songs just aim at turning you into a total shame and distress to society’ (KI). Simultaneously, they use the words and songs to remind/pledge with the suicide that he or she should not cause trouble to the family and the community:

They remind the deceased in strong words that we are burying you but you should be the last person here to do such an act. An act of disgrace, an act of humiliation, an act of disrespect for culture … Don’t come back to haunt any other person. We did not have trouble with you [as a community or family]. (FGD, men)

One informant noted more directly: ‘[He] is reminded that though he has died an angry person, he or she should not come back with anger’ (KI).

According to our participants, the words and songs send a message/warning that (a) suicide will not be tolerated in the community and (b) the community acknowledges the power of the spirits. Through this, the community is assured that the deceased person’s spirit has been dealt with by punishment through strong words/songs and appeased through pledging for mercy, consequently upholding the normative order and peace for the community. In our project among the Baganda (Mugisha et al., 2011), we indicated that songs might have therapeutic value for the bereaved family during their recovery. We find this assertion equally important here.

Organizing funeral rites

The Acholi allow funeral rites for a suicide: ‘People are allowed to organize funeral rites just like for normal death’ (KI). Another informant added, ‘For us in Acholi, such activities (funeral rites) are ok and community members do not find a major problem with it’ (KI). This is contrary to the common practice in many other ethnic groups in Uganda (Kinyanda, 2007; Mugisha et al., 2012; Ovuga, 2005). In essence, the funeral rite(s) is a public acknowledgement that the family lost their person to suicide, the mourning period is now over and now they are ready to move on with normal life.

Caning the body

Informants reported that the body of a suicide is caned before burial as a traditional sign of disapproval in that the community cannot tolerate suicide. FGD participants reported that a man is given three strokes while a woman is given four strokes of the cane: ‘a woman is caned more because as a mother she has disappointed the family and the community the more’ (FGD, women). Some informants added that the body of deceased women may be given more strokes because of the traditional belief that the spirit of a woman might be more dangerous than that of a man: ‘women get annoyed over many things and so do their spirits’ (FGD, men). This gender difference, however, was reported not to be a commonly shared belief in most communities. Most interviews conducted indicated that all lachen are the same: ‘whether a person has been your father or mother once he or she dies they are not a friend’ (FGD, men). It can be inferred from the views of our informants that caning has psychological significance as communities believe that by caning the body they are dealing with the dangerous spirit, and this is likely to make future generations secure.

Offering sacrifices to the spirits

The body is buried immediately, but the suicide act leaves a risk that has to be dealt with right away. Some informants noted that suicide means human sacrifice, and therefore one of the ways to respond to this tragedy is to sacrifice an animal. Among the Acholi, animals are used for traditional cleansing, especially in case of a violent death/shedding blood: ‘Among us, animals are used for traditional cleansing. We shed their blood for this purpose especially in case someone has died of a violent death’ (KI). It was further noted that the most preferred animal for ritual sacrifice is the sheep. The sheep among the Acholi is regarded as a humble animal, which is used for cleansing purposes where there is violence, as it is believed that it can restore calmness:

The sheep is a humble and cool animal; it is not like a goat. A goat is stubborn therefore it is used for normal things like rape, adultery and other light crimes. A sheep helps in dealing with violence unlike the goat. (KI)

Informants reported that the sheep should be ‘pure’ white in colour since white means purity among the Acholi, and traditional cleansing culturally means restoring purity: ‘A sheep should not have any dot on its skin of any color. Pure white for us Acholi’s is purity’ (KI).

Hence, the sheep should not have any blemishes and something unnatural. It must be looking ‘holy’. It was, for example, noted that a black sheep regardless of size and age cannot be sacrificed. Equally, a lame sheep cannot be sacrificed as this will be regarded as mocking the spirits and it can easily invoke their wrath: ‘Here we respect our spirits so much and we are also aware that they can be dangerous. One cannot use a lame sheep because it can easily invoke their wrath’ (KI). It was also urged that a diseased animal cannot be used for sacrifice proposed for anything in the spiritual domain: ‘Spirits only like good things, if you give them diseased animals they can also pay you back in the same way and more’ (KI).

The sex of the animal used is the same as the sex of the person who has taken his or her own life. ‘If a man commits suicide, they use a male sheep and vice versa’ (KI). It was further noted that a sheep used in sacrifice should be of age so that the spirits can appreciate it: ‘The sheep should be independent of the mother. It must be able to eat grass otherwise the spirits will not appreciate it’ (KI).

When the sheep has been sacrificed, they throw it in the cave for animals to eat it as people deem it risky to eat the meat: ‘No member of that clan [clan of the suicide] can eat on such meat. The non-members are free to eat it, if they so wish, but some people see it as risky’ (KI). The rwot- mo (traditional chiefs) have to endorse where the sacrificial lamb should be thrown and whether the meat could be eaten by non-clan members. The blood of the sheep can be used to cleanse the place where the suicide has occurred:

Some of the soft tissues in the sheep’s womb are removed, put on a piece of leaf and blood from them is sprinkled where the body of the deceased is going to be buried. The rest is sprinkled around the base of the tree where someone has taken his/her life. (KI)

Once the sheep is sacrificed, the family, clan and the entire community gain the confidence that calmness has been restored in society.

Although not popular, in some instances, community members can be allowed by cultural leaders to offer birds for sacrifice. This is only possible if the cultural leaders are sure that the family in question is very poor and cannot easily get help from the extended family: ‘In some occasions, the cultural leaders can seat and allow a family where there is abject poverty to use a bird [e.g. a cock] for sacrifice’ (KI). When asked why there is preference for sheep and not chicken, it was explained that ‘the hen has two legs while the sheep has four legs. Something of four legs is culturally more valuable than that of two legs’ (FGD, men). Just like for animals, the birds given to the spirits must have no blemish. This is the only way they can be appreciated by the spirits. These practices indicate rational spirits, which can appreciate someone’s status in life and accept the sheep for the able families and birds for the poor families. However, once a white bird has been sacrificed, calmness is restored in the poor family, clan and the community. Baganda equally use animals and birds as sacrifices to restore calmness after a suicide (Mugisha et al., 2011).

The FGDs also indicated that although there is a lot of emphasis on a white sheep during such traditional ceremonies, elders are likely now to accept any colour once there is no immediate alternatives: ‘… but with the modern times and due to war, there is scarcity of animals and these days the color does not matter’ (FGD, men). The rituals thus have been adjusted to the financial circumstances, which had changed due to the long-lasting war.

Uprooting and burning the tree where someone has taken his life

Among the Acholi, a place where someone has taken his life is regarded as a taboo area. The common practice is to uproot and burn the tree into ashes in broad daylight by the community members: ‘The tree where a suicide is hanging is regarded a bad omen so it is uprooted. Those that are still living should not use it for shelter’ (KI). Another community leader underlined that this was an endeavour for the entire community and that it had to be done properly: ‘The community gathers, uproots the tree and burns it to ashes. Even the small branches are burnt’ (KI). The reason for all these precautions was the threat by the evil spirit that would take other community members with him: ‘if that tree is not removed, lachen will remain and keep on taking community people one after the other’ (FGD, men). The community can neither use the tree for firewood nor charcoal, because traditionally it is regarded as an object where evil has occurred and can be transmitted: ‘Once used for cooking [the tree], it can be an instrument of transmitting evil’ (KI).

As contact with the tree is perceived as extremely dangerous, nobody is supposed to pass near it before it is burnt: ‘Children are not supposed to get into contact with such a tree and they are not allowed to play near it’ (KI). Even when the tree is uprooted and burnt, the place where it stood still is perceived dangerous and the children are discouraged to use that place for generations: ‘Because it is a place of evil and evil cannot be easily be uprooted or washed away in one day’ (KI). By banning the place where the tree stood and erasing all traces after the tree, the community seems to take measures to protect their community and future generations.

Burning down the hut

Huts are the most common shelter used by the Acholi. Once someone takes his life in the hut, it is pulled down and burnt. Those who live in permanent houses can pull down a section of the house: ‘They can just put down part of the house like the shed and burn it. Otherwise modern houses are expensive’ (KI). The rest of the house can be secured with traditional measures: ‘They can then sprinkle the rest of the house [hut] with blood from the sheep’ (KI). In a permanent house, the Acholi remove the pole someone has used for hanging as they think it is dangerous: ‘they aim at a pole where someone is hanging as what they remove first’ (FGD, men), as this is deemed to be the most dangerous material. By burning the hut or pulling down a section of a house, the Acholi believe that they have chased away the dangerous spirit that would ‘disturb’ their present life and future.

Burning the rope

The rope that was used for the suicide is the most feared object in the Acholi culture. It is regarded as the most risky material mankind can ever come into contact with: ‘It is completely burned to ashes but also under great fear’ (KI). Given its sensitivity as a dangerous object, this traditional ceremony can only be done by ‘strong’ cultural leaders. Any small remains of the rope are deemed risky material and dangerous to the children, family and the entire community: ‘The rope cannot be carried home because of this cultural interpretation’ (KI). And if it is carried home, it is believed other family members of all ages will take their life. When a rope is burnt, the community is convinced that they have dealt with a very dangerous material, and therefore this restores calmness in the community.

It was further reported that when cutting off the suicide from the rope, they don’t do it in a dignified way. They cut the rope and the person just falls in a pit and she or he is quickly buried. Nobody is allowed to touch such a person: ‘The way you fall in the ditch is the way they bury you. You are not supposed to have a dignified exit’ (KI). A similar practice is reported among the Baganda (Kinyanda, 2007; Mugisha et al., 2011).

Cleansing the woman

Among the Acholi, the woman is traditionally property of the clan. Upon the death of the husband by suicide, the clan leaders perform some rituals so that she can easily be taken on by another clan member. They can use blood from a sheep during or after the funeral rights to cleanse the wife of the deceased person as well as her future husband: ‘The elders can sprinkle blood from the intestines of the lamb on the man who intends to marry her. The woman gets to know that this is going to be my next husband’ (KI). Cleansing the woman means that not only does she become secure but also those that will be into close contact/association with her in future.

Cleansing upon marriage

Community leaders noted that if a woman comes from a family where there is a history of suicide, her family has to provide a sheep for sacrifice: ‘Otherwise, even in marriage she will take her life’ (KI). Interestingly, this practice does not apply to a man who has the same family history: ‘For a man, elders might ignore’ (FGD, women).

We see gender issues here, whereby culture becomes strict on the woman and becomes more lenient on the man. Similarly, among the Baganda, women bereaved by suicide cannot be married unless they have performed traditional cleansing ceremonies (Mugisha, 2012). The lamb used in this traditional function for women is not thrown to the wild animals, but cooked without salt and eaten by the elders: ‘We eat it without salt and even the woman can taste it’ (KI). If it, on the other hand, is the man who has lost the wife, he is free to look for any other woman in the community: ‘It is common for people to fear such a man but elders will always come in’ (KI). They perform the traditional cleansing ceremonies so that such a person is acceptable in society.

Compensation to the family

Acholi generally have a traditional compensation scheme for any suicide that is caused by a spouse. It was reported that if a woman forces a man to take his life, the woman will pay the in-laws compensation, otherwise the spirit haunts her. The elders determine the compensation and the clan pays it; it can be three to six cows. These are taken to the home of the clan leader where the deceased person belonged: ‘Because it is done [compensation] by the whole clan there is no possibility of someone failing to do it. How can a whole clan fail?’ (FGD, men). In case it is the man who makes the woman take her life, compensation will be done through the same process. However, if it is a man, the compensation is bigger: ‘the man will be told to pay 10 cows’ (FGD, men).

It was further noted that some suicides cannot be blamed on anyone. When elders investigate and find that there is no culprit, no compensation is made: ‘Unprovoked suicide is not compensated. For example if a woman wakes up and on her own goes to the garden and takes her life, no one is blamed and there is no compensation’ (FGD, men). Elders investigate whether in the lineage someone has ever died of suicide and was not compensated and his or her spirit is haunting the family/clan: ‘they investigate the past and find out and if compensation was not made, it is done there and then’ (FGD, men). The question of guilt, thus, is investigated through the entire family history and not only for the actual incident.

The animals that have been given to the man as compensation for the loss of the wife can only be used to get a substitute for the wife: ‘the cows can be sold but can only be used to marry another wife; you cannot use that money for any other purpose’ (FGD, men). As seen from the views of informants, compensation occurs to prevent the spirit from haunting the individual and the family that is blamed for the suicide.

Cleansing children

Traditional cleansing ceremonies are conducted on the children losing a parent to suicide. They are similar to those performed on a female who has lost a spouse to suicide: ‘The children are sprinkled with blood from a sheep. While they are performing this ceremony, the clan leaders proclaim that the evil should go away with the sunset [and should not haunt the children]’ (KI). We see children here being disentangled from the spirit of a suicide and therefore able to go on with normal life thereafter.

Sharing of belongings and disabling the spirit

The clothing and other belongings of the deceased person are taken immediately after burial by maternal uncles and not family members. They go with one shoe and leave the other one at the grave. This implies that the spirit of the deceased person cannot follow them as one shoe means loss of mobility: ‘One shoe means one leg. That means that the bad spirit has been disabled’ (KI). The spirits are perceived mobile and have to be symbolically destroyed, if the communities are to be secure. But once it is done, community members move on with life.

It was also explained that at the last funeral rites, the property of the deceased person can be distributed to clan members after a cleansing ceremony: ‘The clan members are called, they get a hen, sacrifice it to cleanse the property [including clothing] of the deceased and thereafter they distribute them to clan members’ (FGD, men). As noted earlier on, traditional cleansing ceremonies of living people as well as places and objects are used partly to disentangle the evil spirit after a suicide from current and future generations.

Naming an heir

Naming a person after an elder is traditionally regarded as carrying the elder’s legacy and personality into the future. In contrast to other communities in Uganda (Kinyanda, 2007; Mugisha et al., 2012; Ovuga, 2005), it is possible to name a child after a suicide among the Acholi. Although this possibility exists among the Acholi, the chances of actually doing so were reportedly rare: ‘The name gets off the list’ (KI). Another informant in the same zone added, ‘Among the Acholi, elders who are not of good character their names are not supposed to be carried forward’ (FGD, men). In the same vein, another informant noted, ‘There is the thinking that once children are named after those that have committed “evil” to society, they will also do the same’ (FGD, men). Despite the existing possibility, it seems that the Acholi are precautious and seldom name a child after a person who has taken his or her life. This probably is part of the efforts to protect the child and future generations for suicide.