Abstract
62.324 ABENSOUR, Miguel —
This article explores the problem of voluntary servitude identified by Etienne de La Boétie in his Discours de la servitude volontaire [1549]. There is a wrong way and a right way to interpret La Boétie's claim that we voluntarily submit to the power of the tyrant. The wrong way —promulgated by a whole tradition of western political philosophy — uses the voluntary servitude thesis to make a claim about the inevitability of domination and the unsuitability of people for self-rule, thus obscuring its true emancipatory gesture. The right way to use La Boétie's thesis is to lead us on an investigation of the risks and pitfalls we must avoid in our pursuit of liberty. [R] [See Abstr. 62.332]
62.325 ALLEN, Amy —
Exploring the apparent tension between M. Foucault's analyses of technologies of domination — the ways in which the subject is constituted by power-knowledge relations — and of technologies of the self —the ways in which individuals constitute themselves through practices of freedom — this article makes two points: (1) the interpretive claim that Foucault's own attempts to analyze both aspects of the politics of our selves are neither contradictory nor incoherent; and (2) the constructive claim that Foucault's analysis of the politics of our selves, though not entirely satisfactory as it stands, provides important resources for the project of critical social theory. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Foucault across the disciplines”, edited and introduced, pp. 1–12, by Colin KOOPMAN. See also Abstr. 62.22, 339, 367]
62.326 ARENA, Valentina —
[Besides] a tradition of Roman liberty, we should also [consider] the existence of other conceptions of liberty, so far occluded under the prominence of Cicero's ideas. By analyzing the debate [for] and [against] sumptuary laws enacted from the 3rd c. BC onwards, the article identifies a first notion of liberty which coincided with the absence of any external legal constraints upon the citizens' private life. The second intellectual family of concepts equated libertas to the absence of constraints from one's own passions as well as the capacity to pursue something worth pursuing for the well-being of the community. The third notion of libertas identified liberty with the absence of arbitrary domination to achieve one's own ends and resided in the supremacy of the rule of law. [R, abr.]
62.327 AXTMANN, Roland —
The notion of cultural plurality and the idea of intercultural dialogue have been central to the discussion of cosmopolitanism in both political philosophy and social theory. This point is developed in an exposition of the arguments put forward by I. Kant and H. Arendt and through a critical engagement with U. Beck's social theory of cosmopolitanism as a “social reality”. It is argued that Beck's analysis fails to convince as a sociological extension of a long philosophical tradition and that instead of Beck's macrostructural analysis it is more promising to formulate an actor-centered sociological theory on the transnationalization of social spaces and the formation of a “cosmopolitan” consciousness or awareness of transnational actors. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Cosmopolitanism and the study of German politics”, edited and introduced by Claire SUTHERLAND, “German politics and society from a cosmopolitan perspective”, pp. 1–19. See also Abstr. 62.796, 1206, 1219, 1280]
62.328 BARCELOS, Paulo —
This article introduces the issue of global justice by an assessment of the views of John Rawls, as advanced in his The Law of Peoples [Cambridge, Mass., 1999]. That book places us in the center of the apparent paradox that shapes liberal-egalitarian thinking and the concept model of international justice. Rawls's concept of international justice has been criticized as contradictory with his concept of justice applied to the domestic sphere. [R, abr.]
62.329 BERNSTEIN, Richard J. —
The author investigates the merits of studying Schmitt today, [although] his entanglement with National Socialism and writings of exceptional powers over established law makes him a controversial and contentious figure to engage. He focuses on Schmitt's concept of enmity, agreeing with Schmitt's condemnation of absolute enmity, arguing that wars have increasingly dehumanized the other and degraded the friend/enemy distinction that enables politics to occur; these problems of dehumanization and the limits to enmity are raised within Schmitt's work where they are elided elsewhere, and while Schmitt may not offer acceptable solutions to these problems, his reflections upon them call upon us the need to undergo the moral reflection necessary to address them. [R] [See Abstr. 62.468]
62.330 BIDAR, Abdennour —
The late Islamic scholar Mohamed Arkoun devoted his work to a patient reconstruction of the hidden or discredited parts of Islam in order to break with its appropriation by political or religious powers. By reconstituting this critical undertaking which has been censored in parts of the Arab world, one may understand why it has been rejected by many, but also why it remains indispensable. [R, transl.] [See Abstr. 62.154]
62.331 BLANKINSHIP, Khalid Yahya —
There is no just or rational way to impugn Islam and the Muslims for upholding concepts that are still held equally dear in the West. This prejudicial distancing also helps in turn to suppress any discussion of the actual, invariably political, and always comparable causes of all warfare, thereby enabling the continuance of the idealization of war and the demonization of those perceived as “enemies”. Neither has Muslim warfare historically or at present been characterized by either exclusively or mainly religious motivations in fact, nor has western warfare been so devoid of religious content and charge as western people are accustomed to think. The historical wars of the Muslims no more deserve characterization by the pejorative term “holy war” than do wars waged by western powers down to the present. [R]
62.332 CARTER, Alan —
This article considers two different, yet related, theoretical approaches that could be employed to ground the anarchist critique of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary practice, and thus of the state in general: the State-Primacy Theory and the Quadruplex Theory. The State-Primacy Theory appears to be consistent with several of Bakunin's claims about the state. However, the Quadruplex Theory might, in fact, turn out to be no less consistent with Bakunin's claims than the State-Primacy Theory. In addition, the Quadruplex Theory seems no less capable of supporting the anarchist critique of Marxism-Leninism than the State-Primacy Theory. The article concludes by considering two possible refinements that might be made to the Quadruplex Theory. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The libertarian impulse”, edited and introduced, pp. 239–244, by Saul NEWMAN. See also Abstr. 62.324, 347, 354, 355, 359]
62.333 CASTIGLIONE, Dario, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 311–316. Articles by Pietro COSTA, “Reading principia iuris”, pp. 317–326; Pier Luigi CHIASSONI, “Constitutionalism out of a positivist mind cast: the garantismo way”, pp. 327–342; Paolo SANDRO, “An axiomatic theory of law”, pp. 343–354; Luigi FERRAJOLI, “The normative paradigm of constitutional democracy”, pp. 355–368; Luca BACCELLI, “The logical foundation of fundamental rights and their universality”, pp. 369–376; Alessandro FERRARA, “Ferrajoli's argument for structural entrenchment”, pp. 377–384.
62.334 CLAASSEN, Rutger —
This paper reconstructs the political-theoretical triangle between liberalism, communitarianism and conservatism. The substantive outcome is the following thesis: the conservative position poses a challenge to liberalism that communitarianism is unable to offer and that liberalism cannot incorporate as it could with communitarianism. This challenge lies in the conservative's ideal of a traditionally evolved, purposeless form of civil association, and its associated view on the justification of authority within such forms of association. This ideal cannot be incorporated into liberalism's overall concern with individual autonomy, in contrast to the communitarian's ideal of community. This is shown through an investigation of two key elements of the conservative ideal of civil association: its “purposelessness” and its justification of authority. [R, abr.]
62.335 CONFORTI, Yitzhak —
The state of Israel, which developed from a nationalist ethnic-cultural movement, integrated within it ethnic values as well as Western civic values. The founders of the central wing of the movement all aspired to create a Jewish national state that upheld these values. Furthermore, the planning of the Zionist Utopia by the central group of the Zionist leadership was usually realistic and minimalist, not holistic. This position enabled the leadership to strike a balance between vision and reality, and to address the historical circumstances on the path toward establishment of the state. [R, abr.]
62.336 CRISTI, Renato —
The author examines C. Schmitt's treatment of the constituent power in his Constitutional Theory, arguing that “constituent power” effectively serves as a surrogate for the term “sovereignty” in this work. He highlights the work of H. Arendt and A. Kalyvas, who both acknowledge this relationship between sovereignty and the constituent power and the democratic potential of this relationship; but whereas Arendt acknowledges the danger of the constituent power to be filled by the monarchical principle, the author argues that Kalyvas does not take such a possibility into account. [R] [See Abstr. 62.468]
62.337 DiZEREGA, Gus —
American and European liberalism began to take different paths in the 19th c., particularly with respect to their views on democracy. This divergence stems in part from the fact that liberal principles give rise to different types of spontaneous order, each of which generates unique patterns of social coordination. [R]
62.338 DROLET, Michael —
This article explores how Guizot's critique of democracy was part of a serious contribution to discussions about moral theory that dominated French political thought in the first decades of the 19th c. It analyzes how Guizot's reflections on selfhood and moral psychology were central to that critique, and shows how Guizot and other doctrinaires believed that the political and social instability that marked France from the time of the Revolution stemmed logically from the materialist doctrines and ideas on political sovereignty of the philosophes and their 19th c. successors, the idéologues. The article charts the evolution of Guizot's and the doctrinaires' philosophical reflections and pays special attention of the dialogue that developed between them and the philosopher M. de Biran on Th. Reid's philosophy of Common Sense and its political implications. [R, abr.]
62.339 FERGUSON, James —
Many contemporary uses of Foucauldian modes of analysis to “critique power” (as it is often put) today lead to a rather sterile form of political engagement, in which denunciation (the politics of the “anti”) takes the place of positive political programs, and the strategies of government that such positive programs necessarily entail. Attention to some of M. Foucault's own remarks about politics hints at a different political sensibility, in which empirical experimentation rather than moralistic denunciation takes center place. This article identifies some examples of such experimentation that come out of recent research on the politics of social assistance in southern Africa, and draws conclusions regarding the prospects for developing a “left art of government”. [R] [See Abstr. 62.325]
62.340 FORDE, Steven —
The moral theory of “mixed modes” Locke presents in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding [1690] is beset with paradoxes. He tells us that all mixed modes, including moral concepts, are “arbitrary” mental constructs. On the other hand, he speaks of an “eternal law” of right and wrong, and is well known as a champion of objective, universally valid natural law. This paradox stems from problems created by the new natural science. That science is predicated on the demolition of Aristotelian Scholasticism. Locke participates in that demolition on behalf of science, but it leaves him with limited options in building his own moral theory. Samuel Pufendorf responded to this situation by devising a theory of “moral modes”, and Locke follows Pufendorf's model. The essay notes some similarities and differences with the moral metaphysics of Immanuel Kant. [R]
62.341 FRANK, Martin —
This essay defends the view that Kant neither is nor can be a just war theorist. The main reason for this is his conception of the state of nature. In Kant's state of nature, it is impossible to identify the justice of a war and to connect legal consequences to this identification. First, some arguments of the opposite view which sees Kant as a just war theorist are discussed. Second, I ask whether Kant will share the main values which underlie just war theory (orientation towards justice and peace, limitation of violence). The last section argues that Kant's ius post bellum should not simply be viewed as an extension of just war categories but also as a critique and radical transformation of traditional just war theory. [R]
62.342 FREY, Bruno S. —
G. Tullock is one of the most important of the founders and contributors to Public Choice. Two innovations are typical “Tullock challenges”. The first relates to method: the measurement of subjective wellbeing, or happiness. The second relates to digital social networks, such as Face-book, Twitter, and to some extent Google. Both innovations lead to strong incentives by governments to manipulate the policy outcomes. In general, “What is important will be manipulated by the government”. To restrain government manipulation, one has to turn to Constitutional Economics and increase the possibilities for direct popular participation and federalism or introduce random mechanisms. [R]
62.343 GARSTEN, Bryan —
L. Swaine attempts to persuade theocrats of the value of liberty of conscience. But his promotion of principles of conscience for theocratic communities reveals a divided spirit in contemporary liberalism, which is torn between wanting to respect religion as it is and wanting to reform or liberalize it. [R] [See Abstr. 62.371]
62.344 GENCOGLU-ONBASI, Funda —
The notion of public reason, developed by two of the most influential contemporary political thinkers — J. Habermas and J. Rawls — as well as the contemporary discussions on the concepts of citizenship, civil society and the public sphere, among others, are all manifestations of the attempt to handle the thorny issue of the relationship between difference and equality. This article analyzes these two conceptualizations of public reason in a comparative perspective: the point where they depart each other is too important to be neglected. Although Habermas described his criticism of Rawls as a “familial dispute” and stated that he is engaged in a “friendly and provocative” critique in such a way that Rawls's theory can reveal its strengths, this article insists that the use of public reason is conceptualized radically differently by Rawls and Habermas. [R, abr.]
62.345 GIROUX, Henry A. —
In its current form, neoliberal politics, economics, and public pedagogy have become a register of how difficult it is for American society to make any claims on the promise of a democracy to come. As the realm of democratic politics shrinks and is turned over to market forces, social bonds crumble and any representation of communal cohesion is treated with disdain. Public values and consideration of the common good are erased from politics, while the social state and responsible modes of governing are replaced by a punishing state and a Darwinian notion of social relations. If we are to imagine another type of society, it is imperative for intellectuals, educators, artists, and other cultural workers to once again put the social question on the political agenda. [R, abr.]
62.346 GOUREVITCH, Alex —
The author examines the relationship between conceptions of republican liberty and labor, arguing that both neo-republicans and some labor theorists have lost touch with the emancipatory potential of republican liberty, focusing too heavily on the distinction between negative and positive liberty. To counter such trends, and reclaim republican liberty for labor theorists, he revisits the work of “labor republicans”, who argued in the 19th c. that wage labor was incompatible with republican government. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Labor, power, and political theory”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.362, 385]
62.347 GRIFFITHS, Simon —
This article focuses on a left-libertarian response to neo-liberalism that emerged in the 1990s. In particular, it examines the work of Hilary Wain-wright, founding editor of Red Pepper magazine. To Wainwright, the popularity and resurgence of a “neo-liberal” or “new” right could, in part, be explained by its libertarian and anti-statist outlook-themes that had been neglected by the left. Wainwright used the arguments of the right-wing thinker F. Hayek as a springboard for her own, very different, arguments for a left-libertarian, movement-based form of participatory democracy. There are parallels in her work with older, pluralist arguments. However, Wainwright's pluralism faces many of the same challenges — particularly concerning the relationship between group and state — that earlier pluralist thinkers struggled to resolve. [R] [See Abstr. 62.332]
62.348 GÜNDOĞDU, Ayten —
In his essay on Arendt's “antiprimitivism” [ibid. 38(3), June 2010; Abstr. 61.7461], Jimmy Casas Klausen partly agrees with scholars such as Anne Norton and Norma Claire Moruzzi who suggest that especially the discussion of “Hottentots” in The Origins of Totalitarianism is replete with racial prejudice. As an alternative to his interpretive strategy that overlooks the critical dimensions in Arendt's essays on culture and Origins, I propose reading these works as examples of “heteroglossia” — to use a term that is briefly invoked by [Casas] Klausen — to attend to their “multiple languages and perspectives”, capture their divergent effects, and recognize their critical insights into the violence of European imperialism. [R] [See also Jimmy CASAS KLAUSEN's reply, pp. 668–673]
62.349 HALL, Lauren —
Burke's emphasis on emotional phenomena is often seen as a rejection of reason. The relationship between reason and the emotions in Burke's work is paralleled by the relationships between the individual and society and between rights and duties. Emotions support duties because they bind us to social life and a particular social location. Burke filters rights claims through our emotional attachment to specific circumstances, thus creating social rights of man in contrast to the individualistic, abstract rights of men of the social contract theorists. Prejudice is presented as an example of a Burkean filter for rights that moderates rights claims by binding individuals to society. Thus, Burke sees reason and emotion as interconnected phenomena that support the balancing of the claims of both individual and the community. [R]
62.350 HECHT, J. —
Most interpretations of the [Plato's] Crito, such as the absolute obligation view and the civil disobedience view, are thought to be grounded largely in an obligation of gratitude. I present arguments for why these interpretations are not viable, and then propose an alternative solution; this alternative is the obligation of fair play. While the obligation of fair play has been discussed before in relation to the Crito, this is the first full account of the position. The fair play interpretation both precludes absolute obligation and does not require civil disobedience to resolve supposed inconsistencies with the [Socrates'] Apology. [R]
62.351 INAMURA, Kazutaka —
This paper argues that what Aristotle has in mind as the criterion for estimating the value of products in Ncomachean Ethics V.5 is neither the Marxian concept of “human labor” nor K. Polanyi's concept of “status”, but the benefit of a recipient, and maintains that Aristotle here does not analyze the mechanism of a market economy but addresses the problem of how to build reciprocal relationships among citizens through the exchange of goods. Furthermore, unlike M.C. Nussbaum's capability approach, which draws attention to the concept of well-being, the paper argues that the concept of reciprocity plays the key role in Aristotle's distributive theory of property in the Politics and lays the foundation for his understanding of political governance as the exchange of governing and being governed in turn. [R]
62.352 KAZLAUSKAS, Raimondas —
When Western liberalism won the battle over fascism and communism, it declared “the end of history”. The fall of the Berlin Wall and [New York] World Trade Center towers has shaken this illusion to the ground. Schmitt treated World War II as the beginning of the fall of Westphalian system. For this reason, Schmitt proclaimed political theology as the means for Western identity's renewal. This notion coined by the Stoic Panaetius referred to the essential dependence of political and cultural phenomena on religion. Schmitt's version of political theology showed a way out of crisis and was at the same time incompatible with liberal dogmas of tolerance, political correctness and multiculturalism. [R]
62.353 KERN, Lucian —
The Bohemian theologian and philosopher B. Bolzano was the first to write in 1831 a utopia, The Booklet of the Best State, entirely founded on utilitarian principles. He constructed a quite modern economic structure by designing economic institutions able to uphold just distribution in the sense of wealth-fair allocations of goods and services through the market, without knowing fairness theory. But the utopia has a built-in contradiction: at the societal level, Bolzano foresaw a small-piece, patriarchal agrarian society only beginning to get on to a bourgeois stage. [R]
62.354 KINNA, Ruth —
This article examines a recent shift in radical thinking about utopia and a critique of traditional socialist utopianism that has emerged from it. It argues that this new form of utopianism mistakenly treats the idea of future transformation as an illiberal ideological commitment and that it fails to distinguish adequately between different models of socialist utopian thought. The result is a form of utopianism that strips utopia of one of its central elements, the eu-topian aspect. The argument draws on the critique presented by Simon Tormey and a comparative analysis of the socialist utopianism of William Morris — the most celebrated British socialist utopian of the late 19th c. — and Ernest Belfort Bax. [R] [See Abstr. 62.332]
62.355 LEVY, Carl —
Until recently, the relationship between theories of international anarchy and anarchism has been ignored. Very recent work has started to bridge the gap between IR theory and the usefulness of anarchism and anarchist theory for the understanding of global politics. This article takes this discussion one step further by examining the relationship between classical anarchism (1860s–1940s), cosmopolitanism, post-anarchism and the global justice movement. It then investigates the linkages between the works of the 19th and 20th c. anarchists, Rudolf Rocker and Gustav Landauer, and contemporary examinations of the linkages between cultural nationalism, cosmopolitanism and the classical and post-anarchist projects. [R] [See Abstr. 62.332]
62.356 LUBERT, Howard L. —
I suggest that perceived tension in Mayhew's political and social thought is resolved by taking full account of the conservative (i.e., traditional) aspects of his political thought. Mayhew's social thought did contain elements that were profoundly conservative. More, the presumption of a natural social ordering of men and the attendant emphasis on deference stands in tension with the more radical principles that characterized Mayhew's political theory. This tension can be reconciled, however, by his faith in a king characterized by a paternal regard for his subjects, an assumption that continued to shape colonial political thought at the start of the British-colonial crisis. The greater tension lies between his political theory and a preaching style that at times undermined the very social and political order he sought to maintain. [R, abr.]
62.357 LUKŠIČ, Andrej A.; BAHOR, Maja —
The authors discuss some ecological challenges facing mainstream political theory today on both the descriptive and normative levels. They identify the key points of divergence between green political theory and mainstream political theory and then point to a number of important concepts (i.e. “political”, “political community”, “justice”, “sustainability”, “intergenerational solidarity” and “democracy”) which are subject to reinterpretation in green political theory as a result of the introduction of a new key concept “natural condition”. In the conclusion, the authors focus on the question of citizenship in understanding different ideological traditions of mainstream political theory by comparing it with the emerging concept of green citizenship. [R]
62.358 NEAL, Patrick —
L. Swaine's respectful manner of engaging with theocrats is at odds with the more heavy-handed arguments he gives to those who would reject his position. Furthermore, it is not clear that Swaine's case can reach theocrats whose self-conceptions do not fit within the liberal idiom. [R] [See Abstr. 62.371]
62.359 NEWMAN, Saul —
This article outlines a politics of post-anarchism, which is based on a radical renewal — via post-structuralist theory — of classical anarchism's critique of statism and authority and its political ethics of egalibertarianism. I contend that while many of the theoretical categories of classical anarchism continue to be relevant today-and indeed are becoming more relevant with the collapse of competing radical projects and what might be seen as a paradigm shift from the representative politics of the party and vanguard to that of movements and decentralized networks-its humanist and rationalist epistemological framework needs to be rethought in the light of post-structuralist and post-modern theories. Here I develop an alternative understanding of anarchism based on a non-essentialist politics of autonomy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.332]
62.360 NORRIS, Andrew —
It is commonly recognized that J.-L. Nancy's efforts to elaborate a conception of “the political” are based upon Heidegger's thinking of die Tecknik, even as they seek to overcome the difficulties that beset Heidegger's own politics. But few have noted that Nancy also seeks to critically engage C. Schmitt's conception of das Politische, according to which there is a metaphysical and practical need for a sovereign decision on friends and enemies if effective political community and law are to be possible. This article argues that recognizing that Nancy seeks to overcome Schmitt's conception of the political throws into high relief his failure to address the actual subject matter of politics. In the end, Nancy remains too metaphysical to engage with the political. [R]
62.361 NORTON, Anne —
The author seeks to recover Schmitt's reflections on “democratic sovereignty” against those who would reduce his work to a defense of unchecked executive authority, such as G. Agamben and J. Derrida. Against these interpretations of Schmitt and drawing from Schmitt's political theology and references to Aristotle on friendship, she contends that Schmitt's theory of sovereignty evokes a sense of politics as unifying, egalitarian, and transcendent, offering an invaluable alternative to contemporary democratic theory and practice. [R] [See Abstr. 62.468]
62.362 OKSALA, Johanna —
The author investigates the relationship between neoliberalism and violence, arguing that neoliberalism is neither inherently violent (as S. Zizek contends), prone to instrumental violence (as N. Klein suggests), nor wholly detached from state coercion (as F. Hayek proposed). Instead, she argues, based on her close reading of M. Foucault, that neoliberalism often relies on state coercion to function while, at the same time, depoliticizing violence by shifting it from the political arena into economic relationships; this transfer of violence into the economic realm detaches it from moral critiques of political violence, thus normalizing it within social relations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.346]
62.363 ORZEL, Joanna —
Europeans preserve and foster a consciousness of common roots —Greek culture, Roman law and the Christian faith — a shared civilization so distinct from others, particularly in terms of the continuity of features whose originality enables the term European culture. These three key elements created Sarmatism: ancient chronicles and charts, the political system of Rzeczpospolita of Poland-Lithuania, modeled on the Roman republic and the Roman Catholic faith.
62.364 ROSTBÖLL, Christian F. —
Political liberals argue that the classical conception of autonomy must be discarded because it is sectarian and metaphysical. This article rejects that a commitment to autonomy necessarily leads to sectarianism and questions the notion that respect for persons is separable from the commitment to autonomy. It defends a Kantian approach to autonomy, as belonging to the standpoint of practical reason, and argues that in this approach autonomy is a norm regulating how we should treat each other as opposed to a good to be promoted. This approach also avoids the metaphysical idea of autonomy as self-origination of binding principles. [R]
62.365 SCHÜTRUMPF, Eckart —
M. Knoll [“Die Politik des Aristoteles — eine unitarische Interpretation [Aristotle's Politics — a unitary interpretation]”, ibid. 58(2), June 2011: 123–147; Abstr. 61.6054] attempt to highlight a unitary approach as superior to the genetic-analytical method. His arguments are in many ways flawed. First, from the viewpoint of methodology: the existence of identical themes does not preclude that Aristotle might have made substantial changes in other areas. Furthermore, Aristotle is much more skeptical about the role of law in the distribution of power than Knoll allows. His description of concepts Aristotle allegedly developed ignores important distinctions Aristotle actually made. The paper offers a detailed analysis of some of the concepts Aristotle deals with in Politics and confirms the superiority of a genetic-analytical approach. [R, abr.]
62.366 SKINNER, Daniel —
This article engages the longstanding debate over Hobbes's use of rhetoric, with the aim of rethinking both the political logic of Leviathan and the way contemporary theorists approach rhetoric in relation to reason. Rhetoric was a particularly acute problem for Hobbes, whose pursuit of a stable political order may appear to require the absence of rhetoric and the presence of a purely rational order. This appearance is misleading, and it is suggested therefore that political theorists rethink how they understand rhetoric to grasp more fully Hobbes's understanding of political order. The common view that Hobbes resolves the problem of semantic indeterminacy must be questioned. [R, abr.]
62.367 SLUGA, Hans —
Under the influence of Nietzsche, Foucault proposes two different accounts of how power is related to human action. Nietzsche had argued for two different accounts of that relationship. On the one hand, he had sought to understand action as a phenomenon of the will to power; on the other, he had also spoken of the will to power as an aspect of human agency. On Nietzsche's views, we need to assert both positions even though they are for us irreconcilable. In his writings on power and action, Foucault finds himself driven into adopting a similarly dual view. While he speaks of action in the 1970s as subsidiary to power relations, he reverses himself in the 1980s by treating power as a feature of human action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.325]
62.368 SNYDER, Greta Fowler —
Recently, normative theorists have stressed the importance of “self-work” to the promotion of justice. This article demonstrates how actors' phenomenological limitations can blunt the capacity of one version of self-work-acknowledgment-to effect greater justice in race relations in the US. Toni Morrison's novel Beloved [1992] illuminates the ways inequality shapes the lives of the marginalized and the privileged, and how these different lived experiences can inflect acknowledgment. Morrison's insight is used to unravel a paradox in US public opinion: while most white Americans endorse racial equality in theory, few support the policies necessary to realize it in practice. Although acknowledgment does not necessarily prefigure justice in identity relations, the article concludes that acknowledgment has a progressive role to play as a supplement to the politics of recognition. [R]
62.369 STEWART, Kerry —
The idea of terrorism as policy in any policy discussion is abhorrent in most academic circles. The fact is, however, if one removes the emotion attached to the use of terrorism and approaches it as a tool, it can be placed in several models used by policy-makers today. For many centuries the concept of “just war” has been discussed by philosophers, policy-makers, and warriors. When standards have been established that those engaged in conflict can use to determine whether or not an action is considered “just”. How did Christianity in particular move from emphasizing love (agape, caritas) to the acceptance of waging war? This problem was dealt with when the law of war was included in discussion of natural law theory. [R]
62.370 SWAINE, Lucas —
A liberalism of conscience incorporates both persuasion and reasoning to achieve its ends, but it does not entail guilt or bad conscience about the need to rule. Neither does the approach involve efforts to convert dissenters to some specific conception of the good. My view differs significantly from the views of J, Rawls and J. Locke: a liberalism of conscience is based in principles that people should accept, and which provide a firmer ground for rightful toleration. The theory is critical for rethinking the nature of value-pluralism, and it is capable of uniting religious and secular parties in an affirmation of fundamental political principles. [R] [See Abstr. 62.371]
62.371 SWAINE, Lucas —
As the author of The Liberal Conscience: Politics and Principle in a World of Religious Pluralism (New York, 2006), I outline the arguments and purposes of my book, delineating the political and philosophical problems of theocracy and describing elements of a new liberal theory able successfully to address them. [R] [See also Abstr. 62.343, 358, 373, and the author's response to critics, Abstr. 62.370]
62.372 TAMPIO, Nicholas —
How do we conceptualize distinctions between religious-political territories in the contemporary world when old categories — such as Islam and the West, or dar al-Islam and dar al-harb — precipitate misunderstandings and conflicts? I consider T. Ramadan's argument that Muslims must enact an intellectual transformation along the lines of Kant's Copernican revolution and thence create concepts — such as the space of testimony (dar al-shahada) — to facilitate interreligious dialogue, cooperation, and respectful contestation. The essay illuminates the nature of Ramadan's political theory and dispels the claim that he is a Muslim Martin Luther; imagines the contours of a future political-intellectual movement that integrates elements of the European Enlightenment and the Arab Nahda; and envisions how Muslim and non-Muslim political theorists may combat political Manichaeanism without denying the reality and importance of contending ethical visions and political identities. [R]
62.373 TOMASI, John —
L. Swaine's liberalism of conscience is at risk of failing to respect justificatory requirements of political liberalism. His theory ought to be further distinguished from the views of J. Locke and J. Rawls, respectively, and should be extended to engage extreme secularists as well as theocrats. [R] [See Abstr. 62.371]
62.374 VATTER, Miguel —
This essay offers an interpretation of Kant's republicanism in light of the problem of political judgment. Kant is sometimes thought to base his conception of law on an idea of sovereignty drawn from Hobbes and Rousseau, which would leave little room for popular contestation of the state. I reconstruct Kant's account of the rule of law by bringing out the importance of his theory of judgment. For Kant, the civil condition is ultimately characterized by a contest between the judgment of the sovereign and the judgment of the people, which corresponds to the determinative and reflective employments of political judgment, respectively. On this view, popular sovereignty is ultimately located in the people's power to judge politically and contest publicly the state. [R]
62.375 VOORHEES, Matthew —
Rousseau's extensive writings on music provide an important though under-utilized perspective on his political thought. Rousseau's understanding of music provides him with a critical standpoint, political ideal and educative tool for evaluating and reshaping political communities. Through his insistence that music's emotional appeal derives from melody rather than harmony, Rousseau ties music to language and to the shared sentiments that underlie and define a given society. By emphasizing the affective basis of social bonds, Rousseau draws on the qualities of musical melody to articulate a vision of politics in which societies are held together by persuasion and agreement rather than force or self-interest. [R, abr.]
62.376 WARD, Ann —
Aristotle's discussion of political friendship points to perfect friendship and the possibility that the good citizen can be the good person. This conclusion is arrived at by reflection on three problems raised in Aristotle's analysis. (1) Citizen friendships of utility are the cause of civil strife. (2) There is a tension between citizen friendship in timocracy and justice. Although citizen friendship in a timocracy can aspire to perfect friendship, political justice requires kingship. (3) Familial friendship, although natural, is more limited in scope than political friendship. This article concludes with Aristotle's discussion of conflicting obligations that opens up two grounds of natural friendship: relations to persons through body, and relations to persons who are virtuous. Virtue relations in timocracy allow citizen friendship to resemble perfect friendship. [R]
62.377 WILSON, James Lindley; MONTEN, Jonathan —
The recent US occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan have renewed the debate over whether military interventions intended to impose democracy in a foreign state are consistent with liberal principles. The liberal political tradition within the US has often been divided over this question. At issue is what place, if any, military force should have in a foreign policy dedicated to promoting goals such as the spread of electoral democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of law. [R] [See Michael C. DESCH's response, “Benevolent cant? Kant's liberal imperialism”, pp. 649–656]