VI: National and Area Studies/Études Nationales et Régionales

62.1147 ADAMAN, Fikret — Is corruption a drawback to Turkey's accession to the European Union? South European Society and Politics 16(2), Spring 2011: 309–321.

The paper focuses on the question of whether or not the current level of corruption in Turkey constitutes a major drawback for EU membership. After elaborating the different types of corruption in Turkey, the paper argues that a full-scale anti-corruption strategy should include not only policing-type regulations and improved institutional structures, but also systemic reforms to deal with patron-client networking, informality and tax evasion. Assuming that the EU anchor will continue to be important, the EU's impact on combating corruption in Turkey will be greater to the extent that the EU manages to better understand the full picture in Turkey with regard to corruption. [R] [See Abstr. 62.390]

62.1148 ADLER, Franklin Hugh — Israel's Mizrahim: “other” victims of Zionism or a bridge to regional reconciliation? Telos 156, Fall 2011: 61–76.

The author shifts our attention to Israel and, in particular, the status of the Israeli Jews who immigrated from Arab countries: he explores how the presence of the Mizrahi complicates the narratives of both Zionism and anti-Zionism, and therefore might offer a “bridge to regional reconciliation”. Whatever the plausibility of such a bridge, the essay is crucial in its examination of the complicated relations between the political-legal order of nation-states and the really existing hybridity of their populations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.17]

62.1149 AGH, Attila — Post-accession crisis in the new member states: progressing or backsliding in the EU? Studies of Transition States and Societies 2(1), June 2010: 74–95.

The global crisis broke out “externally” when the “internal” institutional crisis in the EU reached its peak. In addition, the new member states were still in the post-accession crisis. Three types of “crises” can be observed: (1) a deep systemic crisis in the global world; (2) the creative crisis is the usual way of development in the EU; and (3) the serious problems, disturbances, troubles in the new member states are transitory as the unavoidable contradiction of Europeanization within the EU. Nonetheless, in the deepening-widening relationship, the new members are the main losers of the triple crisis, since the global financial crisis broke out when they were in their most vulnerable situation, so it deteriorates significantly their efforts to catch up and reach “effective membership”. [R, abr.]

62.1150 AKDENIZ, Eylem; GÖKER, Emrah — The historical “stickiness” of nationalism inside Turkey's political field. Turkish Studies 12(3), Sept. 2011: 309–340.

This article revisits modern Turkish political history with a specific focus on trajectories of Turkish nationalism, from the end of the 19th c. of the Ottoman Empire, to the forms it takes under Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule today. The discussion is theoretically embedded within a relational political-sociological framework that utilizes the “field analysis” approach developed by P. Bourdieu. Using this approach, this paper argues that a workable, explanatory political-sociological “surface” of analysis of Turkish politics might be “the political field”. Inside this field of political forces and competing groups, there is an ordering principle that supplies the political actors with a set of beliefs concerning “what can be politicized for sustainable power”. [R, abr.]

62.1151 AKHTAR, Iqbal — Race and religion in the political problematization of the American Muslim. PS 44(4), Oct. 2011: 768–774.

This article examines how the American civil response to 11 September 2001 profoundly transformed the core of American Muslim political identity for a generation. I outline the evolving contours of the American Muslim as citizens after 9/11 through an analysis of the impact of race and religion on two relationships: state to citizen and citizen to citizen. The American political response to 9/11 had both positive and negative impacts for domiciled Muslims. At the national level, this event has forced American Muslims into a period of institution-building and active citizenship while the federal government's response has problematized the Muslim as a continuous potential security threat. One simmering question for the American citizenry in general concerns the loyalty of the American Muslim. [R, abr.]

62.1152 ALTERMAN, Jon B. — The revolution will not be tweeted. Washington Quarterly 34(4), Fall 2011: 103–116.

Twitter and Facebook certainly played a part in the Arab revolts of 2011 — making at least three important contributions — but it was actually old-fashioned, 20th c. television that was absolutely fundamental to the events that unfolded. [R] [First of three articles, “Refocusing on Egypt”. See also Abstr. 62.1019, 1232]

62.1153 ANSARI, Ali — Iran: authority deficit. World Today 67(5), May 2011: 27–28.

In the rush to assess the causes and potential consequences of the “Arab Spring” which has rocked much of the Arab world from the Persian Gulf to North Africa, some have been keen to place the developments in the wider context of the geo-political contest between the US and Iran. [R]

62.1154 ANSINK, Erik — The Arctic scramble: introducing claims in a contest model. European Journal of Political Economy 27(4), Dec. 2011: 693–707.

I integrate elements from the bankruptcy literature in a resource-contest model. In a contest model, agents fight over a contested resource and their investment in “guns” determines how much of the resource is secured by each agent. In a bankruptcy problem, agents claim a share of a contested resource, and their claims determine the allocation to each agent. The integrated model of this paper allows the combination of guns and claims to determine jointly the distribution of a contested resource. The relevance of such a model is motivated using the Arctic scramble as a leading example. This contest over the Arctic's oil and gas reserves involves the five coastal Arctic countries, each with its own distinct territorial claim. I propose four contest-bankruptcy rules that integrate the most common contest success function with four classical bankruptcy rules. [R, abr.]

62.1155 ARMELINO, Martín — Syndicats et politique sous les gouvernements kirchnéristes (Labor unions and politics under the Kirchner governments [in Argentina]). Problèmes d'Amérique latine 82, Autumn 2011: 33–54. [Résumé en français]

Argentine labor unionism developed a strong process of organizational and political revitalization, during the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003–2007) and his successor Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007–2011). But labor unions are not homogeneous, and the organizations that defend the workers' claims are divided between those historically consolidated and new emergent ones. Their industrial action expresses the changes experienced in the labor world. This revitalization has been transferred to the political arena, influencing the support or opposition given to kirchnerista administrations. [R] [Part of a series of articles on “The Argentina of the Kirchners, ten years after the crisis”, introduced, pp. 7–12, by Marie-France PRÉVOT-SCHAPIRA. See also Abstr. 62.802, 1217, 1273]

62.1156 BARANY, Zoltan — The role of the military [in the Arab revolutions, 2010–2011]. Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 24–35.

Across the Arab world, militaries have played a key role in determining whether revolts against dictatorship succeed or fail. What factors determine how and why “the guys with guns” line up the way they do? [R] [See Abstr. 62.1252]

62.1157 BARDOS, Gordon N. — Balkan ethnoconfessional nationalism: analysis and management. Südost-Europa 59(2), 2011: 192–213.

If peace and stability in southeastern Europe are still at risk even after massive international engagement, this suggests that both our understanding of the problems facing southeastern Europe and the policies to deal with those problems have been deficient. This article outlines the academic and the policy-making conventional wisdom on what has been driving disintegration and violence in southeastern Europe over the past two decades, and then provides an alternative understanding for these processes. It focuses on Balkan ethno-confessional nationalism as a collective, non-rational, and chronic phenomenon, arguing that such a perspective harbors numerous implications for the choice of policies. A serious effort to deal with Balkan ethno-confessional nationalism must focus on transforming the political culture of southeastern Europe as a whole. [R, abr.]

62.1158 BASTIAN, Jens — Germany: German tiger or European growth engine? World Today 67(8), Aug. 2011: 16–18.

As the German economic situation continues to improve, well into the second year of an impressive recovery, the drivers of the country's economic growth are manifold and suggest sustainability over time. Registering an unprecedented 6.1 percent first-quarter 2011 GDP performance, the positive spillover effects on overall employment levels declining unemployment are following suit. [R]

62.1159 BENRAAD, Myriam — Iraq's long road to national reconciliation. International Spectator 46(3), Sept. 2011: 25–34.

As the US prepares to pull out of Iraq, the “national reconciliation” process that was launched in the Summer of 2006 remains stalled. The March 2010 legislative elections, which were expected to consecrate the rebuilding of a national pact between Iraqis, have led to even greater fragmentation of Iraq's socio-political landscape. The power-sharing agreement ultimately presages more tensions to come. With the essence and reality of the Iraqi “nation” long debated and subjected to continued deconstruction under the combined effects of authoritarianism, military conflagrations and economic sanctions, it will likely take decades before a genuine reconciliation can come about. [R]

62.1160 BHAVNANI, Ravi; MIODOWNIK, Dan; CHOI Hyun Jin — Violence and control in civil conflict: Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza. Comparative Politics 44(1), Oct. 2011: 61–82.

What explains the use of selective and indiscriminate violence in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza from 1987 to 2005? Using microlevel data, an aggregated analysis indicates that areas of dominant but incomplete territorial control consistently experience more frequent and intense episodes of selective violence, providing support for S. Kalyvas's theory on the logic of civil violence [The Logic of Violence in Civil War, New York, 2006]. Disaggregating the analysis by each zone of control and perpetrator, however, offers only mixed empirical support for Kalyvas's predictions. While Palestinian-perpetrated violence is still consistent with theoretical expectations, Israel more frequently resorts to the use of selective violence where Palestinians exercise greater control. Such disconfirming evidence points to causal mechanisms previously unaccounted for and contributes to a more nuanced specification of the microfoundations of violence in civil conflict. [R]

62.1161 BOND, Martyn — Multicultural Europe? World Today 67(6), June 2011: 14–16.

Multiculturalism has failed. So said [German] Chancellor A. Merkel in a speech in Potsdam last October. D. Cameron and N. Sarkozy both echoed her opinion early this year. But it is not easy to know just what they meant. The term is open to so many different ways. Is it an ideology, a set of policies, or a social reality? [R]

62.1162 BONNEY, Norman — The sacred kingdom and the royal wedding of 2011. Political Quarterly 82(4), Oct.-Dec. 2011: 636–644.

Despite secularization and increased religious diversity, the UK state and the monarchy are religiously legitimized institutions which have their origins in Protestant/Catholic divisions over three hundred years ago but which remain strong enough to survive in the current era. The Church of England acts not only as the established church of England but as a church for the UK with respect to events such as the coronation and the royal wedding of 2011. Ecumenical and interfaith initiatives have been attempted by the government and the monarchy and were evident in attendance at the wedding but it demonstrated the ritual supremacy of the state church and the inevitable difficulties of seeking to achieve formal representation for religious diversity in the state. [R, abr.]

62.1163 BRADL, Marion; GROSS, Torsten — Bürgerschaftliches Engagement und die Gestaltung von Integrationsprozessen. Das Kooperationsprojekt gemeinsam engagiert als gutes Praxisbeispeil (Civil engagement and the shaping of integration processes [of immigrants in Germany]. The jointly engaged cooperation project as a good practical example). Forschungsjournal Neue soziale Bewegungen 24(3), 2011: 56–64.

A paradigm shift can be made out in Germany concerning civil engagement of people with immigrant backgrounds: from a charity-focused approach of promoting engagement. Due to its focus on the societal majority, this is largely paternalistic, as against a concept which takes the active role of migrants serious and emphasis their equal participation and the necessary reciprocity in the shaping of integration processes. The essay illustrates the significance of civil engagement by migrants in this context, outlines fundamental aspects of the professional discussion on this issue and presents the Bavarian cooperation project jointly engaged of the advisory boards on foreigners, migrants and integration of Bavaria (AGABY) and the State Network Civil Engagement Bavaria (LBE). The results make clear that, among others, improved frameworks, as enhanced culture of recognition, the opening of majority society institutions as well as an evening out of structural inequalities are necessary for the engagement of migrants in shaping integration processes. [R] [See Abstr. 62.202]

62.1164 BUSENBERG, George J. — The policy dynamics of the trans-Alaska pipeline system. Review of Policy Research 28(5), Sept. 2011: 401–422.

Since 1977, oil produced in northern Alaska [US] has posed a major environmental threat across large areas of Alaska while simultaneously playing a dominant role in the economy of Alaska. This enduring dilemma was created by the building of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System to transport oil produced on the North Slope of Alaska, a region containing the largest oil field ever developed in North America. The Trans-Alaska Pipeline System transports oil through an 800-mile pipeline and ocean-going oil tankers. This complex technological system poses an enduring risk of environmentally damaging oil spills in Alaska. This study applies the punctuated equilibrium theory of policy-change to examine the processes and enduring consequences of the national policy reforms that allowed the building of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System. [R]

62.1166 CAREY, John M.; REYNOLDS, Andrew — The impact of election systems [in post 2010–2011 revolution Arab countries]. Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 36–47.

Methods of electing legislatures are fraught with consequences for the shape and quality of democracy, and must balance a number of competing goals. Amid the current political ferment of the Arab world, what kinds of electoral systems are emerging and what will they mean for democratic hopes there? [R] [See Abstr. 62.1252]

62.1167 ÇARKOĞLU, Ali; BILGILI, Nazli ÇaĞ in — A precarious relationship: the Alevi minority, the Turkish state and the EU. South European Society and Politics 16(2), Spring 2011: 351–364.

Over the last decade, the political significance of the Alevis, the largest sectarian Muslim minority in Turkey, has notably changed. This article evaluates the Alevi community's changing stance as a sectarian minority within an increasingly conservative Turkish society facing EU membership negotiations. We first summarize the characteristics of the Alevi community and contextualize the changing role of the Alevi minority in Turkish politics. We focus on Alevi demands as part of the EU adjustment reforms and negotiation process, and present the official responses from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government as well as the EU authorities. [R] [See Abstr. 62.390]

62.1168 CASIER, Marlies — Neglected middle men? Gatekeepers in homeland politics. Case: [Belgian] Flemish nationalists' receptivity to the plight of Turkey's Kurds. Social Identities 17(4), July 2011: 501–521.

When attention has been given to the crucial role of gatekeepers for politically engaged migrants to negotiate their ways into host-country politics, it has often been confined to resumes of those involved and the activities undertaken. Rarely has research engaged with questioning political gatekeepers themselves about their personal beliefs underlying their commitments to the cause. Nor has research often looked into how certain alignments and cooperative relationships between transnational political actors and their gatekeepers in receiving countries came into being, and how such genealogies might lend insight into the transnational advocacy networks and the particular types of activities that transnational political actors have developed. This paper provides original and unique insights into the genealogy of Flemish nationalists' support for Turkey's Kurdish nationalist movement. [R, abr.]

62.1169 CHAGNOLLAUD, Jean-Paul — Révoltes arabes (The Arab uprisings [of 2010–2011]). Revue politique et parlementaire 1059, Apr.-June 2011: 171–177. [Résumé en français]

In a few weeks, Arab leaders once thought eternal have brutally disappeared from the political scene [in these countries], to the great solace of their people. Many hoped that this wave would spread throughout the Arab world with similar outcomes. But although an identical popular uprising was often present, it could not have everywhere the same strength nor the same groundswell. [R, abr., transl.]

62.1170 CHALLAND, Benoit — The counter-power of civil society and the emergence of a new political imaginary in the Arab world. Constellations 18(3), Sept. 2011: 271–282.

While the [journal's] editors have been inspired by the Arab revolts of this Spring, my assessment of their meaning and prospects in the relevant countries and our degrees of optimism regarding the chances of constitutional democracy even in Egypt with its revolutionary movement are different. This article, combining the concept of revolution derived from C. Castoriadis with his own unique theory of civil society, represents one important way of assessing these dramatic events. [R]

62.1171 CHANDRA, Vishal — The evolving politics of Taliban reintegration and reconciliation in Afghanistan. Strategic Analysis 35(5), Sept. 2011: 836–848.

The subject assumes significance in view of the politics evolving around the idea of negotiating peace, especially with the Taliban, as the West plans to withdraw bulk of their troops by 2014. Though often regarded as flawed, ill-timed, regressive, wobbly, dangerous and unworkable, the idea has nevertheless come to dominate the discourse on the Afghan war. However, principal Afghan opposition forces and networks operating from Pakistan continue to publicly rebuff and mock at the government's initiative. This article focuses on the reconciliation efforts aimed at the Taliban and not towards other Afghan insurgent groups such as the Haqqani network and the Hezb-e Islami (Hekmatyar). [R]

62.1172 CHATTY, Dawn — Iraq refugees: seeking safety. World Today 66(12), Dec. 2010: 22–23.

Renewed violence in Iraq and the attack on the Baghdad Catholic cathedral at the beginning of November [2010] have drawn new attention to a largely forgotten problem: refugees. Forced to seek shelter in neighboring states, millions want to know where their future lies. [R]

62.1173 CHEUNG, Peter T. Y. — Who's influencing whom? Exploring the influence of Hong Kong on politics and governance in China. Asian Survey 51(4), July-Aug. 2011: 713–738.

This paper explores how Hong Kong has influenced Chinese politics and governance in the constitutional, political, ideational, and intergovernmental dimensions since 1997. Despite the growing political and economic impact of the Mainland on the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the latter has continued to influence the Mainland, especially southern China. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1229]

62.1174 CHILDS, Steven — From identity to militancy: the Shi'a of Hezbollah [Lebanon]. Comparative Strategy 30(4), Sept.-Oct. 2011: 363–372.

Understanding human terrain exhibited in historical and cultural attributes offers strategic thinkers a critical but often neglected tool. This article provides a cogent example in Hezbollah with the definition of a distinct identity, the adoption of an Islamist ideology, the designation of strategy to meet tangible objectives, and the manifestation of the tactics used to achieve those specified objectives. The analysis highlights the pertinent role of understanding the activation of identity in future conflict scenarios. [R]

62.1175 CHOLLET, Antoine — Switzerland as a “fractured nation”. Nations and Nationalism 17(4), Oct. 2011: 738–755.

This article deals with Swiss nationalism and Swiss nation-building. Switzerland cannot accurately be described as either a nation or a nonnation but is something in between, and could thus best be characterized as a “fractured” nation. Switzerland has experienced some powerful nationalist moments, from the creation of the Swiss state in 1848 to the last few decades. Yet this recurrent nationalism among the Swiss, considered alongside their more traditional reluctance to consider themselves a nation, make Switzerland a peculiar object: a “fractured” nation. This flawed process of nation-building in turn reveals some basic characteristics of all nations: inherent artificiality, and the tremendous efforts undertaken to hide it. Switzerland could be considered an unfinished, incomplete nation — precisely why its study can be interesting for scholars of nations and nationalism. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1281]

62.1176 CLARK, John F. — A constructivist account of the Congo wars. African Security 4(3), July-Sept. 2011: 147–170.

This article provides an overall account of the Congo wars using a simplified constructivist analytical framework. The account does not claim to explain the Congo wars, but rather it identifies a context in which they can be understood. It draws on the vocabulary of the variety of constructivism outlined by N. Onuf [“Constructivism: A User's Manual”, in V. Kubalkova, N. Onif and P. Kowaert, eds., International Relations in a Constructed World, Armonk, NY, 1998], a variety of the epistemological approach that is particularly useful for understanding the changes in the regional rules that permitted the Congo wars to begin. Namely, Onuf's focus on the rules that emerge from a dialectical interaction of relevant agents and structures is invaluable in understanding how the Congo wars could happen. [R, abr.]

62.1177 COLLS, Robert — The Lion and the Eunuch: national identity and the British genius. Political Quarterly 82(4), Oct.-Dec. 2011: 574–595.

The Lion and the Eunuch challenges the failures of British politicians to understand the complexities, and the subtleties, of British national identity, and defines it for them. It also explains reasons for our current confusions over who we are in the world. In 1940, G. Orwell wrote The Lion and the Unicorn as a rallying cry for a richly identifying country that was still able to imagine itself, and re-imagine itself, as the need arose. This essay suggests that without a radical change of government policy and thought, that power will continue to decline with far reaching consequences for the peoples of these islands. [R]

62.1178 CONNELL, Dan — From resistance to governance: Eritrea's trouble with transition. Review of African Political Economy 129, Sept. 2011: 419–433.

Nation-building in Africa was hobbled by the inheritance of centralized, authoritarian “states” prior to the consolidation of nations within them. Armed liberation movements overcame this to some degree by constructing common identities out of the struggle to throw off foreign rule. Yet the degree and kind of control inherent in such a militarized project fueled despotism in the post-war state. Eritrea seemed to break this mould, with its high level of popular participation in its war effort, its engagement in social transformation during the fighting, and the participatory constitution-building process that followed its victory. Yet less than a decade on, the liberation front shut down the press, jailed its critics, and turned the country into a political prison. This article situates this reversal within the transition from colony to independent state, explores its specific characteristics, and considers the prospects for a more democratic outcome. [R, abr.]

62.1179 COPELAND, Nick — “Guatemala will never change”: radical pessimism and the politics of personal interest in the Western Highlands. Journal of Latin American Studies 43(3), Aug. 2011: 485–515.

This article examines how neoliberal multicultural governance shapes the political imaginaries and practices of rural indigenous Guatemalans in the town of San Pedro Necta. Decades of counter-insurgency warfare have displaced radical politics into sanctioned forms of ethnic empowerment, memory and development, but most indigenous Sam-pedranos have maintained radical investments. Persistent political violence, stalled reforms and clientelist favoritism undermined multicultural inclusion, development and optimism regarding the 1996 peace accords, and weakened community autonomy. The resulting mix of pessimism, unmet needs and divisionism has discouraged progressive politics and normalized political disengagement and, increasingly, self-interested affiliations with multiple conservative parties, including corrupt authoritarian populists implicated in genocide. [R]

62.1180 CÕTÉ, Isabelle — Political mobilization of a regional minority: Han Chinese settlers in Xinjiang. Ethnic and Racial Studies 34(11), Nov. 2011: 1855–1873.

The tumultuous events of summer 2009 have brought Uighur protests and minority mobilization in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) to the forefront. But this focus overlooks similar protests organized by various groups of Han Chinese settlers over the years. This paper contributes to the body of literature on minority mobilization and ethnic relations in Xinjiang by illustrating how the political mobilization of a group that is simultaneously a national majority and a regional minority differs substantially from “traditional” minority mobilization. Reviewing the main instances of Han Chinese political mobilization since the XUAR was created in 1955, I argue that two factors are particularly important in enabling their mobilization: the Han Chinese's subjective perception of discrimination and their close ethnic ties to the state. [R, abr.]

62.1181 COX, Terry, ed. — 1989 and Eastern Europe: reflections and analyses. Europe-Asia Studies 63(9), 2011: 1529–1770.

Editor's introduction, “1989 and the transformations in Eastern Europe”, pp. 1529–1534. Articles by Mark KRAMER, “The demise of the Soviet bloc”, pp. 1535–1590; Eszter BARTHA, “Welfare dictatorship, the working class and the change of regimes in East Germany and Hungary”, pp. 1591–1610; George SZIRTES, “New life: the poetic of transition”, pp. 1611–1626; Terry COX, “The picnic on the border: an interview with László Vass”, pp. 1627–1638; John GLEDHILL, “Three days [13–15 June 1990] in Bucharest: making sense of Romania's transitional violence, 20 years on”, pp. 1639–1670; Nigel SWAIN, “A post-socialist capitalism”, pp. 1671–1696 Aleksandra SZNAJDER LEE, “After the Party, the afterparties? The effects of communist successor parties on economic reform in Central and Eastern Europe”, pp. 1697–1718; Pat LYONS and Alžbëta BERNARDYOVÁ, “Satisfied, skeptical or simply indifferent? Current public opinion towards the fall of communism in the Czech Republic”, pp. 1719–1744; Brad K. BLITZ, “Evaluating transitions: human rights and qualitative democracy in Central and Eastern Europe”, pp. 1745–1770.

62.1182 CRAPEZ, Marc — La démocratie dans l'aire arabo-musulmane (Democracy in the Arab-Muslim sphere). Politique étrangère 76(3), Autumn 2011: 647–660. [Résumé en français]

Is there uniqueness to the democratic deficiency in the Arab-Muslim sphere? The evolution of diverse situations (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, etc.) makes it impossible to say whether we have witnessed successful revolutions. The impossibility of satisfying a pressing demand for democracy could in the long term have the effect of putting Islamism, with legitimacy in Arab-Muslim societies, in the seat of power. [R]

62.1183 DOCHARTAIGH, Niall Ó — Territoriality and order in the North of Ireland. Irish Political Studies 26(3), Sept. 2011: 313–328.

This article draws on the recent academic literature on territoriality and power to analyze territorial strategies for the maintenance of public order in the North of Ireland. It argues that these strategies were shaped decisively by the distinctive relationship between the informal internal ethnonational boundaries that were a central focus of F. Wright's work and the external boundary of the Northern Ireland state. As a consequence, the “internal” issue of policing was immediately and inextricably bound up with the outer boundary of the state, even at the level of everyday policing practices. It traces the way in which the state in Northern Ireland adopted particular territorial strategies to secure the external border and adapt to internal territorial unevenness from the outset. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1244]

62.1184 EASTON, Brian — The coming world economic order. New Zealand International Review 36(5), Sept.-Oct. 2011: 7–11.

The globalized world economy over the last two centuries has been associated with a hegemon which dominated it: Britain in the 19th c., America in the 20th c. The future will not see any single economy with such dominance. Instead there are likely to be five major economies — America, China, the EU, India, Japan — none of which will be able to dominate the others. This transformation is already underway; one of the consequences is the increasing difficulty of conducting multilateral negotiations. The new world order poses a great challenge for New Zealand's foreign policy, for there is no natural patron. [R]

62.1185 EDEMA, Philippe — Towards a viable democratic governance in African states. African Journal of International Affairs and Development 15(2), 2011: 102–117.

The wind of democracy blowing across Africa, though a welcome development, but in actual fact, its dividends still elude the Africans. Problems such as corruption, poverty, religious/ethnic conflicts etc., have eaten deep into the fabrics of African states. The author links these problems to the nature of democratic governance in place in the African states. As a panacea, he recommends the adoption of “reformed democracy”, i.e., a democracy that is structured to appreciate the values of tolerance, dialogue, patience and [awakening] between the rulers and the ruled. [R]

62.1186 EHÁK, Vilém — Mediace jako nástroj řešení konfliktů: případ občanské války v Libérii (Mediation as a tool for conflict resolution: a case study of the civil war in Liberia). Mezinárodní Vztahy 46(3), 2011: 30–54.

The study deals with mediation as a possible tool for peaceful conflict-resolution. Mediation [seeks] a solution acceptable for both sides, which are incapable of finding such a solution on their own. The author analyzes its dynamic aspects and defines the necessary conditions which may lead to a peaceful resolution of a conflict. As an example, the article presents a case-study based on the civil war in Liberia, which lasted more than six years. It took several rounds of mediation and thirteen signed peace accords until a peace resolution of the first civil war was finally achieved. Through his qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) of these peace accords, the author concludes with a general assessment of mediation for peace resolutions of African conflicts. [R, abr.]

62.1187 EI-SHIMY, Yasser M. — The Arab Spring gathers clouds: why the revolts for change have stalled. Insight Turkey 13(4), Oct.-Dec. 2011: 39–54.

While the revolts in Egypt and Tunisia prompted meaningful, and immediate, political change, the regimes of Syria, Bahrain, Libya and Yemen are able to put up a fight. The violent stalemates in the latter countries may eventually give way to political reform, but for now the fate of their popular uprisings is anything but certain. What explains this outcome divergence between the two sets of nations? What makes one autocratic Arab regime stronger than another? What roles do societies and militaries play in shaping the future of the Arab Spring? [R, abr.]

62.1188 ELLNER, Steve — Venezuela's social-based democratic model: innovations and limitations. Journal of Latin American Studies 43(3), Aug. 2011: 421–449.

Under the H. Chávez government, the incorporation and participation of popular sectors, which is the essence of “social-based democracy”, has been quantitatively and qualitatively different from socialist government and welfare-state strategies of the past. Venezuela's social-based democracy focuses on education, job skills, ideology, transformation of values and empowerment, achievements which Chavista leaders consider to be imperatives for socialist development. However, Chavista social programs have been undermined by institutional weakness, are sometimes not cost-effective, and are politicized. Conflicting views among the Chavistas on the role of the state hinge on the issue of whether initiatives from above in favor of social-based democracy represent a viable strategy for far-reaching change. [R, abr.]

62.1189 ERIKSEN, Thomas Hylland — Fra slektsgård til oljeplattform: Norsk identitet og Europa (From family farm to offshore platform: Norwegian identity and Europe). Internasjonal Politikk 69(3), 2011: 413–436.

This article presents the academic literature on the Norwegian identity-formation, from the historical and sociological contributions in the 1970s, via historical studies of Norwegian nation-building in the 1990s, to anthropological and sociological studies of immigration and Islam as the constitutive Other for the Norwegian identity. There has been a major shift in the national project of self-identity; whereas Denmark, Sweden and Europe were in the past seen as the constitutive Other, this role is now assigned to immigrant minorities and Muslims more generally. [I then] ask whether the demonstrated shift in the professional literature is consistent with a similar shift in Norwegian identity formation as such. I identify a chasm between discourse and material conditions: whereas the identity-formation neglects Europe, Norway remains dependent on events and developments in Europe. [R, abr.]

62.1190 ETZIONI, Amitai — Lessons of America's “decline”. International Journal of Contemporary Sociology 48(2), Oct. 2011: 173–190.

Pointing to the burden of coping with two lengthy wars and a rapidly mounting national debt, some have argued that the US has overextended itself and is now in decline. The validity of and appropriate response to this claim must be examined on an empirical, constructive, and normative level. After outlining the viability of various predictive models, this paper concludes that while US power has waned, resignation to an inevitable decline is premature. Instead, the US should narrowly focus its resources on achievable security goals and avoid the costly yet historically ineffective strategy of pursuing nation-building policies. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Twenty-first century America in crisis: meltdown or transformation?”, edited and introduced, pp. 169–172, by Graham C. KINLOCH and Raj P. MOHAN. See also Abstr. 62.170, 221, 1238]

62.1191 FEKLYUNINA, Valentina; WHITE, Stephen — Discourses of “krizis”: economic crisis in Russia and regime legitimacy. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 27(3–4), Sept.-Dec. 2011: 385–406.

By the time V. Putin left presidential office in early 2008, the claim to power by the Russian authorities had been increasingly based on performance legitimacy. The financial and economic crisis that began to extend to Russia in late 2008 represented a major challenge for the Putin and D. Medvedev “tandem”. Several narratives which suggest different assessments of the causes of the crisis and its significance for Russia were presented in official discourse by sections of the political elite during the years 2008–2010 in an attempt to avoid a possible deficit in the regime's legitimacy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.398]

62.1192 FISHER, P. Brian — Climate change and human security in Tuvalu. Global Change, Peace and Security 23(3), Oct. 2011: 293–313.

At the local level, global climate change is exacerbating current environmental conditions while creating entirely new environmental and human hazards. These new threats merge with pre-existing vulnerabilities, creating a hybridized force that ripples through every aspect of society and threatens human security. The vulnerabilities intensify as these communities lack the adaptive and developmental capacity to address the multifarious effects, further undermining their human security. This article examines the case of the Funafuti, Tuvalu, and the effect of a warming Southern Pacific Ocean on Tuvaluan societal structural flows and processes. As the case demonstrates, climate-change becomes more than an environmental issue; it is a global social problem bound by multiple human security issues. [R, abr.]

62.1193 FLYNN, M. K. — Decision-making and contested heritage in Northern Ireland [UK]: the former Maze Prison/Long Kesh. Irish Political Studies 26(3), Sept. 2011: 383–401.

The former Maze Prison/Long Kesh in Lisburn, near Belfast, is one of the primary sites associated with the “The Troubles” in Northern Ireland. Controversy about the site's future makes it clear that the redevelopment of contested heritage cannot be divorced from the policy process of a negotiated settlement between opposed communities and parties. However, research indicates that, despite the stated “inclusive” intent of the Maze/Long Kesh redevelopment, decision-making about the site is often viewed as removed from stakeholder interests and input. Instead, many see plans for, as well as ongoing arguments about, the site redevelopment as determined by party politics, as well as parochial interests pitting those based in Lisburn against others in Belfast. Thus, community-level and other stakeholder interests are often perceived to be ignored. [R, abr.]

62.1194 FORSYTHE, Jessica — Middle East: buffeted by the winds of change. World Today 67(11), Nov. 2011: 17–19.

The Arab uprisings continue to challenge the established balance of power in the Middle East. The protests represent a struggle against a lack of freedoms and opportunities for society, particularly the youth. [R]

62.1195 FRIEDMAN, Benjamin M. — The no-growth [US] trap. National Interest 116, Nov.-Dec. 2011: 36–44.

Washington is gripped by the twin plagues of financial stagnation and political paralysis. Now we face an unprecedented spiral: without economic recovery there can be no political consensus; without political consensus there can be no economic recovery. If we fail to overcome our current stalemate, we will be headed for a long period of not only monetary stagnation but moral decline as well. [R]

62.1196 FURMAN, Dmitri — Russlands Entwicklungspfad: vom Imperium zum Nationalstaat (Russia's path of development: from empire to nation-state). Osteuropa 61(10), Oct. 2011: 3–20.

The Russian Federation is neither a true democracy nor a Russian nation-state. It is a remnant of the Russian and Soviet empire, which was held together by authoritarian power. Russians' understanding of themselves has yet to shed its imperial and Soviet cocoon either. It vacillates between imperial revanchist chauvinism, Russophobe self-abasement, and fear of a collapse of nation and state. The “end of Russian history” will only be reached when a truly democratic Russian nation-state that eschews imperial ambitions in the post-Soviet realm has become part of the supranational European community. [R]

62.1197 GARAPON, Antoine — Tunisie: le temps de la fondation (Tunisia: the time of founding). Esprit, June 2011: 78–93. [Résumé en français]

Tunisians are called on to elect an assembly that will determine the country's new constitution. Through this choice, they have declared their wish to take their revolution to its logical conclusion. This is not, as in other countries, a revolt that overthrows an old discredited leader, but the founding of a different regime and the will to reclaim history. [R, transl.]

62.1198 GARDEAZABAL, Javier — Linguistic polarization and conflict in the Basque Country. Public Choice 149(3–4), Dec. 2011: 405–425.

This paper investigates the relationship between linguistic polarization and conflict in the Basque Country. During the 40 years of Franco's dictatorship the use of the Basque language was banned. Therefore, there may be some linguistic roots underlying the conflict in the Basque Country. We show that at the municipality level, linguistic polarization reduces the level of conflict. This finding is robust to various ways of measuring linguistic and ideological polarization and the inclusion of other covariates. In addition, we find that a high level of the stock of human capital is beneficial for reducing conflict intensity. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]

62.1199 GILLEY, Bruce — Beyond the four percent solution: explaining the consequences of China's rise. Journal of Contemporary China 72, Nov. 2011: 795–811.

Debates about the consequences of China's rise have focused mainly on China's foreign policy in security affairs and have been offered mostly within a realist framework; yet this limited approach to the problem ignores non-security issues, non-realist frameworks, and non-China sources of system-level outcomes. Policy-makers and scholars should significantly broaden their descriptive and explanatory frameworks in order to understand the consequences of a rising China. Using this broader approach will direct attention to systemic and ideational factors in explaining whether China's rise is peaceful or not. [R]

62.1200 GOURISSE, Benjamin — Variations des ressources collectives et organisation des activités de violence au sein du Mouvement nationaliste en Turquie (1975–1980) (Changes in the collective resources and organization of violent activities within the Turkish Nationalist Movement, 1975–1980). Cultures et Conflits 81–82, 2011: 81–100. [Résumé en français]

From 1975 to 1980, the organizations of the Nationalist Movement developed ideological and practical apparatuses in order to organize physical violence activities and supervise the members of the teams that carry them out. They allowed some of their members to enter activist careers. Considering these activities of resource mobilizations, the paper analyzes how levels and types of collective resources influence the supervising apparatuses of violence activities and, consequently, the careers of the nationalist movement activists. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1259]

62.1201 GRUBE, Dennis — How can “Britishness” be re-made? Political Quarterly 82(4), Oct.-Dec. 2011: 628–635.

Modern Britishness is widely seen to be based on shared values like “fair play”, “tolerance”, and respect for “diversity”. Can such a “values-based Britishness” be effective as a national binding agent in an era of devolution and globalization? The idea that a uniquely “British” character is based on shared values of some kind is not new. The contemporary debate is framed by decisions made over a century ago in the Victorian era — when the decisive shift occurred from a British identity based on religious difference to one based on shared moral values. Through political rhetoric, legislation, and the courts, Victorian governments shaped and changed the character of Britishness. The same tools remain available to contemporary lawmakers in shaping a 21st c. Britishness that embraces modern universal values. [R, abr.]

62.1202 GUDKOV, Lev — Russland in der Sackgasse: Stagnation, Apathie, Niedergang (Russia at a dead end: stagnation, apathy, decline). Osteuropa 61(10), Oct. 2011: 21–46.

Russia's political leadership tries to control its political rivals, civil society organizations, the mass media, and the justice system. It suppresses social and structural differentiation and thus blocks modernization. Nationalism finds encouragement. Anti-liberal attitudes remain widespread. In society, conservatism and political apathy are rampant. Political spin has assumed the function of ideology. And it makes the population distrustful and reduces demands on cultural and intellectual cohabitation. Russia faces the risk of gradually entering a permanent crisis in which social tensions alternately increase and decrease. The Kremlin is being forced to follow a course between tightening and loosening state controls over society and the economy. But the foundation of the regime remains untouched: the concentration of all instruments of control in the hands of a small, dubious group. [R, abr.]

62.1203 HACHEMAOUI, Mohammed — La corruption politique en Algérie: l'envers de l'autoritarisme (Political corruption in Algeria: the reverse side of authoritarianism). Esprit, June 2011: 111–135. [Résumé en français]

Although corruption is present everywhere in Algeria, this is not only because the petro-dollars allow clientelist policies. It is the result of the regime's design or rather its operation since independence. The description of the mechanisms of political power makes it possible to understand its unique features, in a country which remains exempt from the wave of uprisings. [R, transl.]

62.1204 HADDAS, Saleem — Yemen: divided dissent. World Today 67(3), March 2011: 8–10.

The popular uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia have ushered in what many see as a new dawn in Arab politics, sparking debate about potential knock-on effects throughout the Arab world. [R]

62.1205 HADIZ, Vedi R.; TEIK Khoo Boo — Approaching Islam and politics from political economy: a comparative study of Indonesia and Malaysia. Pacific Review 24(4), Sept. 2011: 463–485.

The article traces the trajectories of Islamic politics in Indonesia and Malaysia in relation to the changing political economy of these two countries. The approach adopted is to understand Islamic politics less on the basis of Islamic doctrine, or conflicts over its interpretation, than in connection with the changing social bases of politics, the context established by capitalist economic transformations, the evolution of the postcolonial state from the Cold War and its aftermath, and of crises of political economy in the 1980s and 1990s. The exercise reveals important convergences and divergences in trajectories that help to explain the complex historical processes which have shaped Islamic politics in these two cases and possibly beyond. [R, abr.]

62.1206 HAMPTON, Mary N. — Living in a world of dangers and strangers: changing EU and German perceptions of threat. German Politics and Society 29(3), Autumn 2011: 73–96.

This article analyzes the differences in US, EU, and German perceptions of threat. The secularist and cosmopolitan turns in EU European identity formation have had a tremendous impact on how security issues are interpreted, especially in Germany. The traditional conception of threat has been re-defined. Yet, recent events are threatening the success forged through a half-century of EU elite-driven culture change. Renationalization and a return to defining threat as fear of strangers have emerged across the EU. [R] [See Abstr. 62.327]

62.1207 HAY, Colin; FARRALL, Stephen — Establishing the onto-logical status of Thatcherism by gauging its “periodis-ability”: towards a “cascade theory” of public policy radicalism. British Journal of Politics and International Relations 13(4), Nov. 2011: 439–458.

This article gauges the extent to which it is credible and useful to speak of Thatcherism in the singular. It develops a series of periodizations of the policy-making process in different policy domains since the late 1970s. This allows us to assess the degree to which a common rationale — such as might be associated with Thatcherism (as an instinct or project) — is exhibited in the sequencing of policy developments in different fields. We establish a new and more generally applicable methodology for establishing the existence of path-shaping political projects (such as Thatcherism) by gauging their periodizability. “Thatcherism” is, indeed, warranted: an account couched in such terms can illuminate an analysis of policy development since the late 1970s in a range of fields. [R, abr.]

62.1208 HONG Liu — An emerging China and diasporic Chinese: historicity, state, and international relations. Journal of Contemporary China 72, Nov. 2011: 813–832.

Drawing upon theoretical insights from both IR and diaspora studies and employing a wide range of primary data including archives and personal interviews, this essay examines the diaspora's role in China's diplomacy since 1949 and conceptualizes the Chinese experience in an historical and comparative perspective. I argue that historicity and state have played a significant part in shaping the interactions between the diaspora and diplomacy. The Chinese state's resilient capacity in domesticating (potential) diplomatic problems with respect to the diaspora and transforming them into new policy initiatives through facilitating diasporic participation in China's socio-economic and political processes has opened up new venues for the Chinese overseas to be involved in China's diplomacy. [R, abr.]

62.1209 HOUGH, Phillip A. — Guerrilla insurgency as organized crime: explaining the so-called “political involution” of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. Politics and Society 39(3), Sept. 2011: 379–414.

The escalation of violence committed by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas against noncombatant civilians triggered a shift in the theoretical orientation of scholars who study Colombia's political economy. While previous explanations emphasized the sociopolitical “grievances” underlying guerrilla activities, recent explanations emphasize the “greed” motive, including guerrilla involvement in Colombia's illegal narcotics trade. This article posits an alternative explanation using Ch. Tilly's theories of state-formation to explain FARC activities in Caquetá, Colombia. Drawing from a longitudinal data-set that documents the war-making, state-making, extraction, and protection activities of the FARC between 1975 and 2007, in addition to historical sociological methods, the author finds that increases in FARC repression stem from the growing militarization and paramilitarization of the region. [R, abr.]

62.1210 IPPERCIEL, Donald — Switzerland's nationhood: a normative approach. Nations and Nationalism 17(4), Oct. 2011: 794–814.

I explore the subject of Switzerland's nationhood in light of a theoretical approach based on normative principles. This approach has the advantage of avoiding the definitional conundrum arising from the plurality of purely descriptive (often historical) definitions of nationhood. Instead, in accordance with certain normative inferences concerning what the nation ought to be given the principles of democracy, law and inclusion, it portrays the nation as a political entity having the largest possible group of individuals instituting a space of public discussion within a state. In this normative definition, attention should be drawn to the concept of “space of public discussion”, which entails the existence of a common public language used by its citizens — something notably different from either the multilingualism of the elite or a common parliamentary language. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1281]

62.1211 JESSE, Eckhard — Friedliche Revolution. Deutsche Einheit. Vereinigtes Deutschland? (A peaceful revolution. German reunification. Unified Germany?). Politische Vierteljahresschrift 52(3), 2011: 537–555.

Recent research on processes of the GDR's transition as well as German reunification and on classifying the Federal Republic of Germany, after more than 60 years of existence, as a stable democracy or one at risk is defined by contemporary history than more political science. A more comprehensive political science approach is needed to analyze the system change in the GDR, the German reunification and its long-term effects. [R]

62.1212 JOSHI, Shashank — Middle East: the Persian illusion. World Today 67(6), June 2011: 23–25.

A specter is haunting the Persian Gulf — the specter of Persia. The era of the Gulfs most iconic běte noire, Saudi-born and -raised Osama bin Laden, has drawn to a close. But outsiders persistently underestimate the degree to which it is a state — the Islamic Republic of Iran — rather than a non-state group, al Qaeda, which today captures the strategic attention of those in the corridors of power in Riyadh, Manama, and Amman. [R]

62.1213 JOYA, Angela — The Egyptian revolution [2011]: crisis of neoliberalism and the potential for democratic politics. Review of African Political Economy 129, Sept. 2011: 367–386.

The Egyptian revolution of 25 January 2011 has to be understood in the context of neoliberal economic shift. The two decades of economic liberalization policies were accompanied by authoritarianism while at the same time these policies opened up opportunities for crony capitalism. Post-Mubarak Egypt has witnessed positive developments such as the rise of political parties, independent trade union federations and other social groups aiming to participate in rebuilding a democratic society. The paper explores the potentials for, and challenges to, building a democratic society in Egypt. [R]

62.1214 KAMO, Yoshinori; HORI, Makiko — A multi-level analysis of thirty-two societies on marital and family satisfaction. Japanese Journal of Political Science 12(3), Dec. 2011: 325–342.

When we examine the quality of life for each individual, several specific dimensions need to be considered. Health conditions and quality of family relationships are critical. When the individual in question is married, his/her marital quality is important. When he/she has a job, subjective assessment of that job is important. Social relationships regarding friends, neighbors, colleagues, relatives, etc. may be critical also. Although the quality of life is more than the sum of qualities of these specific areas of one's life, it is still determined to a great extent by the qualities of these sub-areas, including marital and family relationships (Ch. Proulx, et al., “Marital quality and personal well-being: a metaanalysis”, Journal of Marriage and Family, 69, 2007: 576–593). [R]

62.1215 KAUFMANN, Eric — Reflections on the Swiss Sonderfall. Nations and Nationalism 17(4), Oct. 2011: 815–820.

I ask how insights from the Swiss case open up new sightlines into the nature of nations and nationalism broadly conceived. These articles throw up two main questions: (1) why Switzerland is important when it comes to explaining nationalism; and (2) in a world where high levels of ethnic polarization are associated with violent conflict, or, at the very least, democratic separatism, how has Switzerland managed not only to contain conflict but build a peaceful, prosperous, united nation? [R] [See Abstr. 62.1281]

62.1216 KAYA, Ayhan — Euro-Turks as a force in EU-Turkey relations. South European Society and Politics 16(3), Sept. 2011: 499–512.

This study focuses on the ways in which Euro-Turks affiliate themselves both with their countries of destination in the EU and with their country of origin, Turkey. Using the institutional channeling theory, this study claims that Euro-Turks are more likely to comply with the political, economic, legal and cultural structure of their countries of settlement. The study also claims that Euro-Turks have recently become actively engaged in political participation processes at a time defined by rising Islamophobia. However, official lobbying activities of the Turkish state among Euro-Turks are likely to be more destructive than constructive in the way in which they make the Euro-Turks compete with each other on ideological grounds. [R] [See Abstr. 62.647]

62.1217 KESSLER, Gabriel — Clairs-obscurs de la structure sociale. Tendances en contrepoint dans l'Argentine du 21 eme siècle (Chiaroscuro of social structure. Counterpoint trends in 21st c. Argentina). Problèmes d'Amérique latine 82, Autumn 2011: 93–110. [Résumé en français]

Since the coup d'état of 1976, and especially the reforms of the 1990s, Argentina society has become increasingly unequal and fragmented. Without questioning that general trend, confirmed by the conventional indicators of income and employment, the article observes some trends that, during the same period, operate in the opposite way: expanding school attendance, greater access of the popular sectors to consumption, and persistent through limited upward social mobility. The Argentine society experiences contrary trends. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1155]

62.1218 KIRIŞCI, Kemal — The Kurdish issue in Turkey: limits of European Union reform. South European Society and Politics 16(2), Spring 2011: 335–349.

The first half of the 2000s was characterized by unprecedented political reform in Turkey encouraged by the prospects of EU membership. These reforms helped to improve the quality of democracy as well as the cultural rights of the Kurdish minority in the country. Yet, the Kurdish problem remains far from being resolved. It is, at least partly, the EU that bears responsibility for the failure of the government's Kurdish “opening”, which, when launched in the summer of 2009, had aspired to solve the Kurdish problem in Turkey. [R] [See Abstr. 62.390]

62.1219 KORANYI, James — Reinventing the [Romanian/Serbian] Banat: cosmopolitanism as a German cultural export. German Politics and Society 29(3), Autumn 2011: 97–114.

While U. Beck and N. Sznaider advocate cosmopolitanism as a way of freeing ourselves from grand narratives and putting the subject back on the agenda of research, this article illustrates that such uses of cosmopolitanism can create more problems than they propose to solve. In the case of the Romanian Banat, the recent revival of a cosmopolitan past based on the legacy of the German and other minorities has been intricately tied up with existing cultural hierarchies. Romania has therefore utilized this past as a way of showing its “western face”. In the Serbian Banat, by contrast, such a development has not taken place due to the absence of a dialogue with the West. This article demonstrates that cosmopolitanism has become normative in its use and has created problems for both Romanian and Serbian societies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.327]

62.1220 KUAN, Tambyah Siok; TAN, Soo Jiuan — Subjective wellbeing in ASEAN: a cross-country study. Japanese Journal of Political Science 12(3), Dec. 2011: 359–374.

Our paper reports and discusses issues relating to subjective well-being in selected countries in ASEAN. Comparisons will be made across the five founding members of ASEAN — Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand — using data from the 2004, 2006 and 2007 AsiaBarometer Surveys. The indicators of subjective well-being used are perceptions of happiness, enjoyment, and achievement. We also examined the impact of selected demographic and non-demographic variables on these indicators. [R]

62.1221 LACROIX, Stéphane — Is Saudi Arabia immune [to revolution]? Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 48–59.

Saudi Arabia looked for a time in early 2011 as if it too would become swept up in the Arab uprising. Yet it never quite happened — why? [R] [See Abstr. 62.1252]

62.1222 LAFRAIE, Najibullah — Insurgency and democratisation: Taliban real winners of elections in Afghanistan. Global Society 25(4), Oct. 2011: 469–489.

Promotion of democracy has been the cornerstone of the international community's efforts for peace-building in war-torn and post-conflict societies since the end of the Cold War. The issue gained further urgency in the aftermath of terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001, when failed states were seen as breeding grounds for terrorism and sources of instability for world security. Afghanistan is one of the latest testing grounds for the democratic reconstruction model. The democratization process was charted in December 2001 Bonn Agreement, and the latest presidential election was part of that process. This article analyzes the internal and external implications of the 2009 presidential election in Afghanistan. It concludes that the election is a further proof of the failure of the democratic reconstruction model in war-torn societies. [R, abr.]

62.1223 LaMONICA, Christopher — Moving beyond “illiberal democracy” in Sub-Saharan Africa: recalling the significance of local governance. African Journal of International Affairs and Development 15(2), 2011: 36–75.

The holding of democratic elections in Sub-Saharan African states has not guaranteed associated tenets of democracy. The author concludes that for political liberalism to be attained in the newly declared democracies of Sub-Saharan African states, a renewed emphasis on the role of local government institutions must occur. [R]

62.1224 LANE, David — The impact of economic crisis: Russia, Belarus and Ukraine in comparative perspective. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 27(3–4), Sept.-Dec. 2011: 587–604.

The differential participation of the post-communist countries in the world economy both conditions and mediates the effects of shocks from the world system. Major differences exist between leading European members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) (Russia, Belarus and Ukraine) and the post-communist New Member States (NMS) of the EU. In responding to the financial and economic crisis of 2007 onwards, countries of the CIS were relatively less dependent on, and less integrated into, the world financial system than the NMS; consequently, direct contagion from the world financial crisis, although significant, had less impact on them compared with the NMS. While Russia, Belarus and Ukraine share some economic and structural features, they also have important differences. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.398]

62.1225 LAQUEUR, Walter — Night thoughts on Europe. National Interest 116, Nov.-Dec. 2011: 27–35.

The continent is fast becoming no more than a cultural theme park for well-to-do tourists from East Asia. Its problems go far beyond deflating currency and rising debt. Europe suffers from a lack of will, a crisis of confidence — and a serious identity problem. The once-great superpower has already fallen. We watch as centuries of predominance slip away. [R]

62.1226 LAWTHER, Cheryl — Unionism, truth recovery and the fearful past [of Northern Ireland, UK]. Irish Political Studies 26(3), Sept. 2011: 361–382.

While formal truth-recovery processes have been commonplace in many transitional societies, the question of whether Northern Ireland should have an official examination of its past has been contested. Some of the most vociferous opposition to a truth mechanism has been from unionist and loyalist political parties and associations. The Consultative Group on the Past's recommendation for the establishment of a “Legacy Commission” has become the most recent focus for their concerns. Based upon extensive and original qualitative interviews with elite-level political and civil society representatives, this paper analyzes and explores unionists' and loyalists' opposition to and reluctance to engage in the truth recovery debate. This paper argues that their oppositional discourses to truth recovery are grounded in prevailing ideological beliefs and perceptions. [R, abr.]

62.1227 LIEBER, Robert J. — Staying power and the American future: problems of primacy, policy, and grand strategy. Journal of Strategic Studies 34(4), Aug. 2011: 509–530.

Many scholars, strategists and pundits contend that the US is in decline: America's national capabilities are significantly eroding, and that with the rise of important regional powers, its primacy in world affairs is rapidly diminishing as well. Yet America continues to possess significant advantages in critical sectors such as economic size, technology, competitiveness, demography, force size, power projection, military technology, and in the societal capacity to innovate and adapt. This article argues that the nature of material problems has been overstated, and that the US should be able to withstand modest erosion in its relative strength for some time to come without losing its predominant status. Instead, where limits to American primacy do exist, they are as or more likely to be ideational as they are material. [R, abr.]

62.1228a LOH Su Hsing — China: weak impetus for change. World Today 67(4), Apr. 2011: 23–25.

The political tide that has turned against dictatorial leaderships in Tunisia and Egypt, and is swiftly spreading across North Africa and the Middle East, has led to intense speculation on whether China may be next. [R]

62.1228b LÓPEZ CABALLERO, Paula — Altérités intimes, altérités éloignées: la greffe du multiculturalisme en Amérique latine (Intimate alterity, remote alterity: multiculturalism transplanted to Latin America). Critique internationale 51, Apr.-June 2011: 129–152. [Résumé en français]

The positions adopted by three generations of native informants regarding official assimilation policies (1920–1980) and diversity policies (2000–2010) are described on the basis of an historical and ethnographic survey carried out in a rural area of Mexico, Milpa Alta, where the population has been identified as descended from pre-Columbian inhabitants. Multicultural policies, international human rights legislation and, often, native political discourse are in tension with national systems of alterity. In the case here studied, multicultural policies are grafted on to a configuration which situates native populations in an archetypal position of alterity. It is, however, an endogenous alterity since it is imagined to be a constitutive part of a larger national “us” conceived of as uniformly mestizo. Its specificity notwithstanding, the Mexican example allows us to consider the importance of the exogenous or endogenous character of alterity in discussing the consensus today enjoyed by the multicultural model. [R, abr.]

62.1229 MA Ngok — Value changes and legitimacy crisis in postindustrial Hong Kong [China]. Asian Survey 51(4), July-Aug. 2011: 683–712.

Social, political, and economic changes in post-industrial Hong Kong brought a less instrumental view of democracy, more skepticism against the neoliberal regime, and more support for post-materialist values. The changing values make the old legitimacy formula obsolete, creating a legitimacy crisis for the undemocratic, business-dominated, and low-interventionist government. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “The continuing relevance of Hong Kong”, edited and introduced by Lowell DITTMER. See also Abstr. 62.1173]

62.1230 MANTZIKOS, Ioannis — Somalia and Yemen: the links between terrorism and state failure. DOMES (Digest of Middle East Studies) 20(2), Fall 2011: 242–260.

This study demonstrates that the failed state scheme of Somalia has not been and is not a safe haven for the al-Qaeda. Within this context, the article considers the Somali Islamist political landscape in contrast and in relation to the current situation in Yemen, and supports the premise that weak states, such as Yemen, rather than “collapsed” states, can be incubators of international terrorism. In addition, while studying the interactions between Somalia and Yemen, we answer some other important questions arising from this relationship: (1) does the emergence of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and al-Shabaab have potential convergence; and (2) why is piracy a cross-border phenomenon and how is it connected to radical Islamism? [R, abr.]

62.1231 MARCOU, Jean — Les multiples visages du modèle turc (The many faces of the Turkish model) Futuribles 379, Nov. 2011: 5–22. [Résumé en français]

The re-election in June 2011 of prime minister Recep Tayyip ErdoĞan in Turkey, confirmed the rootedness in Turkish society of the AKP, the Islamic party that has commanded a majority since 2002. It has to be said that the “Turkish model”, so often advocated by the Western countries in the 20th c., has undergone major development and is arousing growing attention on the part of Turkey's Arab neighbors. Given the geopolitical upheavals affecting North Africa and the Middle East for almost a year now, can this non-Arab border-nation between East and West, with its secular, democratic state led by an Islamic party enjoying broad popular support, become a source of regional inspiration? [R, abr.]

62.1232 MASOUD, Tarek — Liberty, democracy, and discord in Egypt. Washington Quarterly 34(4), Fall 2011: 117–130.

Shortly after H. Mubarak's overthrow, Egypt's political landscape is already bitterly divided between liberals who fear democracy, democrats who fear liberty, and a military content to play these forces off against each other in a bid to retain its pre-eminence. Now what? [R] [See Abstr. 62.1152]

62.1233 MAVANI, Hamid — Ayatullah Khomeini's [Iran] concept of governance (wilayat al-faqih) and the classical Shi'i doctrine of Imamate. Middle Eastern Studies 47(5), Sept. 2011: 807–824.

The crisis that unfolded after Iran's June 2009 presidential election exposed the absolutist nature of the state's highest religious authority, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. It also revealed the urgent need to interrogate critically Khomeini's doctrinal justifications for the governance of the jurist in light of how Ali ibn Abi Talib, the first Shi'a Imam, assumed the caliphate: divine bestowal combined with public investiture that took the form of oath of allegiance. [Several] Ayatollahs have attempted to devise a model in which sovereignty belongs to the public and limits the clergy's role in daily matters of the state to oversight and guidance. In contrast, [others] argue for a clear-cut separation between the church and the state so that the public can choose its form of government since no specific form is prescribed in Islam. [R, abr.]

62.1234 McALLISTER, Ian; WHITE, Stephen — Democratization in Russia and the global financial crisis. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 27(3–4), Sept.-Dec. 2011: 476–495.

In principle, new democracies should be at greater risk from economic crisis than established ones. And without a popular reservoir of good will for democracy, and in the absence of an electorate experienced with distinguishing between the government and the political system as a whole, they are at particular risk. The impact of the 2008–2009 global financial crisis in post-communist Russia suggests that this may not apply universally. In fact, public support for democratic values has been relatively unaffected by the crisis, despite its direct effects on the lives of many ordinary Russians. This may be explained by a history of economic crises and a tradition of “getting by”; a greater popular preoccupation with who holds public office than with how effectively they govern; and the lack of a competitive party system. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.398]

62.1235 McGLINCHEY, Eric — Exploring regime instability and ethnic violence in Kyrgyzstan. Asia Policy 12, July 2011: 79–98.

This article explores the causes of Kyrgyzstan's enduring political instability and periodic ethnic violence. [R]

62.1236 McLAREN, Lauren; COP, Burak — The failure of democracy in Turkey: a comparative analysis. Government and Opposition 46(4), Oct. 2011: 485–516.

Although Turkey took its initial steps toward establishing democracy in 1950, it has thus far failed to become a fully functioning democracy. Using the comparison cases of Spain and Greece, this article discusses two related variables likely to have thwarted the development of full democracy in Turkey: the country's experience with authoritarian rule, and the lack of elite settlement or convergence towards acceptance of the democratic rules of the game. Despite the EU's attempt to push Turkey towards full democracy, it is unlikely that it will become a fully functioning democracy unless it manages to achieve civilian elite agreement regarding the rules of the Turkish democratic game; Turkey's experience with authoritarian rule may, in turn, have hindered the development of such rules. [R]

62.1237 MEHTA, Pratap — Reluctant India. Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 97–109.

Though justly vaunted as the world's largest democracy, India will in all likelihood remain reluctant to take on the mantle of “democracy-promoter” for a mix of historical, ideological, and strategic reasons. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Do new democracies support democracy?”. See also Abstr. 62.229, 1093, 1129]

62.1238 MENNELL, Stephen — America through the one-way mirror. International Journal of Contemporary Sociology 48(2), Oct. 2011: 217–250.

The crisis facing the US in early 21st c. is interpreted in the light of N. Elias's theory of established-outsider relations, which leads to the proposition that unequal power ratios between social groups systematically distort the more powerful group's perceptions of the less powerful (as well as affecting the less powerful's perception of themselves and of the more powerful party). The relationship between the US and the rest of the world is examined as the largest-scale established-outsider relationship. Particular attention is paid to the limited congruence with reality of American we-images concerning social mobility, economic inequality, economic prosperity, military might and political democracy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1190]

62.1239 MICHEL, Patrick — Les réemplois politiques du stéréotype “polonais = catholique” et leurs limites dans la Pologne postcommuniste (The political uses of the “Polish = Catholic” stereotype and their limits in post-communist Poland). Critique internationale 51, Apr.-June 2011: 75–94. [Résumé en français]

In the space of two decades, Poland has gone from a country where it was nearly impossible to criticize the Church and its place in public space to one characterized by socially formulated demands that this space be secularized, as witnessed by many demonstrations against the crucific erected in front of the presidential palace in Warsaw (supposedly in memory of President Lech Kaczyński. This development leads one to attend to the political uses of the “Polish = Catholic” stereotype after 1989. Three issues, in particular, need to be considered: the permanence of the role accorded religion in Poland independently of the 1989 break with the past; the significance of the use of religious references in the evolution of the Polish scene since the establishment of democracy; and the role of religion as a resource for simultaneously managing identity and movement. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.758]

62.1240 MIDDLETON, Roger — South Sudan: labour pains. World Today 67(8), Aug. 2011: 26–27.

Few countries are born with the myriad problems that face the world's newest country, South Sudan. After the suffering of decades of civil war and centuries of marginalization, it might be hard to imagine that independence can be anything other than a hugely positive moment — but South Sudan's challenges are daunting. [R]

62.1241 MONGIN, Olivier — Pour la Tunisie. La démocratie à l'horizon ! (For Tunisia. Democracy at the horizon!). Esprit, Feb. 2011: 6–14. [Résumé en français]

The apparent success of Tunisia (schooling, consumption, stability) has not resisted the protests of the young who are educated but underemployed. The lack of freedom, for a long time used to justify the battle against radical Islam, has led to the rejection of the regime. In order to transform this popular uprising into a democratic revolution, the most urgent task is to reform the Constitution, to create a pluralist political environment and to imagine another economic model. [R, transl.]

62.1242 MORAN, Matthew — Opposing exclusion: the political significance of the riots in French suburbs (2005–2007). Modern and Contemporary France 19(3), Aug. 2011: 297–312. [Résumé en français]

In 2005, following the deaths of two teenagers in the Parisian suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois, France witnessed three weeks of widespread rioting. These events were mirrored in the nearby suburb of Villiers-le-Bel in 2007, when two local youths died in a collision involving police officers. Both during and after these respective events, many social and political commentators denounced the riots as a purely nihilistic expression of violence, a rejection of the Republic and of French society at large. However, this interpretation fails to consider fully the complexity of the situation. This essay deconstructs the security-oriented interpretation of the violence and instead offers an analysis that views the riots of both 2005 and 2007 as a plea for access to French society on the part of those involved. [R, abr.]

62.1243 MOSHES, Arkady — Belarus: land between. World Today 66(12), Dec. 2010: 30–31.

Belarus is a land between, now neither part of Russia nor a real European nation. Its president, intent on rallying the voters in this month's election, has cast Moscow as a threat to its very survival. The reality, as he is re-elected, is likely to be another balancing act between Russia and the West. [R]

62.1244 MURCHU, Niall Ó. — Comparative historical analysis, Frank Wright, and Northern Ireland. Irish Political Studies 26(3), Sept. 2011: 283–299.

F. Wright's Northern Ireland: A Comparative Analysis (Dublin, 1987) remains the most significant work of comparative historical analysis written on Ireland, yet its reputed difficulty has blunted its impact. This article reconstructs Wright's research design and comparative method and situates the book in the research tradition of configurative macroanalysis pioneered by Barrington Moore. Wright's detailed, processual, analytic narratives comparing the breakdown of communal deterrence systems in Northern Ireland, the US South and Algeria have been relatively neglected in later literature. Those grounded comparisons focused on getting the concrete details of cases right while striving to build middle-range generalizations about ethnic stratification and political authority. [R, abr.] [First article of a “Frank Wright Symposium”, edited and introduced by Tim WILSON, “Frank Wright revisited”, pp. 277–282. See also Abstr. 62.1084, 1183]

62.1245 MUSKHELISHVILI, Marina — Institutional change and social stability in Georgia. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 11(3), Sept. 2011: 317–332.

The system transformation of Georgia has not yet resulted in institutional stability. The system is functioning on a basis of the balance of power, which may evolve over time, causing destabilization. Strong antagonisms among competing powers may be described as a situation of distrust, or pictured as an hourglass, in which narrow midpoint corresponds to the missing institutions of fair competition and representation. After the Rose Revolution, the balance of powers has been evolving towards more entrenched hierarchy, which means that further democratization, if any, is likely to be linked with the destabilization. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1111]

62.1246 NEPAL, Mani; BOHARA, Alok K.; GAWANDE, Kishore — More inequality, more killings: the Maoist insurgency in Nepal. American Journal of Political Science 55(4), Oct. 2011: 886–906.

The hypothesis of inequality as the source of violent conflict is investigated empirically in the context of killings by Nepalese Maoists in their People's War against their government during 1996–2003. The dependent variable is the total number of people killed during that period by Maoist rebels in each of 3,857 villages. Inequality is measured by the Gini, the Esteban-Ray polarization index, and four other between-groups indexes. Using models with district fixed effects, and instrumenting for endogeneity of the inequality measures, we find strong evidence that greater inequality escalated killings by Maoists. Poverty did not necessarily increase violence. Education moderated the effect of inequality on killing, while predominance of farmers and of Nepali speakers exacerbated it. [R, abr.]

62.1247 NICOLAIDES, Demetrios — Applying conflict transformation in Cyprus: a neo-functional approach. Cyprus Review 23(1), Spring 2011: 49–63.

This paper applies the concept of conflict-transformation with respect to the Cyprus dispute. It suggests a model to allow self-realization for both communities, while at the same time providing a forum for the collaboration and/or unity of both communities. All efforts thus far to reach a settlement to the Cyprus problem have ended in failure. Although the idea of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation (BBF) is still the primary goal of both communities, this paper argues that an alternative political settlement should also be considered. A failure in negotiations to reunite Cyprus may lead to the perpetuation of the status quo into the indefinite future. However, there may be a third option to consider and this is explored in the idea of “unity in sovereignty”. [R]

62.1248 OLSEN, Tore Vincents — Danish political culture: fair conditions for inclusion of immigrants? Scandinavian Political Studies 34(4), Dec. 2011: 269–286.

In the age of migration, the inclusion of immigrants in national politics is crucial for democratic reasons, and because it increases the coordination and cooperation ability of society. The informal norms, values and beliefs of the political culture are one aspect of the institutional and discursive opportunity structures immigrants face as ethnic and religious minorities. This article analyzes the Danish political culture with regard to the potential barriers it has for the inclusion of immigrants in national political life. It finds that the predominantly liberal, secular and republican character of the Danish political culture excludes certain kinds of cultural and religious identities and interests at the symbolic discursive level, while Danish political culture may in fact provide more openness at the practical and institutional level. [R, abr.]

62.1249 ORTMANN, Stephan — Singapore: authoritarian but newly competitive. Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 153–164.

Singapore has long been known for combining economic development with strict limits on political opposition. But its 2011 parliamentary elections suggest that it is moving toward “competitive authoritarianism”. [R]

62.1250 PATTISON, James, ed. — Libya, RtoP [Responsibility to Protect], and humanitarian intervention [2011]. Ethics and International Affairs 25(3), Sept. 2011: 251–292.

Editor's introduction, pp. 251–254. Articles by Jennifer WELSH, “Civilian protection in Libya: putting coercion and controversy back into RtoP”, pp. 255–262; Alex J. BELLAMY, “Libya and the Responsibility to Protect: the exception and the norm”, pp. 263–270; James PATTISON, “The ethics of humanitarian intervention in Libya”, pp. 271–278; Simon CHESTERMAN, “‘Leading from behind’: the Responsibility to Protect, the Obama doctrine, and humanitarian intervention after Libya”, pp. 279–286; Thomas G. WEISS, “RtoP alive and well after Libya”, pp. 287–292.

62.1251 PICARD, Élizabeth — Unité et diversité de la communauté chiite libanaise à l'épreuve des urnes (2009–2010) (Unity and diversity of the Lebanese Shiite community and the test of the ballot box, 2009–2010). Critique internationale 51, Apr.-June 2011: 35–56. [Résumé en français]

Since the assassination of [Prime Minister] Rafic Hariri in 2005, the Lebanese national scene has been split between two multi-denominational coalitions. The denominational political parties, Hezbollah and Amal, have profited from majority rule and a quota-based electoral system to win nearly all Shiite parliamentary seats in the 2009 elections. With help from their Christian and Druze allies, they have propelled themselves to the center of state power, becoming the ruling majority. They justify their hold on the Shiite electorate by the imposition of a unified representation of identities in a hegemonic discourse which emphasizes denominational memory and the struggle against Israel. Shiite unanimity has nevertheless been called into question by the course and outcome of the 2010 municipal elections. Mobilizing secondary actors and focusing on local issues, these elections revealed that, like other denominations, the Shiite denomination contains a plurality of positions. They also suggested that electoral reform, which has not taken place in eight decades, would contribute to altering modes of identification and mobilization frameworks. [R] [See Abstr. 62.758]

62.1252 PLATTNER, Marc F. — The global context [of the Arab revolts, 2010–2011]. Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 5–12.

Although the Arab revolts have a long way to go before they can be counted as gains for democracy, they do underline what is perhaps democracy's greatest source of strength worldwide — its superior legitimacy. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Comparing the Arab revolts”. See also Abstr. 62.1156, 1166, 1221, 1279]

62.1253 POLLACK, Kenneth M. — Something is rotten in the state of Iraq. National Interest 115, Sept.-Oct. 2011: 59–70.

Sunni vs. Shia. Kurd vs. Arab. Nationalist vs. Islamist. Iraq circa 2011 is looking an awful lot like Iraq circa 2004. Politics are paralyzed, assassinations are on the rise and dethroned warlords are back in business. Lacking external constraints and internal moral compasses, Iraqi politicians lead their country back to the anarchic depths from which it ever-so-briefly emerged. [R]

62.1254 RAJAN, Sudhir Chella — Poor little rich countries: another look at the “resource curse”. Environmental Politics 20(5), Sept. 2011: 617–632.

In developing countries, the historical context of state-formation is often such that the revenues generated by natural-resource exports bolster the stability of authoritarian regimes, and the dominant state actors consolidate their power by managing boom-bust cycles to avert crises. In the context of oil resources, with their special geopolitical significance, relevance for the environment, and enclave character, the primary producers face even more challenges, especially if they are relatively new players and are buffeted by geopolitical power games. Using Mexico, Venezuela and Angola as paradigmatic cases, the relevance of outside forces, domestic policies, and the opportunistic forms of engagement with external power chosen by local actors that produced tragic outcomes in each of these instances are examined. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The politics of energy: challenges for a sustainable future”, edited and introduced by Steve VANDERHEIDEN, pp. 607–616. See also Abstr. 62.78, 201, 273, 298, 455, 530, 946]

62.1255 RIEDEL, Bruce — Brezhnev in the Hejaz [Saudi Arabia]. National Interest 115, Sept.-Oct. 2011: 27–34.

Saudi Arabia, that most stalwart of American allies, has emerged as the guardian of the counterrevolution in the Middle East. Washington is its greatest enabler. Unnerved by an ailing king, an untested prince-in-waiting and a growing class of young, urbane malcontents, Riyadh forged an alliance of neighboring monarchies to forcibly ensure the reign of the status quo. [R]

62.1256 RIEDEL, Rafal — Silesia agglomeration — identity in transition supranational identifications in multi-cultural Europe. Polish Political Science Yearbook 2010: 158–190.

A heavily industrialized agglomeration in south Poland, Silesia represents a unique combination of features. Very rich in natural resources, it has been intensively exploited for the last 150 years. Today it is environmentally, economically and socially degraded. Looking for strategies of modernization, it is necessary to recognize prerequisites of cultural identity to be taken into account when programming the region's development.

62.1257 RISTIĆ, Irena — Rapprochement as a paradigm shift: does the wheel come full circle in former Yugoslavia? Südost-Europa 59(3), 2011: 286–300.

Not only did Yugoslavia dissolve in an extremely violent way, its dissolution was accompanied by the emergence of a discourse that constructed the Yugoslav space as an artificial one. This discourse described Yugoslavia as a state that was created and led in a top-down fashion by undemocratic political elites. This article presents examples of these bottom-up processes to illustrate that, despite the traumatic experience of the fragmentation of Yugoslavia, people in the Yugoslav space have started to link once again. [R]

62.1258 ROBINSON, Neil — Russian patrimonial capitalism and the international financial crisis. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 27(3–4), Sept.-Dec. 2011: 434–455.

The international financial crisis brought Russia's run of economic growth to a halt and has given a greater sense of urgency to President D. Medvedev's calls for modernization. This, however, does not mean that crisis has changed Russia or its political economy. Russia's economic system is a form of patrimonial capitalism, a particular form of patrimoni-alism created when patrimonial systems reform under the influence of global economic forces. Russian patrimonial capitalism developed in the 1990s and stabilized under V. Putin. This type of capitalism is hard to change and does not tend to promote economic modernization or diversification. The crisis has so far not fatally wounded this system, and this will make future reform harder to secure. [R] [See Abstr. 62.398]

62.1259 ROGER, Antoine — Syndicalistes et poseurs de bombes. Modalités du recours à la violence dans la construction des “intérěts vitivinicoles” languedociens (Union members and bomb throwers. The use of violence in the process of shaping Languedoc [France] “wine interests”). Cultures et Conflits 81–82, 2011: 49–80. [Résumé en français]

From the beginning of the 1960s to the beginning of the 1980s the Comités d'action viticole (organizations of winegrowers) were in the news as they claimed responsibility for bomb attacks on official buildings and wine merchants in Languedoc. Their clandestine network then remained inactive for several years, but it returned to violence at the end of the 1990s. These variations should be related to the evolving relationship between winegrowers' unions and administrations. We highlight the means by which the unions shape the groups they pretend to represent and seek to defend. We also analyze the competitive process in which these unions are involved when they seek recognition by national or EU civil servants. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “The use of violence in politics”, introduced, pp. 7–15, by Laurent BONELLI. See also Abstr. 62.671, 743, 768, 1200]

62.1260 SAIKAL, Amin — Afghanistan on the edge of a political abyss. International Studies 47(1), Jan. 2010: 27–39.

Ten years into the war on terror, the H. Karzai government and its international backers — the US and NAT — continue to face bleak prospects in Afghanistan. The country suffers from political uncertainty and instability, with a resurgent Taliban movement in control of vast swaths of territory. Five key factors have interacted inauspiciously to contribute to this situation: the mosaic nature of the Afghan society, an inappropriate political system which has subsequently led to poor governance, the flawed US and NATO political and military strategies, the prominence of Afghanistan's narcotics trade and a number of counter-systemic actors, chief among them being the Taliban. Placing greater emphasis on reform, reconstruction and containment is needed if Afghanistan is to have a chance of getting out of its current deteriorating cycle of violence and bloodshed. [R, abr.]

62.1261 SARDAR, Syed Imran — Good governance: the Achilles' heel of South Asia — is there a way forward? Regional Studies 29(4), Autumn 2011: 38–62.

The paper discusses the concept of governance and issues related to it from South Asian perspective. Governance has presently gained immense importance in development discourse and is considered a crucial element in formulating any development strategy. Apart from its universal acceptance, theory of governance is still passing through a development phase, as its concept defined by different scholars more or less varies. [R]

62.1262 SASAOKA, Shinya; SEKI, Katsunori — Democracy and quality of life in Asian societies. Japanese Journal of Political Science 12(3), Dec. 2011: 343–358.

This article examines whether democracy affects quality of life. Scholars have conducted surveys to investigate whether democracy is likely to lead to good quality of life. There are two contested views to the relationship: some suggest that democracy has a positive causal effect on quality of life; others [disagree]. Previous findings are supported by cross-national statistical analysis with aggregated survey data. However, aggregated survey data may cause ecological fallacy. Also, in order to ascertain the extant research, it would be beneficial to test the hypothesis by incorporating both individual- and country-level variables. Therefore, this paper applies hierarchical modeling to investigate the regularity. Both individual-level perception of democracy and country-level political regime data were incorporated in our empirical model. [R, abr.]

62.1263 SCHEUER, Michael — The Zawahiri era. National Interest 115, Sept.-Oct. 2011: 18–26.

Meet Ayman al-Zawahiri, the Egyptian doctor-turned-jihadist-mastermind — and the new head of al-Qaeda. All reassuring B. Obama administration rhetoric to the contrary, Osama bin Laden's methodical second-in-command, who inherits a revamped, resilient organization bursting with swollen ranks of new recruits, may well out-terrorize his predecessor. Prepare for the new age of jihad. [R]

62.1264 SCHOCH, Bruno — Zankapfel Kosovo: die Stabilität und ihre Feinde (Kosovo, an apple of discord: stability and its enemies). Osteuropa 61(10), Oct. 2011: 95–106.

After Kosovo's declaration of independence in February 2008, many observers feared an escalation of violence. When this did not immediately happen, relief was widespread. In the summer of 2011, however, militant protests and barricades in northern Kosovo, even attacks on NATO soldiers, served as an ungentle reminder that old ethnonational territorial issues are far from resolved. Nonetheless, given the difficult starting point, the international community in Kosovo has made considerable success in building a functioning state. A nationalist escalation in violence similar to that of the 1990s is not looming. [R]

62.1265 SECRIERU, Stanislav — The Transnistrian conflict [Moldova] — new opportunities and old obstacles for trust building (2009–2010). Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 11(3), Sept. 2011: 241–263.

Among the four unsettled conflicts in the wider Black Sea region the Transnistrian one is often described as the most solvable. Between 2009 and 2010, the conflict in Transnistria emerged as an important security issue on the European agenda. This article demonstrates how a myriad of global, regional and domestic developments provided a fresh start for building trust between the key regional actors, and synergy for creating a favorable setting for a sustainable solution in the long run. However, these new tendencies around Transnistria evolved in parallel with the inertia of old agendas and competing regional security logic. Hence, the article also addresses the obstacles which precluded progress towards a propitious environment for conflict-resolution. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1111]

62.1266 SHANI, Ornit — Gandhi, citizenship and the resilience of Indian nationhood. Citizenship Studies 15(6–7), 2011: 659–678.

This article examines Gandhi's legacy in the shaping of citizenship in India and its implications for the resilience of Indian nationhood. The Gandhian conception of citizenship was developed after independence in conjunction with three other primary concomitant notions of citizenship. The ongoing multifaceted interplay between the four competing conceptions of citizenship, and the tensions and shifting balance of power between them became part of the mechanism that enabled the sustainability of some conflicts within the Indian polity to the detriment of other more threatening divisions. In the effect of this process Indian citizenship has been able to inhibit the tensions that had the potential to break the country apart. [R, abr.]

62.1267 SHERRILL, Clifton W. — After Khamenei: who will succeed Iran's Supreme Leader? Orbis 55(4), Fall 2011: 631–647.

Since succeeding the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, A. Khamenei has striven to make himself indispensible to the fate of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran. However, the measures Khamenei has taken to secure his power have left his succession in doubt, with no consensus heir. The lack of clear successors among the clergy, weakness of the government institutions, and concerns about regime strength could lead to instability and the potential for an Islamic Revolution Guard Corps coup. [R]

62.1268 SONER, Bayran Ali; TOKTAŞ, Şule — Alevis and Alevism in the changing context of Turkish politics: the Justice and Development Party's Alevi opening. Turkish Studies 12(3), Sept. 2011: 419–434.

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has launched a rapprochement policy toward the Alevis. The AKP's Alevi Opening has presented a unique case in Turkey's latest identity politics not only because Alevi claims, for the first time, came to be involved in political processes for official recognition and accommodation, but also because the process was handled by a political party which is regarded to have retained Islamist roots in Sunni interpretation. This article explores the AKP's Alevi opening process and explains the motivations behind the party's decision to incorporate the Alevi question in its political agenda. [It examines] the positions [of] the actors and agencies involved: the Alevi (the secularist and the conservative wings), the General Directorate of Religious Affairs, the National Security Council, the AKP leadership and the Islamist intellectuals. [R, abr.]

62.1269 SPENCER, Claire — Tunisia: moment in the sun. World Today 67(2), Feb. 2011: 17–18.

A week on from the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali from the presidency of Tunisia, a semblance of calm appeared to be returning to Tunisian streets. Protests may continue over details of the transition, but the next few weeks will determine whether the “Jasmine revolution” can prove that peaceful change is possible in North Africa and the Middle East. [R]

62.1270 SPRINGBORG, Robert — Whither the Arab Spring? 1989 or 1848? International Spectator 46(3), Sept. 2011: 5–12.

Potential Arab democratic transitions will face more substantial obstacles than Eastern Europe did in 1989. Those obstacles include the intense securitization of the Middle East, the absence of agreed upon models for future polities and economies, the residual power of authoritarian systems, and the limited capacities of newly emerging political and civil societies. Even the poster children of the Arab Spring, Tunisia and Egypt, are not well equipped to imitate the success of Eastern European countries. The Arab Spring of 2011 may thus be more akin to the 1848 failed revolutions than to the democratic transitions set in motion by the crumbling of the Soviet Union in 1989. [R]

62.1271 STILL, Clarinda — The state in the palli: Dalit perspectives on the state in Andhra Pradesh [India]. Contemporary South Asia 19(3), Sept. 2011: 315–329.

I examine Dalit attitudes towards the state in Andhra Pradesh. In this part of India, Dalit lives and physical surroundings are quite literally shaped by the state and encounters with state officials in various guises are frequent. I argue that Dalits' dealings with the state have led them to a view which is essentially pragmatic: they see the state in terms of what they can extract from it. While their experiences with local bureaucracy are often frustrating and sometimes humiliating, they nevertheless regard the state as a resource which potentially can be tapped for their advance. Indeed, in light of the disintegration of patronage and heightened caste conflict, they are forced to turn to the state for assistance. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Experiencing the state from the margins: ordinary politics and spaces of possibility”, edited and introduced by Deepta CHOPRA, Philippa WILLIAMS and Bhaskar VIRA]

62.1272 STRNAD, Grazyna — The Sixth Republic under [President] Roh Tae Woo (1988–1993): the genesis of South Korean democracy. Polish Political Science Yearbook 2010: 204–225.

The Roh Tae Woo administration in South Korea operated within the confines of the constitution. The greatest success of its post-authoritarian period was its Nordpolitik, intelligently engaging in a rapidly changing region and global political reality. A free press and the liberalization of society was another major achievement in the journey towards democracy. Ironically, Roh's greatest contribution to democratic transition may have been his very modest use of the presidential powers during his five-year term.

62.1273 SVAMPA, Maristella — Du “qu'ils s'en aillent tous !” à l'exacerbation de la rhétorique nationale-populaire (From “out with all” to the exacerbation of national-popular rhetoric [Argentina]). Problèmes d'Amérique latine 82, Autumn 2011: 77–92. [Résumé en français]

This paper proposes a reading of the last ten years (2001–2011), through three hypotheses, embedded in the strongest events in 2001, 2003 and 2008. It first explains that the mobilizations of 2001 left a deep mark, with a consolidation of a militant narrative (the “generation of 2001”) and the return of the classwar and the national-popular tradition. It then analyzes the process of political restructuring “from above” that occurred after the general crisis that exploded in December 2001, when Néstor Kirchner was elected president (2003–2007), and when his wife Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, succeeded him (2007–2011). An updating of the national-popular tradition was the keystone of that process. It explains finally the coexistence between the national-popular dynamics and the logic of dispossession logics, desmonstrated by the proliferation of conflicts for land and territory. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1155]

62.1274 TÓTH, Gábor Attila — From uneasy compromises to democratic partnership: the prospects of Central European constitutionalism. Acta juridica hungarica 52(3), Sept. 2011: 220–234.

This paper first outlines the constitutional and political background of revolutionary transition. It shows that uneasy compromises with members of the ancien régime were an unavoidable part of the peaceful transition. Nevertheless, the achieved constitutional structures and rules do not prevent political communities from realizing the full promise of democracy. Second, the analysis explores how the century-old historical circumstances, the social environment, and the commonly failed practice of constitutional institutions interact. This section highlights some of the differences between universal principles and local peculiarities, focusing particularly on the constitutional features of presidential aspirations, the privileges of churches and certain ethnic tensions. [R, abr.]

62.1275 UGARTE, Eduardo F.; TURNER, Mark MacDonald — What is the “Abu Sayyaf” [Philippines]? How labels shape reality. Pacific Review 24(4), Sept. 2011: 397–420.

Official sources and the media often represent the “Abu Sayyaf” as a militant Islamist group or organization responsible for most atrocities in the southwestern Philippines. Frequently implicit within such representations is the assumption that the reported terrorist/bandit entity possesses the basic features of a conventional organization. Yet this assumption is irreconcilable with the many available descriptions of the armed groups labeled “Abu Sayyaf” since the early 1990s. To dispel the confusion surrounding the phenomenon, the article reviews the genealogy of the “Abu Sayyaf” label in order to reveal the circumstances that gave birth to the perception of it as a coherent group or organization. The article concludes with a brief ideal-typical interpretation of the covert networks in which the armed groups branded “Abu Sayyaf” have been and continue to be enmeshed. [R, abr.]

62.1276 URBAN, Hans-Jürgen — Stabilitätsgewinn durch Demokratieverzicht? Europas Weg in den Autoritarismus (Stability gains through renunciation of democracy? Europe's road to authoritarianism). Blätter für deutsche und internatonale Politik 56(7), 2011: 77–88.

After violent social unrest in Greece, the troika (the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the European Commission) have conceived another rescue package to save the country from bankruptcy, but remain skeptical of a sustainable recovery of the country's finance. There is in the financial markets increasing speculation about a “gradual sanctions regime” which would mean that Greece would lose its fiscal sovereignty. Moreover, the European Stability Mechanism — aiming at consolidating the euro — could prove economically counterproductive, socially polarizing and a threat to political legitimacy.

62.1277 VIDALI, Zaira — The socio-political and ideological-cultural elements of the Italian nation and the national minority question in Italy. Razprave in Gradivo 65, Sept. 2011: 36–59.

Law 482, Norms Concerning the Protection of Historical Linguistic Minorities, perhaps historically the most important law on national minorities in Italian history, was enacted in 1999. This article analyzes the socio-political and ideological-cultural elements of the Italian nation that led to the increase in political attention to the national minority question in Italy that was required for such a law to have been accepted. The two endogenous socio-political elements are the definition of the Italian nation in the civic sense and its crisis, as well as its relationship with the ethnic elements of the Italian nationality. There are exogenous sociopolitical elements as well. [R, abr.]

62.1278 WALT, Stephen M. — The end of the American era. National Interest 116, Nov.-Dec. 2011: 6–17.

It may be lonely at the top, but Americans have always found the view compelling. As Washington's dominance wanes, a frightening future awaits. Two lost wars. Eroding infrastructure. A crippled economy. The time when the US could create and lead a political, economic and security order in virtually every part of the world is over. The cure? A new American strategy. [R]

62.1279 WAY, Lucan — The lessons of 1989 [and the Arab revolutions, 2010–2011]. Journal of Democracy 22(4), Oct. 2011: 13–23.

The Arab events of 2011 may have some similarities to the wave of popular upheavals against authoritarianism that swept the Soviet bloc starting in 1989, but the differences are much more fundamental. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1252]

62.1280 WELCH, Stephen; WITTLINGER, Ruth — The resilience of the nation state: cosmopolitanism, Holocaust memory and German identity. German Politics and Society 29(3), Autumn 2011: 38–54.

This paper offers a critique of the proposal of “methodological cosmopolitanism” in theoretical terms and substantiates this critique by providing an account of the dynamics of collective memory and identity in postunification Germany. In the first part, we look at the arguments about methodological cosmopolitanism and their derivative, the idea of cosmopolitan memory, illustrated by the case of Holocaust memory. In the second part we look at the case of Germany: first at its postwar experience of the attempted construction of “post-national” identity, and then at more recent trends, contemporaneous with the Berlin Republic, towards a “normalization” of national identity in Germany. The Holocaust plays a crucial, but different, role in each phase. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.327]

62.1281 WIMMER, Andreas — A Swiss anomaly? A relational account of national boundary-making. Nations and Nationalism 17(4), Oct. 2011: 718–737.

This article reviews how major theorists of nationalism — from E. Renan to B. Anderson — have tried to come to grips with the puzzle that Swiss nationalism and the Swiss state present in view of the mono-ethnic states that surround it. I argue that this puzzle disappears when assuming a political sociology perspective that highlights the networks of political alliances underlying nationalist movements and the power structure of recently formed nation-states. Studying an “outlier” case such as Switzerland helps us to gain insight into the general processes and mechanisms at work in the rise of nationalism and the nation-state. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Switzerland: a nation-state or a multinational state?”, edited and introduced, “Switzerland: challenging the big theories of nationalism”, pp. 712–717, by Marc HELBLONG and Nenad STOJANOVIĆ. See also Abstr. 62.238, 1175, 1210, 1215, 1283]

62.1282 YADGAR, Yaacov — A post-secular look at tradition [in Israel]: toward a definition of “traditionism”. Telos 156, Fall 2011: 77–98.

The author focuses on Israel and its domestic cultural diversity with regard to the range of Jewish religious identities, especially the more than a third of Israeli Jews who, neither orthodox nor secular, define themselves as adherents of tradition, the masortim. At stake, however, is not simply the complexity of the religious-identification landscape but also an exploration of the status of tradition (and religion) in modern identity as such. While standard accounts of modernity (and aesthetic modernism) insist on the dogma of an abrupt rupture with tradition, in fact many members of “modern” societies maintain a positive relation to traditions without participating in “ultra-traditionalist” conservatisms. [R] [See Abstr. 62.17]

62.1283 ZIMMER, Oliver — Coping with deviance: Swiss nationhood in the long nineteenth century. Nations and Nationalism 17(4), Oct. 2011: 756–774.

This article highlights two processes that shaped Swiss nationhood in the long 19th c. The first concerns the competition between different nation-states and the nationalist visions these contests engendered. In a Europe dominated by the norm of the culturally and ethnically homogenous nation, the Swiss authorities, public intellectuals and various political representatives were desperate to display an image of national authenticity to the outside world. The result was a nationalism that combined voluntarist and organic elements. The article focuses on citizenship, conceived not only as a social and legal institution, but also as a cognitive prism through which people defined their membership in the national community. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1281]

62.1284 ZUKOWSKI, Arkadiusz — Contemporary Polish diaspora in the Republic of South Africa [RSA] and its attitude towards politics. Polish Political Science Yearbook 2010: 191–203.

The article focuses on the attitude of the Polish diaspora in the RSA towards the socio-political situation in country of settlement. Particular attention is drawn to the attitude of the Polish diaspora to political transition in South Africa. Relation to this process is portrayed by engagement of the Polish diaspora in building new political order after apartheid — a multi-ethnic democracy, among others through its participation in parliamentary elections, referendums and membership in political parties. Conclusions concentrate on conditions and effects of the Polish diaspora participation in political life in country of settlement. [R]

62.1285 Os desafios da pirataria marítima em África (The challenges of maritime piracy in Africa). Relações internacionais 31, Sept. 2011: 69–180.

Introduction by Alexandra Magnólia DIAS, pp. 69–73. Articles by Marc-Antoine PÉROUSE DE MONTCLOS “A pirataria marítima na Nigéria. Um fenómeno antigo em vias de modernização (Maritime piracy in Nigeria: an old phenomenon on the road to modernization)”, pp. 75–84; Luís Eduardo SARAIVA, Pierre-Michel JOANA, “A pirataria desarma-se em terra. O caso da Somália (The struggle on piracy is won on land. The Somali case)”, pp. 85–97; Gilberto CARVALHO DE OLIVEIRA, “Intervenção contra a pirataria nas costas da Somália: naval peacekeeping? (Intervention against piracy on the Somali's Coasts: naval peacekeeping?)”, pp. 99–115; Mateus KOWALSKI, “Um tribunal híbrido para a pirataria na Somália. A construção de capacidade jurisdictional num estado em colapso (A hybrid court against piracy in Somalia. Building jurisdictional capacity in a collapsed state)”, pp. 117–133; José Manuel Félix RIBEIRO, “Portugal, Europa e globalização. Como gerir as conse-quěncias do endividamento e construir alliances externas para o crescimento (Portugal, Europe and globalization. How to manage the consequences of the debt and forge external alliances for growth)”, pp. 135–139; Helena GARRAPIÇO, “‘The godfather goes to Brussels’. A evolução do conceito de crime organizado no contexto da área de liberdade, segurança e justiça (‘The godfather goes to Brussels’: The evolution of the organized crime concept in the area of freedom, security and justice)”, pp. 141–157.