Abstract
62.1286 ABEDIN, Najmul —
This article identifies and examines various types of the ombudsman institution that have evolved over the years, provides a clear and systematic classification of these models, and compares and contrasts them. Relatively recent developments can be better understood if they are also discussed in the light of the past. For this reason, the origin, development, and salient features of the original/classical model of the ombudsman institution are briefly discussed. Against this backdrop, the emerging pattern and the salient features of other types or deviant/distorted models of ombudsman offices are examined. [R]
62.1287 ABSALÓN, Carlos; URZÚA, Carlos M. —
This paper reviews the use of microsimulation models as a tool for public policy analysis. This methodology, introduced initially in the1950s, has recently been used intensively, especially in Europe thanks to the development of faster computers and better microdata surveys. The paper discusses the theoretical foundations of microsimulation models and describes how they can be used to evaluate the impact of public policies on social welfare and the economy. The paper also mentions some of the existing microsimulation models, emphasizing those created in Latin America. [R]
62.1288 ADAM, Antonis —
Previous studies on the determinants of military conscription have found no association between the level of democracy and conscription. This paper argues that the stability of democratic institutions, rather than the current level of democracy, affects the decision to raise a conscript army. We hypothesize that countries with unstable democratic institutions employ military conscription as a mechanism to control the military and to prevent its involvement in a successful coup. By using data on 149 countries for the years 1970 to 2005, we find that countries with longstanding democratic traditions are less likely to use conscription, corroborating our hypothesis. Our results are robust to variations in specifications. [R]
62.1289 ADÈS, Brigitte; LACOMBLED, David —
The explosion of the Internet and new technologies on the international scene has revolutionized the work of decision-makers and diplomats. But what exactly has been its impact? Has it increased freedom, improved responsiveness, or fundamentally challenged rules, at the risk of things spiraling out of control? No doubt all three. These days, revolutions brew on social networks and bloggers have become the new opinion leaders. But the Internet has created new vulnerabilities which has obliged states to review their defense strategies. Faced with a dramatic increase in cyber-attacks, it is necessary to build immediate and coordinated defenses, capable of tracing the attacks back to their perpetrators and limiting the scope of the attacks. In general, as a means of fighting against the proliferation of malefactors on the Net, some states have called for regulations designed to channel and regulate networks. But how do we regulate them without impeding innovation and the free circulation of ideas? That, indeed, is the question. [R]
62.1290 AINLEY, Kirsten —
Since 1945, responsibility for atrocity has been individualized, and international tribunals and courts have been given effective jurisdiction over it. This article argues that the move to individual responsibility leaves significant “excesses” of responsibility for war crimes unaccounted for. When courts do attempt to recognize the collective nature of war-crime perpetration, through the doctrines of “command responsibility,” “joint criminal enterprise” and “state responsibility,” the application of these doctrines has limited or perverse effects. Instead of expecting courts to allocate excesses of responsibility, other accountability mechanisms should be used alongside trials to allocate political (rather than legal) responsibility for atrocity. The mechanisms favored here are well-resourced non-judicial commissions which are mandated to hold to account individual and collective actors rather than simply to provide an account of past violence. [R, abr.]
62.1291 ALBERT, Mathias; BUZAN, Barry —
So far, securitization analysis has proceeded on the basis of an assumption that there are sectoral differences between securitization dynamics. However, sectors in this context were primarily seen as analytical “lenses,” as complexity-reducing cuts through a complex social reality. We first reflect on the ontological status of “sectors”. Do they represent functionally differentiated realms of world politics or world society, or do sectors and functional realms need to be separated from one another clearly? After a short introduction on “functional differentiation” in International Relations and briefly reflecting on the ontological/analytical distinction, we scrutinize the relation between sectors and functionally differentiated realms of society. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1292 ALBERTUS, Michael; MENALDO, Victor —
How does the strength of a state's coercive apparatus under autocracy affect the likelihood of democratic transition? While a broad range of literature posits a negative link between repression and democracy, empirical models of the determinants of democratization rarely include measures that capture this relationship. An original panel dataset with a global scope from 1950–2002 enables an empirical assessment of whether coercive capacity is negatively associated with democracy. The dataset demonstrates that increased coercive capacity under autocracy has a strong, robust negative impact on both a country's level of democracy as well as the likelihood of democratization. The analysis suggests that empirical studies of democratization should include measures of repression to account for the widely assumed link between coercive capacity and autocracy. [R]
62.1293 ALDRICH, John H.; MONTGOMERY, Jacob M.; WOOD, Wendy —
It is conventional to speak of voting as “habitual”. But what does this mean? In psychology, habits are cognitive associations between repeated responses and stable features of the performance context. Thus, “turnout habit” is best measured by an index of repeated behavior and a consistent performance setting. Once habit associations form, the response can be cued even in the absence of supporting beliefs and motivations. Therefore, variables that form part of the standard cognitive-based accounts of turnout should be more weakly related to turnout among those with a strong habit. We draw evidence from a large array of ANES [American National Elections Surveys] surveys to test these hypotheses and find strong support. [R]
62.1294 ALEX, Bastien; MATELLY, Sylvie, eds. —
A series of articles introduced by the editors, “Pourquoi les matières premières sont-elles stratégiques ? (Why are raw materials a strategic issue?),” pp. 53–60 [French and English Abstracts]. Articles by Yves JÉGOUREL, “La sécurisation des approvisionnements en métaux stratégiques: entre économie et géopolitique (Securing supplies of strategic metals: between economics and geopolitics),” pp. 61–68; Jacques PERCEBOIS, “Le gaz non conventionnel, facteur d'indépendance énergétique (Unconventional gas, a factor of energy independence?),” pp. 69–76; Didier JULIENNE, “Quand l'Afrique s'éveillera, la Chine tremblera (When Africa awakes, it will shake China),” pp. 77–84; Christophe-Alexandre PAILLARD, “Russie, Ukraine, Union européenne: faux-semblants et perspectives (Russia, Ukraine, EU: false pretense and prospects),” pp. 85–94; Catherine LOCATELLI, “Interdépendances et conflictualités russo-européennes en matière de gaz naturel (Russia and the EU, interdependence and conflicts around natural gas),” pp. 95–104; Valérie NIQUET, “La Chine et l'arme des terres rares (China and the weapon of rare earths),” pp. 105–114; Richard LABÉVIÈRE, “Grand nord: le réchauffement armé (The Far North: around warming),” pp. 115–124; Francis PERRIN, “L'impact du printemps arabe sur l'industrie des hydrocarbures et sur les marchés pétroliers (The impact of the Arab Spring on the hydrocarbon industry and the petroleum markets),” pp. 125–132.
62.1295 ALEXANDER, Damon; LEWIS, Jenny M.; CONSIDINE, Mark —
Effective public administration relies on the passage of information through interpersonal communication networks. While we have a vast research literature concerning formal structures and roles in organizations, including public agencies and government institutions, we know far less about the flow of information through semiformal, voluntary interactions. We use a large survey to explore the networking patterns of politicians and bureaucrats and to compare these with the more formal structural attributes of hierarchy and functional specialization. Social network analysis and standard quantitative measures are used to examine which actors are most central in advice and strategic information networks and how this varies across governments. The results suggest that the communication networks of politicians and bureaucrats differ substantially, with politicians being surprisingly peripheral in their patterns of interaction. [R, abr.] [Part of a symposium on “The future of network governance research,” edited and introduced, “The future of network governance research: strength in diversity and synthesis,” pp. 1221–1234, by Jenny M. LEWIS. See also Abstr. 62.1689, 1720, 1739, 1804, 1817, 1838, 1890, 2290]
62.1296 ALLEN, Michael A.; FORDHAM, Benjamin O. —
Most bargaining models of war suggest that the absence of ex-ante uncertainty about the outcome of fighting should lead to negotiated outcomes rather than military conflict. Nevertheless, relatively weak states still refuse demands from dominant powers in many cases. This paper tests several explanations for this phenomenon. J. Fearon's account of rationalist explanations for war suggests reasons states might resist militarized demands even if there is little or no chance of military victory. Alternative explanations that do not assume the state behaves as a unitary rational actor focus on special features of state preferences. Empirical analyses of MID and ICB data point to the importance of both rationalist claims about threat credibility and alternative arguments about state preferences. [R, abr.]
62.1297 ALTHAUS, Scott L., et al. —
News outlets cannot serve as reliable conveyors of social facts, nor do their audiences crave such content. Nonetheless, much political science scholarship assumes that objective information about social, political, and economic topics is routinely transmitted to the mass public through the news. This article addresses the problem of selection-bias in news content and illustrates the problem with a content-analytic study of New York Times coverage given to American war deaths in five major conflicts that occurred over the past century. We find that news coverage of war deaths is unrelated to how many American combatants have recently died. News coverage is more likely to mention war deaths when reporting combat operations and less likely to mention them when a war is going well. [R, abr.]
62.1298 ÁLVAREZ YÁÑEZ, Lone; GONZÁLEZ HERNÁNDEZ, Guadalupe Margarita; BECERRA VILLEGAS, Jesús —
This article proposes a methodology to analyze perceptions on governance. The measurement intends to combine the satisfaction of citizens with the performance of institutions, their rulers and themselves as active actors in the improvement of Mexican democracy. The governance perception index was constructed with data obtained through a survey conducted in the state of Zacatecas. The results indicate the existence of correlation between citizens' perception and poor performance rating of local government. [R]
62.1299 ANAÏS, Seantel —
This article employs some of the theoretical and methodological tools devised by M. Foucault to explore the political rationale suggested by the proliferation and use of a class of weapons collectively referred to as “non-lethal”. The invention and continued use of non-lethal weapons has been treated in existing literature as an ethical crisis. This article connects the emergence of non-lethal weaponry to the mobilization of a sense of ethical crisis concerning the humane treatment of civilians and combatants in conflicts in the US and beyond. Policies related to nonlethal weaponry, along with the practices that they engender, are also explored in relation to the notion of “partial citizenship”. [R, abr.]
62.1300 ANDREWS, Matt —
Will reforms emerging from the 2008 crisis have a global impact and influence developing countries? Evidence suggests that this happened before, after meltdowns in the 1970s. This article deconstructs how reforms diffused in this period and why countries followed different reform timelines. Institutional theory and a descriptive analysis of post-1970s experience suggest that countries followed different reform paths. Developing countries copied reforms seen as legitimate in various OECD countries, supported by entities upon which developing countries were dependent. Developing countries may not follow the same path now; endogenous discussions about reform options are more common. More external reform alternatives have also emerged from new development partners such as China, and it is unclear that countries such as the US will chart post-crisis reform paths developing countries perceive as worthy of following. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1545]
62.1301 ANIČKINA, Tat'jana Borisovna —
The article covers the history and modern state of the multilateral “Global Zero” initiative aimed at universal nuclear disarmament. It focuses on the role of the US in providing formal support and practical implementation of the Initiative's goal. The prospects for global nuclear disarmament are examined within the broader context of regional conflicts and international security challenges. [R]
62.1302 ARCHIBUGI, Daniele; HELD, David —
One of the recurrent criticisms of the project of cosmopolitan democracy has been that it has not examined the political, economic and social agents that might have an interest in pursuing this program. This article shows that there are a variety of paths that, in their own right, could lead to more democratic global governance, and that there are a diversity of political, economic and social agents that have an interest in the pursuit of these. Cosmopolitan democracy is an open-ended project that aims to increase the accountability, transparency and legitimacy of global governance, and the battery of agents and initiatives outlined highlight the direction and politics required to make it possible. [R]
62.1303 ARIELY, Gal —
This article examines how the components of the New Public Management (NPM) doctrine are related to the ways citizens evaluate the public service. It investigates how five macro-level explanations — free-market orientations, public-sector size, tax burdens, administration decentralization, and public-service quality — affect citizen evaluation of the public service. Data from the International Social Survey Project Citizenship 2004, The Role of Government 2006 Modules, and country-level data are used to study the relationship across 25 countries, employing multilevel analyses of the data to analyze the relationship between country-level explanations and citizen valuation of the public service. [R, abr.]
62.1304 ARMSTRONG, Chris —
Many of the foremost defenders of distributive egalitarianism hold that its scope should be limited to co-citizens. But this bracketing of distributive equality exclusively to citizens turns out to be very difficult to defend. Pressure is placed on it, for instance, when we recognize its vulnerability to “extension arguments” which attempt to cast the net of egalitarian concern more widely. The paper rehearses those arguments and also examines some — ultimately unsuccessful — responses which “citizenship egalitarians” might make. If citizenship egalitarianism cannot be defended, then its adherents [must] modify that position substantially in order to embrace at least some global egalitarian components, or argue for a reorganization of citizenship regimes in such a way that citizenship might properly track the subjects of egalitarian justice. Both are radical options. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1680]
62.1305 AUDET, François —
This article offers an analysis of the humanitarian space. This working area, which has significantly changed over the past decades, entails to take into account the future of the humanitarian actor within the new international context. The main challenges are the organizational spectrum which shapes this actor and dilutes the humanitarian rhetoric and principles and the politicization of the humanitarian space. In fact, the reticence of the humanitarian actor to evolve in harmonization with the new international reality required to reconsider his role and existence in conflict area. [R]
62.1306 BACCINI, Leonardo; DÜR, Andreas —
Since 1990, the number of preferential trade agreements has increased rapidly. The argument explains this phenomenon — the new regionalism — as a result of competition for market access: exporters facing trade diversion because of their exclusion from a preferential trade agreement concluded by foreign countries push their governments into signing an agreement with the country in which their exports are threatened. The argument is tested in a quantitative analysis of the proliferation of preferential trade agreements among 167 countries between 1990 and 2007. The finding that competition for market access is a major driving force of the new regionalism contributes to the literature on regionalism and to broader debates about global economic regulation. [R]
62.1307 BAKER, Roozbeh
The behavioral revolution of the 1960s which engulfed the social sciences, and particularly political science and sociology, led to a large-scale disinterest in the study and structure of institutions. The 1980s saw a new movement emerge in the social sciences, which stressed the centrality of institutional analysis in the study of politics and society and resurrected the study of institutions as key variables. Dubbed New Institutionalism, this movement would have profound effects on the direction of research in political science and sociology. Unfortunately, the New Institutionalist movement has been largely ignored by IR theorists and practitioners, although it has generated both a useful toolkit of methods, and a rich source of findings that could be of much use to IR theory. [R]
62.1308 BAPAT, Navin A. —
States engage in coercive diplomacy by sponsoring militant violence against their rivals. This gives militant groups' sponsors bargaining power, but may produce moral hazard, because it can empower groups so much that sponsors cannot control them. This study develops a game-theoretic model to explain why states take the risk of sponsoring militant groups. The model demonstrates that sponsorship may be a form of costly signaling that increases the probability both of bargaining failure and of a negotiated settlement favorable to the sponsor. The model further demonstrates that only moderately weak states and major powers are likely to gain coercive power through sponsorship. Data on militant violence during the period 1989–2001 support the model's predictions. [R]
62.1309 BAR, Shmuel —
This article discusses the influence of religion on deterrence. Faith may increase risk-propensity and lower the legitimacy of being deterred. Anticipation of divine intervention, reward or punishment, adherence to an apocalyptic ideology, or (in the Shiite world) to believe in the imminent advent of the Hidden Imam reduces susceptibility to deterrent threats. Religious motivation can, however, be potentially exploited to enhance deterrence. Superstitions can induce courage and self-sacrifice but may also induce fear and mass hysteria. Prophecies too are a two-edged sword; believers, who receive divine guarantees that a certain event will not happen, may lose faith in the face of the occurrence of that event. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1537]
62.1310 BATTISTELLA, Dario —
For the past 20 years, the number of Western military interventions that have aimed to protect populations, defend fundamental liberties, or reestablish democracy has multiplied. Though they may be facilitated and legitimized by a rereading of international law, their ideological roots are deep and extend at least to the period of the conquistadores. The imposition of democracy by force, however, still risks failure, as can be seen in the example of Afghanistan. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1428]
62.1311 BAUBÖCK, Rainer —
Temporary migration raises two different challenges. The first is whether territorial democracies can integrate temporary migrants as equal citizens; the second is whether transnationally mobile societies can be organized democratically as communities of equal citizens. Considering both questions within a single analytical framework will reveal a dilemma: on the one hand, liberals have good reasons to promote the expansion of categories of free-moving citizens as the most effective and normatively attractive response to the problem of partial citizenship for temporary migrants; yet, on the other hand, if free movement rights were actually used by too many, this might fatally undermine the sustainability of intergenerational and territorial democratic polities. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1680]
62.1312 BAUJARD, Antoinette —
The article explores the possibility and the structure of moral pluralism by focusing on a particular case: the joint valuation of utility and freedom of choice. The study was conducted on the basis of the “freedom of choice literature,” whose purpose is to characterize the rankings of opportunity sets according to the axiomatic method which is typical of social choice theory. Some refinements of the cardinal ranking take into account the value of constraints, the value of choice, the variety of options, and the value of options in order to capture distinct notions of freedom. I discuss the role of utility or preferences in the rankings of opportunity sets, and thus distinguish between the status of reasonable preferences and actual preferences. The rankings based simultaneously on the value of actual or potential utility as well as on freedom of choice capture some notion of pluralist overall well-being. The structures of relationship between the utility and freedom may then be described according to various forms of commensurability: the instrumental value of freedom for utility, weighting values, equal consideration of values, the lexical order of values, and discontinuity. From this analysis is inferred the possibility of fundamental pluralism of values in the case of rankings of opportunity sets capturing a discontinuous valuation of utility and of freedom of choice. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1359]
62.1313 BEARDSLEY, Kyle —
Existing scholarship has characterized the severity of and mechanisms behind the problem of conflict-contagion but not how to address it. Although studies of peacekeeping have demonstrated that it can prevent conflict-recurrence, we know little about whether international actors can also help prevent conflict from spreading. Using event-history analysis that incorporates information from neighboring observations, the empirical findings indicate that the expected risk of armed conflict increases by over 70% when peacekeepers are not deployed to a recent neighboring conflict but does not significantly rise when neighboring peacekeepers are deployed. One of the key means by which peacekeeping helps contain conflict is through addressing problems related to transnational movement of and support for insurgencies, thereby specifically preventing intrastate conflict from increasing the propensity for new intrastate conflict nearby. [R, abr.]
62.1314 BEDNAR, Jenna —
Formal constitutional amendment can be difficult to achieve and, without the confidence of experience, may introduce changes that too quickly and too rigidly alter the balance of authority between federal and state governments. Therefore, in federal systems it is preferable to experiment with alterations prior to formal adoption. I address how federal systems encourage two types of policy experimentation that are either unlikely to be tried or unlikely to be accepted. To encourage costly state experimentation, the federal government can alter financial incentives, nudge states towards a new policy by shifting public attention, set a pre-emptive floor and offer party-based rewards. To smooth union acceptance of selfish experimentation, a set of safeguards encourages deliberation and experience with the policy that leads to public acceptance or rejection. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1319]
62.1315 BEDNAR, Jenna —
This article highlights political science's interest in the distribution of authority between federal and state governments. The authority boundaries are studied (1) as mechanism design problems, where authority is allocated optimally to achieve social goals; (2) as problems in positive political theory, because the authority distribution creates competitive interests; (3) as an institutional design problem, where the boundaries are maintained by safeguards; and (4) as a complex adaptive system, where the boundaries evolve in response to the interaction of diverse agents. The article suggests that as dynamic models of constitutional evolution develop, reflecting the bottom-up process and the responsiveness to the cultural community, federal constitutional design may transform from optimality studies to feasibility studies. [R]
62.1316 BEHNKE, Nathalie, et al. —
Studies of constitutional reforms so far have equated formal ratification with a successful reform. The paper adds substantive success as a second dimension based on two indicators: degree of agenda-fulfillment and degree to which the reform contributes to solve the constitutional problem. Analyzing territorial reforms in unitary or federal states, we distinguish two types of problems: group and efficiency problems. The comparative analysis of formal and substantive success demonstrates that (1) reforms can be at least partly successful in terms of substance, although they may have failed formally; (2) fulfilling the reform agenda seems to be a necessary but not a sufficient condition for solving the constitutional problem at stake; (3) cases with group problems score higher on both indicators, thus being more successful than cases with efficiency problems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1319]
62.1317 BEN-ISHAI, Elizabeth —
I explore Bevir's approach to interpretative social science and its implications for his study of governance. I make two arguments: one methodological and one substantive. First, I argue that we should think of the philosophy of interpretative social science as necessarily tied to some chosen method of recovering knowledge, be it local or expert knowledge. Without such a recovery of knowledge, interpretative analysis of local reasoning is impossible. Second, I argue that the recovery of not only expert knowledge — Bevir's primary focus — but also the local knowledge of citizens who are affected by these reforms, ought to play a central role in our understanding of governance. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1414]
62.1318 BENSON, Brett V. —
I develop a typology of deterrent and compellent military alliances to better define the possible conditions for intervention and use new data from 1816 to 2000 to analyze the relationship between alliances and conflict. First, unconditional compellent alliances are associated with a 249% increase in the likelihood of conflict when the prospective initiator is an alliance member. Such alliances are especially associated with violent conflict. Second, conditional compellent alliances exhibit no discernible relationship with conflict. Third, deterrent alliances contingent upon the adversary's attack are associated with an 18% decrease in the likelihood a third party will initiate a conflict with an alliance member. Minor powers holding such alliances with major powers are unlikely to be attacked violently. Fourth, other categories of deterrent alliances do not deter violent conflict. [R, abr.]
62.1319 BENZ, Arthur; COLINO, César —
This article outlines a conceptual framework for analyzing constitutional change in federal systems. It explains the dilemmas, tensions and dynamics inherent in federations that cause the need for adaptation and formal reform of constitutions. After reviewing some approaches and concepts from the literature, the article introduces a conceptual framework for understanding constitutional federal change. It tackles its complexity by determining its modes, mechanisms and outcomes. It proposes an analytical distinction among four types of constitutional federal change — reform, innovation, evolution and adjustment — and presents a distinction among four mechanisms of change, distinguishing change produced through constitutional policy-making, “implicit” change of intergovernmental rules and patterns of governance practices, intergovernmental competition and/or “paradigmatic” shifts in constitutional ideas and values, or change in court decisions and legal interpretation and discourses. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Federalism and constitutional change: theoretical and comparative perspectives,” edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.1314, 1316, 1347, 1437, 1493, 1591, 1746]
62.1320 BERENI, Laure; CHAPPE, Vincent-Arnaud —
This article provides a theoretical reflection on the sociological uses of the concept of discrimination, paying close attention to its relationship with law. The article promotes a cautious and reflexive approach to discrimination, fully weighing the consequences of a category so heavily marked by law for the sociological analysis of power relations and social inequality. After examining the legal framework of discrimination, the article presents the sociological users of the notion, especifically in the US and in France. These theoretical reflections illuminate the presentation of the sociological literature on anti-discrimination law on both sides of the Atlantic. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Discrimination and law,” edited by the authors and Séverine LACALMONTIE. See also Abstr. 62.1553, 1715, 1724, 1881, 2161]
62.1321 BERGGREN, Niclas; ELINDER, Mikael —
We investigate how tolerance, as measured by attitudes toward different types of neighbors, affects economic growth in a sample of 54 countries. Unlike previous studies, by R. Florida and others, we find that tolerance toward homosexuals is negatively related to growth. For tolerance toward people of a different race, we do not find robust results, but the sign of the estimated coefficients is positive, suggesting that inclusion of people irrespective of race makes good use of productive capacity. We propose mechanisms to explain these divergent findings, which clarify why different kinds of tolerance may be of different economic importance. [R]
62.1322 BERLING, Trine Villumsen —
The interface between science and securitization has not been systematically addressed. This article argues from a Bourdieusian viewpoint that scientific arguments and “facts” are at work in at least three distinct mechanisms within and around securitization. First, science communities/explanations can come to objectify an issue to the extent where securitization becomes next to impossible. Second, science co-determines the status of a securitizing actor and thus influences the authority of the speaker in specific fields. Third, scientific facts can be mobilized in securitization claims by securitizing actors in attempts to seek back-up in the objective, disinterested aura of the scientific vocation. The RAND Corporation's objectivation of the issue of nuclear deterrence is taken as an example of the first mechanism, while climate-change and democratic peace illustrate the other two mechanisms. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1323 BERMEO, Sarah Blodgett —
This paper uses data from the AidData project to analyze the association between foreign aid and the likelihood of democratization in aid-recipients. I find evidence that the relationship between aid and democratization depends on characteristics of the aid-donor. During the period from 1992 to 2007, aid from democratic donors is often found to be associated with an increase in the likelihood of a democratic transition. This is consistent with a scenario in which aid promotes democratization, suggesting that democratic donors use scarce aid resources to encourage democracy. During the same period, aid from authoritarian donors exhibits a negative relationship with democratization. This suggests that the source of funding matters, with donor preferences regarding democracy helping to determine the link between aid and democratization. [R, abr.] [Part of thematic issue, “Expanding our understanding of aid with a new generation in development finance information,” edited by J. Timmons ROBERTS, Michael G. FINDLEY and Darren G. HAWKINS]
62.1324 BERNHAGEN, Patrick; CHARI, Raj —
The authors identify and examine the most promising political science theories for explaining the financial and economic crisis that started in 2007. Surveying the literature on lobbying, elite integration, ideological hegemony, structural state dependence and varieties of capitalism, they review the potential contributions of these different theoretical perspectives to our understanding of the causes of the current crisis specifically, and of the factors driving policy-making and macroeconomic management decisions more generally. They argue that these different theories are not mutually exclusive while highlighting the utility of approaches focusing on elite integration, lobbying and structural dominance for making sense of the crisis in Ireland and elsewhere. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1446]
62.1325 BEST, Robin E.; BUDGE, Ian; McDONALD, Michael D. —
The extent and ways in which popular preferences influence government policy are absolutely central to our understanding of modern democracy. P. Warwick's discussion of these [“Bilateralism or the median [voter] mandate? An examination of rival perspectives on democratic governance,” European Journal of Political Science 49(1), Jan. 2010: 1–24; Abstr. 60.3270] puts itself at the heart of the debate with its critique of the median mandate theory of M.D. McDonald and I. Budge [Elections, Parties, Democracy: Conferring the Median Mandate, Oxford, 2005], proposing an alternative “bilateralist” concept of representation. This article questions whether this concept has much to add to our theoretical understanding of representational processes. However, Warwick's further conceptual points deserve serious consideration. These concern the time horizons within which representative processes work, and the status of the median position given multi-motivated voting. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 62.1609]
62.1326 BICKFORD, Susan —
Recent critics have argued that the concept of deliberation guiding much democratic theory is an overly rationalized one that undervalues the role of emotion in political communication. In this essay, I probe the puzzles of political judgment that come into view once we consider emotion a morally appropriate element of democratic communication. I argue that Aristotle's understanding of reason, emotion, and rhetoric directs our attention to “emotion talk” and offers resources for illuminating the worldly effects of beliefs about emotion in a context of inequality. Reflecting on the effects of how we listen to emotion talk can provoke consideration of the citizen ethos we desire. [R]
62.1327 BILGIN, Pinar —
Given the worldwide prevalence of mainstream approaches to security, the nature of peripheral international relations, and the Western European origins and focus of the theory, there is no obvious reason to expect securitization theory to have a significant presence outside Western Europe. Adopting a reflexive notion of theory allows inquiry into the politics of studying security, which in turn reveals how the Western European origins and focus of securitization theory may be a factor enhancing its potential for adoption by others depending on the historico-political context. Focusing on the case of Turkey, the article locates the security literature of that country in the context of debates on accession to the EU and highlights how securitization theory is utilized by Turkey's authors as a “Western European approach” to security. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1328 BINDERKRANTZ, Anne Skorkjaer; CHRISTENSEN, Jørgen Grønnegaard —
Public management reform has drawn inspiration from principal agent theory and private management, and a favored reform strategy has been civil service reform that strongly recommends pay-for-performance. The hypothesis tested [here] is that the incentive effect will improve public-sector management. The basis is the performance-management system introduced in Danish central government where access to both performance and pay data provides us with unique behavioral data. The system combines performance contracts with executive contracts for agency heads, who in this way can earn a bonus based on agency performance. We find no support for the hypothesis and discuss the result against principal agent theory, private sector experience, and bureaucratic theory. [R]
62.1329 BJÖRNBERG, Karin Edvardsson; HANSSON, Sven Ove —
Climate-change has generated several new theoretical and policy challenges, many of which concern how local communities ought to adapt to a warmer climate. This paper identifies and analyzes a number of value judgments that come to the fore as local authorities adapt to climate-change. Five categories of judgments are discussed: evaluation (how should the consequences of adaptation be evaluated?), timing (when should adaptive action be taken?), distribution (how should the benefits and burdens of adaptation be distributed?), procedures (who should be involved in adaptation decision making?), and goal conflicts (how should goal conflicts in adaptation be dealt with?). For each category, further research is needed to assist decision-making at the local level. [R]
62.1330 BJØRNSKOV, Christian; PALDAM, Martin —
The World Values Survey contains an item on ownership, which is polled 200 times in 92 countries at the four waves of 1990, 1995, 2000 and 2005. These polls are developed into the CS-score that measures the aggregate mass support for capitalism and socialism. Four hypotheses are advanced and tested to explain the wide variation in the 200 CS-scores. It is due to: the cross-country distribution of income, and consequently the West stands out as the most capitalist-minded area of the world; institutions of the country such as legal quality; the left-right dimension in politics; and cultural differences. [R]
62.1331 BLAGDEN, David W.; LEVY, Jack S.; THOMPSON, William R. —
J. Levy and W. Thompson [“Balancing on land and at sea: do states ally against the leading global power?,” ibid. 35(1), Summer 2010: 7–43; Abstr. 60.6946] argue that leading sea powers have neither the capability not the incentive to threaten the domestic political order of other major powers, and are thus more likely to be bandwagoned with as a supplier of global public goods and potential ally against continental threats than balanced against. This response does not represent a wholesale criticism of this work, [but] recognizes it as a major contribution to alliance theory and the broader realist research program. [Some] aspects to the argument that require development. I discuss three dimensions that could be strengthened and therefore merit further scholarly attention. I then reconsider how their findings might be related to wider theoretical debates that, at present, Levy and Thompson consider inadequate. [R, abr.] [See the original authors' reply, pp. 197–201]
62.1332 BLAYDES, Lisa; KAYSER, Mark Andreas —
How does regime-type affect the poor? Are certain types of regimes better at translating economic growth into consumption for the world's least privileged citizens? We propose an alternative measure of transfers to the poor that is nearly universally available and innately captures distribution: average daily calorie consumption. In sharp contrast to the consumption of material goods or the accumulation of wealth, biological limits make it impossible for a small number of individuals to consume most of a nation's calories. Democracies and hybrid regimes — which combine elements of autocracy and democracy — are better at translating economic growth into total calorie consumption than autocracies and perform strikingly similarly in this regard; democracies outperform both hybrid regimes and autocracies, however, in converting growth into higher quality calories from animal sources. [R]
62.1333 BOIX, Carles —
Resolving a controversy on the relationship of development to democratization, this article expands the time period under study with panel data running from the early 19th c. (when hardly any country was democratic) to the end of the 20th c., and shows a positive and significant effect of income on the likelihood of democratic transitions and democratic consolidations. The estimations hold after I control for country and time effects and instrument for income. The effect of income varies across income levels and across eras. (1) Income has a decreasing marginal effect on democratization. In already developed (and democratized) countries, any extra growth has no further effect on the level of democracy. (2) The structure of the international system affects the resources and strategies of pro-authoritarian and pro-democratic factions in client states. [R, abr.]
62.1334 BOLOTNIKOVA, Ol'ga Radikovna —
The problem of regulating contemporary ethnical conflicts related to separatism has several key characteristics. At the heart of the issue stands the question of the balance between international law's two fundamental principles, which usually oppose each other in the process of conflict regulation: the principle of “states' territorial integrity” on the hand, and that of “peoples' right to self-determination” on the other. During negotiations, these two principles are regarded as mutually exclusive by both sides which renders the process of conflict resolution extremely difficult. A survey of a series of cases, among which those of Belgium, Nigeria, Sudan, and Western Sahara, allows for the development of a typology of contemporary ethnic conflicts and the outlining of common principles for their resolution.
62.1335 BONGAARTS, John —
Family planning — the provision of information and services people need to determine for themselves the number and spacing of their children — has always been a controversial and sensitive subject in public policy. We briefly review the evolution of the population policy-environment over the past half-century, before focusing on the critical years since the mid-1990s when international support for family planning declined sharply. Our main argument is that investments in family planning are highly cost-effective because they have powerful poverty-reduction effects in addition to providing health and human rights benefits. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1433]
62.1336 BOOTH, W. James —
Addressing historic injustice involves a struggle against absence. This article reflects on the foundations of that challenge, on absence and justice. I ask what it means to address the absent victims of deadly injustice given the distance of time and death that separates us from them. This topic embraces a wide swath of events of interest. Some are as recent as the Rwandan genocide; others are by now historical: the Holocaust or slavery in antebellum America. All have in common that they and their victims are distant from us, a separation that makes doing them justice deeply perplexing. In response, I sketch an argument that the absent victims of injustice are not nullities but retain a status, a presence as claimants on justice that defines our efforts to address the wrongs done them. [R]
62.1337 BOUDREAU, Cheryl —
I develop a theory and experimental test of the conditions under which combinations of two institutions induce citizens to trust a speaker's statements and make better decisions than when only one institution is present. The theoretical model demonstrates that a second institution typically should not alter a speaker's propensity to make truthful statements, nor subjects' decisions to trust those statements. The experimental results reveal important departures from such rational behavior. Specifically, a second institution makes subjects more willing to trust the already mostly truthful statements they receive, which enables them to make better decisions than when only one institution is imposed upon the speaker. These findings suggest lessons about the conditions under which institutions can increase trust and improve decision making in political, legal, and economic contexts. [R, abr.]
62.1338 BOUZID, Bechir —
This paper examines the factors that make a political regime more vulnerable to overthrow given the number of years elapsed since the regime's inception. By analyzing a relatively large dataset of 102 countries over the last 35 years and using the event history analysis (Cox regression model, frailty model), the present work builds upon previous theoretical attempts to offer a new empirical contribution to the understanding of the event of coup d'état. The main findings of this study indicate that non-democratic political regimes accelerate the recurrence of coup plots. [R, abr.]
62.1339 BOVE, Vincenzo; ELIA, Leandro —
We explore the supply side of peacekeeping — the determinants of a country's voluntary contributions to peacekeeping operations. We focus on troop contribution and examine a large set of operations, from UN-led missions to operations led by NATO, the African Union, the EU, and ad hoc coalitions. We rely on a theoretical model of the private provision of public goods and a dataset on troop contribution across 102 states and 45 operations from 1999 to 2009 to explain both the conditions under which third-party actors are more or less likely to intervene in peacekeeping operations and the factors determining the size of their personnel contribution. We use the characteristics of the conflict to identify which types of conflicts attract outside intervention and the characteristics of the intervener to identify the countries more willing to provide troops. [R, abr.]
62.1340 BOWDEN, Brett —
It is generally understood that there is a direct correlation between civilized society and a propensity for cooperation and peace over confrontation and violent conflict, both in domestic affairs and in international relations. Under the influence of democratic and liberal theories of perpetual peace, this leads to the assumption that the spread of civilization around the globe will hasten the cause of international order and world peace. This article challenges that orthodoxy on the back of a misunderstanding about the nature of the relationship between civilization and war. Turning the generally accepted “civilization equals peace” equation on its head, this article demonstrates a dramatically different relationship between civilizing processes and war, or civilization and war. [R]
62.1341 BRANDENBURG, Heinz —
This paper discusses the erosive impact of a shift from a politics of conflict, of polarized partisan representation to valence politics, a politics of performance, delivery and widespread policy consensus in advanced Western democracies. It is argued that consensus politics undermines the structuring role of political parties in the representation of societal conflict and hence results in diminishing interest, intensity and respect for politicians, parties and parliaments. It points towards a political rather than a sociological explanation of declining political trust. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1446]
62.1342 BRANDT, Urs Steiner —
Climate experts agree that climate change is a serious threat to our environment. The general public, however, does not share this concern. The question is why this is so. The causes behind the perception gap between climate experts and laymen are important because it may have consequences for the actual climate policy. A combination of economic decision theory and behavioral psychology suggests why laymen have a different risk-perception [from that of] experts. Because politicians care about the votes from a non-expert electorate, insufficient action in climate policies may be the consequence. A conscious change in public communication about the climate-change risks may be a way to harmonize climate experts' and laymen's risk-perception and thereby contribute to effective climate policies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2302]
62.1343 BRANOVIĆ, Željko; CHOJNACKI, Sven —
This article presents a theoretical framework with which to discuss how non-state modes of security governance evolve in the context of state failure and/or collapse. We present the logic of security markets, which assumes that the evolution of security governance by non-state groups in failed states is a function of both resource-availability and the strategies that armed groups apply to extract resources from the civilian population. Axiomatically, we expect that in the short term the central purpose for the use of force is survival and achieving the ability to finance one's capabilities to use force. The changing competitive conditions in security markets explain the rationales behind the decisions of armed groups either to use violence against the civilian population or to invest in the provision of security. [R, abr.]
62.1344 BRICK, J. Michael —
The 20th c. saw a dramatic change in the way information was generated, as probability sampling replaced full enumeration. We examine some key events of the past and issues being addressed today to gain perspective on the requirements that might steer changes in the direction of survey sampling in the future. The potential for online Web panels and other methods that do not use probability sampling are considered. Finally, we conclude with some thoughts on how the future of survey sampling might be shaped by unpredictable factors. [R] [First of a series of articles on “The future of survey methodology and public opinion research”. See also Abstr. 62.1374, 1431, 1513, 1564, 2177]
62.1345 BRINCAT, Shannon —
Dialectics remains an underutilized methodology in contemporary IR theory, which represents a significant limitation to the study of world politics, particularly in understanding processes of transformation and change — an oversight that this article redresses. This article first reconstructs and builds upon the small but robust debate concerning the validity of dialectics in IR that has been championed previously by Alker and Biersteker, and Heine and Teschke, respectively. Second, it contrasts dialectical and deterministic approaches to IR, as exemplified in Coxian Critical Theory and neo-realism, as a means to showcase the merits of the former as an approach to the study of social change in world politics. The article offers the groundwork of a social-relational dialectical approach to world politics that is focused on the intersubjective engagements between human beings. [R, abr.]
62.1346 BROOKS, Thom —
Climate change and its harmful effects are widely accepted. A common approach is to argue along the lines of Mill's “harm principle”: if we contribute to climate change, then we are responsible for harming others and have a negative duty to reduce our carbon emissions. A negative duty leads to a philosophical fork in the road which does not necessarily entail carbon emissions-reductions. Arguments for such reductions require further supplementation to close off possible non-conservationist alternatives. [R]
62.1347 BROSCHEK, Jörg —
The connection between past and present politics manifests itself most obviously in the constitution. Diverging trajectories of constitutional evolution usually depart from a “constitutional moment” and, therefore, are causally tied to formative events that take place early in a historical sequence. And yet, while the historical nature of the constitution is often acknowledged, studies rigorously applying a historical-institutionalist framework to the study of constitutional change in federal systems have been few and far between. This article probes the value of historical institutionalism for investigating and explaining both the origins and patterns of constitutional change in federal systems. It taps into three strands within the historical-institutionalist literature and asks what each can contribute to the analysis of constitutional change in federal systems. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1319]
62.1348 BUHAUG, Halvard, et al. —
Income varies considerably within countries and the locations where conflicts emerge are rarely typical or representative for states at large. Yet, most research on conflict has examined only national income averages and neglected spatial variation. The authors argue that civil conflicts are more likely to erupt in areas with low absolute income, even if a country's GDP per capita is not necessarily low, and in areas with large deviations from national averages. The authors test these hypotheses empirically using spatially disaggregated data on the location of conflict outbreaks and per capita income estimates. The authors find that areas with absolute poverty indeed see more outbreaks of conflict, and they find some evidence that inequality increases the risk of conflict. [R, abr.]
62.1349 BUNN, Frances; SWORN, Katie —
The last few decades have seen a growing emphasis on evidence-based decision-making in health-care. Systematic reviews synthesizing research have been a key component of this movement. However, there is concern that such syntheses do not have the expected impact on policy with more work needed to enable us to maximize their potential. This review identifies and evaluates potential strategies for increasing the impact of systematic reviews on policy. Such strategies may include incorporating active strategies for dissemination and knowledge-transfer but more work is needed to evaluate their benefits. [R]
62.1350 BURCHI, Francesco —
The paper has a two-fold objective. First, it theoretically and empirically analyses the effects of democracy on famine mortality. Second, it examines the role played by other institutional/governance factors. The econometric exercises realized with data on a group of emerging and developing countries confirm the validity of Amartya Sen's “democracy prevents famine” argument [Development as Freedom, New York, 1999]. Moreover, two main institutional indicators, computed by the World Bank, “control of corruption” and “government effectiveness,” are found to be negatively correlated with famine mortality, suggesting that the policy environment, the level of bureaucracy and governmental capacity to take prompt decisions are relevant for reducing famine mortality. These factors are important also among countries with the same political regime. [R]
62.1351 BURNELL, Peter —
International elections observation cannot make an election free and fair. In any case, this would not guarantee well-institutionalized political parties and party competition or the consolidation of liberal democracy. Parties influence elections. Could international assistance to parties help compensate for the limitations of elections observation? The reality is that party aid has limitations of its own. Closer coordination of elections and party support may offer a partial solution but is not unproblematic. [R]
62.1352 BURT, Richard; LODAL, Jan —
Negotiating a comprehensive, universal and enforceable nuclear control regime would appear daunting, if not utopian. Yet, it is important to think clearly not just about what is feasible, but what is necessary. [R]
62.1353 BUSSMAN, Margit —
As with all social sciences, empirical research in IR has to be systematic and transparent for others to verify our results. Social science methods are an important tool for this endeavor. Good knowledge of quantitative and qualitative methods is increasingly important for junior researchers. Following the criteria of social science research can help to improve the quality of our research and make our results transparent for others. With regard to transparent and systematic research, qualitative researchers can still improve. The standard of replication can provide guidance in this respect. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1522]
62.1354 CABRERA, Daniel —
Public opinion polls contain very valuable features and show a string track record, which implies that they are a valid and reliable research tool. Nevertheless, polls are always confronted with two accusations: their lack of predictive power and the influence they have on their very object of research once their results are published in the media. Furthermore, these attacks often seem to be aimed at the technique itself, leaving the other actors in this process — experts and mass media — untouched. Specialists, on the other hand, have barely shown any creativity in their defense of this technique, and they have done very little to establish whether there are any grounds for these criticisms. Furthermore, practically no studies have been carried out on the reasons why predictions (very seldom) fail. All these charges are discussed in this article. [R]
62.1355 CÂBULEA MAY, Simon —
Instrumentalism about moral compromise in politics appears inconsistent with accepting both the existence of non-instrumental or principled reasons for moral compromise in close personal friendships and a rich ideal of civic friendship. Using a robust conception of political reconciliation during democratic transitions as an example of civic friendship, I argue that all three claims are compatible. Spouses have principled reasons for compromise because they commit to sharing responsibility for their joint success as partners in life, and not because their relationship involves strong affective attitudes of goodwill, solidarity, trust, and the like. Since shared responsibility for ends is an inappropriate element in the political relationship between citizens, the members of a divided society may manifest the constitutive attitudes of political reconciliation without any commitment to principled reasons for moral compromise. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1680]
62.1356 CAHILL, Damien —
The current global economic crisis signaled to many the demise of neoliberal hegemony. Two years on however, neoliberalism appears to be quite durable. Indeed, after a brief period of Keynesian-type responses, states, on the whole, have embraced neoliberal solutions to the fiscal problems generated by the crisis. While [some] European nations are pursuing austerity policies, in the US, state and municipal governments are selling off public assets in response to mounting deficits. This paper explains the durability of neoliberalism and the opportunities and challenges it creates for non-neoliberal progressive policy agendas. Drawing upon K. Polanyi's conceptual framework, this paper argues that neoliberalism is best understood as a historically specific process of state and economic restructuring that is socially embedded through three mechanisms: ideological norms, class relations, and institutional rules. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1851]
62.1357 CALLANDER, Steven —
Policy-makers typically have imperfect information about which policies produce which outcomes, and they are left with little choice but to fumble their way through the policy space via a trial-and-error process. Do democratic systems identify good policies? I introduce a novel model of policy-making in complex environments. I show that good policies are often but not always found and I identify the possibility of policy-making getting stuck at outcomes that are arbitrarily bad. Notably, policy stickiness occurs in the model even in the absence of institutional constraints. This raises the question of how institutions and the political environment impact experimentation and learning. I show how a simple political friction — uncertainty over voter preferences — interacts with political competition and policy uncertainty in a subtle way that, surprisingly, improves the quality of policy-making over time. [R, abr.]
62.1358 CAMPBELL, Scott W.; KWAK, Nojin —
In recent years, mobile communication has emerged as a channel for political discourse among network ties. Although some celebrate new possibilities for political life, others are concerned that it can lead to network insularity and political detachment. This study examined how mobile-mediated discourse with strong ties interacts with characteristics of those ties to predict levels of political participation. Findings revealed that mobile-based discourse is positively associated with political participation, but that this relationship is moderated by the size and heterogeneity of one's network. Participation increases with use of the technology in large networks of like-minded individuals, but declines with use of the technology in homogeneous networks that are small. [R, abr.]
62.1359 CARTER, Ian —
A person can be described not only as free or unfree to do certain specific things, but also as free to a certain degree, in an overall sense. A person's degree of overall freedom represents some kind of aggregation over her specific freedoms and unfreedoms. I rehearse synthetically some of the reasons, put forward in my previous work, for holding that an interest in people's degrees of overall freedom is an important part of liberal political discourse and theorizing. I also claim that, in light of these reasons, the metric used to ascertain agents' degrees of overall freedom ought, in one important sense, to be “value-neutral”. Furthermore, I defend this account of the nature and ethical importance of overall freedom in the face of some criticisms put forward by Peter Morriss, James Nickel, Robert Sugden and Matthew Kramer. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Free, more or less… Concepts and measurements of freedom,” edited and introduced by Speranta DUMITRU, assisted by Frédérique MATONTI, pp. 5–9. See also Abstr. 62.1312, 1442, 1657, 1666, 1675]
62.1360 CHARRON, Nicholas —
This article explores the relationship between the party system, electoral formulas and corruption. Previous research has focused on the various incentives for political actors to monitor, or engage in corruption based on variations in the electoral formula. However, the electoral formula has mainly served as a proxy for the party system — whether multi-party or two-party. I test directly the relationship between party systems and corruption and add a degree of nuance to the established line of thinking within this literature. I argue that two-party systems in countries with predominantly single-member district (SMD) electoral formulas will demonstrate lower corruption on average than multiparty systems in SMD countries. This interaction effect does not however play out in countries with proportional representation (PR). I test this hypothesis on 70 democratic and semi-democratic countries from 1987 to 2005. [R, abr.]
62.1361 CHASE-DUNN, Christopher; LAWRENCE, Kirk S. —
Stephen Sanderson's “World-systems analysis after thirty years: should it rest in peace?” [ibid. 46(3), June 2005: 179–213; Abstr. 62.1560] raised the prospect of an area of scholarship that had run its course. We answer the five main criticisms that he asserts against world-systems analysis: the primacy of exogenous over endogenous forces; teleology and reification; an incorrect understanding of the role of foreign investment; an inaccurate analysis of long-term trends of inequality; and, a misinterpretation of state socialism. As we respond to his criticisms, we find that while some of his arguments have merit, particularly against the relatively narrow form of world-systems analysis that he considered, his assumption of methodological individualism runs counter to the epistemological position of most world-systems scholars. Our review of the field finds it to be evolving and expanding into new realms that no do not suffer from the deficiencies Sanderson identified. Indeed, now at 35 years and counting, world-systems analysis is not dying, it is thriving. [R]
62.1362 CHEN Shenyan —
Near-Earth orbits are becoming congested as a result of an increase in the number of objects in space-operational satellites as well as orbital space debris. The risk of collisions between satellites and space debris is also growing. Controlling the production of debris is crucial to the sustainable use of space. This article presents background information on space debris, including number, size, spatial distribution, source, and the threat to satellites. It also discusses international efforts to control the debris population, including the development of debris mitigation measurements, active removal of space debris, and space-traffic management. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1415]
62.1363 CHOU, Mark —
The author examines the seminal writings of one of the founders of modern international politics, H. J. Morgenthau, and his ambivalent standing between a critique of scientism and an embrace of political science, interpreted under the sign of tragedy. [See Abstr. 62.1661]
62.1364 CLAPTON, William; HAMEIRI, Shahar —
Recent work has identified new hierarchical relationships within international society. However, few scholars have provided a satisfactory account of what informs their formation, reproduction or constitutional effects for international society. We argue that underpinning the emergence of a more hierarchical international society is a new social logic of risk, which constructs illiberal and/or fragile states as potentially dangerous sites of instability and disorder that pose particular security risks for Western states. We argue that such risk-based hierarchies are transformative of both inter-state and intra-state relations, by stripping equal political agency from “risky” actors within and without the state. We demonstrate these claims by drawing on examples of international state-building in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. [R]
62.1365 CLARK, Ian —
This article discusses the importance of institutionalizing hegemony in the international system for the resolution of its key problems. A distinction is made between hegemony and primacy. Hegemony is defined as the institutionalized practice of special rights and responsibilities conferred on a state with the resources to lead. hegemony is different from primacy since it requires a social and a normative-sanction and it needs to be legitimate. The article argues that if an existing primacy is not translated into an accepted hegemony, then a crisis of legitimacy arises. [R]
62.1366 CONGLETON, Roger D. —
This paper analyzes the economics and politics of “crisis insurance” programs. The analysis helps explain why ex-post insurance is popular, why it tends to be undersupplied by private markets, and why governments may be better able to provide it. The analysis also points out that there are limits to what losses can be covered. The routine adoption of new programs to limit losses from crises tends to require greater expenditures through time because of moral hazard problems and the nature of crises. Eventually, this trend may produce “uninsurable” crises. The analysis suggests that such problems can be moderated, although not eliminated, through appropriate standing polices for ex-post funding of crisis insurance. [R]
62.1368 CONRAD, Courtenay R. —
I argue that institutionalization is key to understanding whether dictators respond to domestic opposition groups with concessions. I present a nominal typology of dictatorial opposition movements, arguing that the manner in which the opposition is incorporated into the regime reveals important information about the types of concessions dictators will likely provide. Using a system of endogenous equations, I show that dictators buy off some types of domestic opposition with material concessions and liberalize when they face other types of opposition. Because dictators often make decisions facing environmental constraints, however, I also argue that financial conditions can limit a dictator's ability to respond beneficently to the opposition. [R, abr.]
62.1369 COOK, Alethia H.; LOUNSBERY, Marie Olson —
Knowing what makes some terrorist groups more threatening than others, or what conditions can influence a single group to become more or less of a threat, would help governments to prioritize resources during counterterrorism efforts. Using an approach similar to T.R. Gurr's assignment of a risk-score to identify impending minority group rebellion, this article develops and tests a set of terrorist organizational characteristics. A two-phased approach is used. First, the authors identify key characteristics that could be anticipated to drive groups to be more active or deadly. The characteristics were identified and measured for terrorist groups for 1990–1994. The authors test group characteristics against subsequent group violence intensity from 1995 to 1999. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1424]
62.1370 COOLE, Diana —
This article examines recent ageing policies and the way they are framed. It identifies underlying but sometimes contradictory narratives of growth and decline. The overall aim of such policies is to reconstitute elderly subjectivities, conduct and everyday experience in light of neoliberal ambitions for sustained economic growth and geopolitical anxieties about regional decline nurtured by an unprecedented demographic process of population ageing. As a consequence, the language of inclusion is judged to be of ambiguous value for elderly people. Although the article is critical of the ways older people are perceived as a problem and of the solutions pursued, it also finds some potential in current thinking for a more radical reappraisal of the elderly lifestyle and of the life-cycle as a whole in relation to work regimes. [R, abr.]
62.1371 COOPER, Duane; ZILLANTE, Arthur —
In market-based societies, consumers are able to express the intensity of their preference for an object by paying more for it. However, under some voting systems, consumers are unable to express the intensity of their preference for a candidate due to the constraint of the “one person, one vote” principle. Cumulative voting maintains the equality of the “one person, one vote” principle by allotting each voter the same number of votes, while also allowing for expression of intensity of candidate-preference. This paper provides an experimental analysis of voter behavior under different voting systems. [R]
62.1372 CORSTANGE, Daniel —
This article examines mass public discourse on religion and pluralism in diverse societies. Religion enters the public sphere by defining countervailing narratives about sectarianism, which is exclusive and divisive, and ecumenicism, which is inclusive and unifying. Most empirical studies focus on elites as the producers of discourse and ignore the regular people who comprise the “real” public. In contrast to prior work, this article systematically examines mass public discourse, with Lebanon, a religiously diverse developing world society, as its research venue. It uses a novel combination of original survey data and publicly displayed religious and political iconography to study the exchange of ideas about religion and pluralism among the mass public. It shows that sectarian discourse articulates ethnocentric and antiplural statements, whereas ecumenicism, by contrast, mitigates ethnocentrism and valorizes pluralism. [R]
62.1373 COTTEE, Simon —
This article re-articulates M. Sageman's seminal research on Al Qaeda through the prism of A. Cohen's theory of delinquent subcultures, an approach which has been largely eclipsed by other approaches in criminology. Drawing on Sageman's findings and observations, I suggest that Al Qaeda-affiliated or — inspired groups in the West can be best understood as a collective response or “solution” to the strains encountered by the members of these groups, and that these strains are imposed on them by the circumstances in which they find themselves. Although criminology, with a few exceptions, ignores the subject of terrorism, terrorism studies can appreciably benefit from an engagement with criminology as a source of theoretical inspiration. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1424]
62.1374 COUPER, Mick P. —
This article reviews recent trends in modes of survey data-collection, with a view to speculating on the future of survey modes. I discuss the development of the idea of modes, review the many dimensions of mode, briefly review some of the research on mode differences, discuss recent developments in mixed mode surveys, and offer some thoughts on the likely future of modes of survey data-collection. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1344]
62.1375 COURTOIS, Stéphane, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 3–10. Articles by Emmanuel LE ROY LADURIE; Stéphane COURTOIS; Yves SANTAMARIA; Sylvain BOULOUQUE; Nikos MARANTZIDIS; Antonio ELORZA; Arthur KRIEGEL; Pierre GROSSER; Pascal CAUCHY; Patrick MOREAU.
62.1376 COUTTENIER, Mathieu —
We show empirically that natural resources do not always deteriorate the institutional quality in a country. Countries with a parliamentary systems are not affected by natural resources abundance. However, presidential systems undergo a nonlinear effect (inverse U-shaped) of natural resources on institutions. For small amounts of natural resources rents, institutions provide sufficient incentives to prevent the establishment of institutions of poor quality oriented to the extration of the rents? However, if institutions do not provide sufficient incentives, we observe an institutional quality deterioration. This effect appears only in presidential systems. The results still hold if we consider only a sample of democratic countries. [R]
62.1377 CRESCENZI, Mark J. C., et al. —
We develop and test a theory of the supply side of third-party conflict-management. Building on A. Kydd's [“Which side are you on? Bias, credibility, and mediation,” American Journal of Political Science 47(4), Oct. 2003: 597–611; Abstr. 56.5716] model of mediation, which shows that bias enhances mediator credibility, we offer three complementary mechanisms that may enable mediator credibility. (1) Democratic mediators face costs for deception in the conflict management process. (2) A vibrant global democratic community supports the norms of unbiased and nonviolent conflict-management, again increasing the costs of deception for potential mediators. (3) As disputants' ties to international organizations increase, the mediator's costs for dishonesty in the conflict-management process rise. These factors increase the availability of credible mediators and their efforts to manage interstate conflicts. [R, abr.]
62.1378 DAASE, Christopher; JUNK, Julian —
This article argues for a problem-orientation and method pluralism in both IR research and teaching. This requires simultaneously a strengthening (of method competencies) and weakening (of exclusive truth claims of some methods) of method questions to further professionalize IR. The article analyzes the publication patterns of the Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen. It finds that there has been a significant increase of both the share of empirical research reflecting on its methods and of, in particular, theory-based case studies and quantitative analyses — without sidelining neither theory-oriented articles nor the use of other methods. This article then elaborates on the centrality of the choice and relevance of research questions, proposes a typology of those, and discusses both the importance of methods in IR in general and the relationship between theory, research object and method in particular. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1522]
62.1379 DANIEL, Donald C. F. —
In 2009, the New Horizon non-paper published by the UN Departments of Peacekeeping Operations and Field Support (DPKO/DFS) committed to, among other reforms, expanding the base of troop contributors to UN peacekeeping. After describing contribution patterns and partnering options open to states and organizations, this article argues that the most promising options involve drawing on the universe of existing contributors, the two main pillars of which are a group of states that cluster together under the UN and another that cluster together around cross-cutting “Western” agendas. The article recommends that the UN initiate the formation of Standing High-Readiness Battalions and suggests countries that should be approached. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1531]
62.1380 DARNOLF, Staffan —
Simply put, electoral fraud does not happen only on election day. This article explores whether current methods of providing electoral support, employed by international donors, are effective in promoting democracy. The article presents several key limitations in today's international election observation missions, which may, if not rectified, undermine parts of the rationale for utilizing observers. In addition, this paper identifies five types of technical assistance with different mandates that will impact how an Election Commission designs, plans and implements various components of the electoral process. The study highlights several risks, challenges and solutions associated with technical assistance. [R]
62.1381 DAVIES, Sara E. —
Since the severe acute respiratory syndrome [SARS] outbreak in 2003, it has been argued that there has been a substantial revision to the norm dictating the behavior of states in the event of a disease outbreak. This article examines the evolution of the norm to “report and verify” disease outbreaks and evaluates the extent to which this revised norm has begun to guide state behavior. Examination of select East Asian countries affected by human infections of the H5N1 (avian influenza) virus strain reveals the need to further understand the mutually constitutive relationship between the value attached to prompt reporting against the capacity to report, and how states manage both in fulfilling their duty to report. [R]
62.1382 DAXECKER, Ursula E. —
This article addresses the effect of political instability and domestic conflict on the probability of militarized interstate disputes. Existing research on the subject has produced inconsistent findings. I hypothesize that the effect of political instability on international disputes is conditional on states' involvement in civil conflict. More specifically, I argue that while political instability provides leaders with the willingness to use force, civil war creates the necessary opportunities for initiating conflict abroad. A directed-dyad analysis of international rivals for the 1816–2000 time period shows that instability coupled with civil war increases the probability of militarized interstate dispute initiation among rival states. Results are consistent for alternative indicators of political instability and civil war. [R]
62.1383a DE CONING, Cedric —
The timely deployment of suitably qualified civilian personnel is a challenge that none of the organizations that deploy peacekeepers has yet addressed. This challenge has floundered on the periphery of the peacekeeping debate for many years, but a 2010–11 UN civilian capacity review provides a unique opportunity to focus attention on the problem. This article proposes the formation of a global civilian capacity partnership that brings together the training and roster community, the UN Secretariat and a grouping of interested states, with the aim of significantly improving the UN Secretariat's ability to identify, recruit and deploy suitably qualified civilian personnel in a reasonable time, and without adverse side effects for the local community or the mission mandate. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1531]
62.1383b DE NEVE, Jan-Emmanuel —
This research note presents a median-voter data-set that allows for comparison across time and across countries. The data-set updates and extends the widely used statistics originally developed by H.M. Kim and R.C. Fording. The median-voter data introduced also correct for stochastic error in the Comparative Manifestos Project using work by K. Benoit, et al. [“Treating words as data with error: uncertainty in text statements of policy positions,” American Journal of Political Science 53(2), Apr. 2009: 495–513; Abstr. 59.4656] and include estimates of measurement error. The methodology consists of linking party positions with electoral outcomes to arrive at revealed voter preferences. This data-set provides insight into the median voter in over 50 democracies. For established democracies the time series typically starts around 1950. The US time-series begins in 1920 and includes the 2008 election. [R, abr.]
62.1384 DELANTY, Gerard —
The most appropriate way of theorizing cultural diversity is to situate it in the context of a broader relational theory of culture in which the key dynamic is cultural encounters. The relational conception of culture places the emphasis on the relations between social actors and the processes by which some of these relations generate enduring cultural regularities and forms. This has important implications for political community and in particular for cosmopolitanism. It is in relationships that cultural phenomena are generated and become the basis of different kinds of political community. The paper outlines a typology of six kinds of cultural encounters and discusses four major cultural trends that variously emerge from these encounters. [R, abr.]
62.1385 DELLA PORTA, Donatella; TARROW, Sidney —
This article [examines] the interaction between the transnational diffusion of new forms of protest behavior and police practices in response to them. Studies of diffusion are usually limited to the diffusion of one kind of innovation by one set of actors to another. But collective action diffusion also produces a parallel and interactive sequence of “public order” reactions. Using the transnational countersummits that emerged around the turn of the century as their source of evidence, the authors focus on the co-evolution of protester and police innovations across national boundaries. We find that the mechanisms that cause protester and police innovations to diffuse are remarkably similar. We close with a speculative application of the findings to the recent diffusion of protester tactics and regime responses in the Middle East and North Africa. [R, abr.]
62.1386 DENTON, E. Hazel —
In the last few centuries, the demographic transition has moved the majority of the world from high birth and death rates to low birth and death rates. The differing speeds at which this transition has taken place produce the differing age structures of the global population, which in turn demand varied policy responses. Some developing countries may be able to take advantage of the “demographic dividend,” but will need to encourage lower fertility rates and meet the ever-increasing social and economic needs of their growing populations. Most developed countries face an increasing proportion of elderly residents, requiring a balance between adequate social support and fiscally sustainable growth policies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1433]
62.1387 DIXON, Paul —
This article presents a (critical realist) constructivist critique of both consociational and civil society/transformationist approaches and their crude understandings of politics and the prospects for political change. Consociationalism's primordialist or essentialist foundation leads it towards a world-weary, pessimistic, conservative realism about how far “divided societies” may be transformed. Advocates of the civil society approach, in contrast, take an instrumentalist view of identity and are optimistic that a radical transformation can be achieved by mobilizing the people against “hard-line” political representatives. The constructivist approach can provide a framework in which a more complex and nuanced understanding of identities is possible. This article first critiques Nagle and Clancy's consociationalism, [and then] outlines a constructivist critique of both the consociational and civil society understandings of politics and their contribution to understanding the politics of managing conflict. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 62.2710; John NAGLE and Mary-Alice C. CLANCY'S reply, pp. 122–128, and the author's rejoinder, pp. 129–131]
62.1388 ELÍAS, María Verónica; ALKADRY, Mohamad G. —
This article discusses citizen participation in the governance process in light of two theoretical approaches: B. Hooks's Talking back [Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black, Toronto, 1989] as a way to empower citizens and M.P. Follett's constructive conflict as a form of participation founded in political dialogue. The authors argue that constructive conflict not only allows citizens and government to jointly define and redefine the governance process in truly collaborative ways but also permits the joint construction and delivery of effective public programs. The point of contact between citizens and administrators presents an ideal opportunity where citizens are most willing, by virtue of their physical presence in the routine interaction between citizens and administrators, and most able, by knowing something about their situation and the program/policy that affects them directly, to participate. [R]
62.1389 EMERSON, Kirk; NABATCHI, Tina; BALOGH, Stephen —
Collaborative governance draws from diverse realms of practice and research in public administration. This article synthesizes and extends a suite of conceptual frameworks, research findings, and practice-based knowledge into an integrative framework for collaborative governance. The framework specifies a set of nested dimensions that encompass a larger system context, a collaborative governance regime, and its internal collaborative dynamics and actions that can generate impacts and adaptations across the systems. The framework provides a broad conceptual map for situating and exploring components of cross-boundary governance systems that range from policy or program-based intergovernmental cooperation to place-based regional collaboration with nongovernmental stakeholders to public-private partnerships. The framework integrates knowledge about individual incentives and barriers to collection action, collaborative social learning and conflict resolution processes, and institutional arrangements for cross-boundary collaboration. [R, abr.]
62.1390 ENDO, Chikako —
T. Christiano [in The Constitution of Equality, Oxford, 2008] argues that the link between justice and democracy lies in “public equality”. The publicity condition of equality leads to democratic procedures as the best, if not the only, acceptable way to promote people's interests equally in a visible way. This article argues that the link between justice and democracy lies in equally respecting people as autonomous agents rather than in equal consideration for everyone's interests. [R]
62.1391 ESTÉVEZ, Ariadna —
A temporal overlap involving the constructivist turn in sociology and national and transnational human rights struggles has transformed human rights into an important research topic within political sociology. This article establishes the principal sociopolitical research questions in the field of human rights and conducts a review of academic literature on the subject, establishing three main fields of human rights research within the sub-discipline: human rights as the articulating axis for collective action; subject participation in the construction of discourse and the effects of domination and emancipation on this construction; and transformations to the category of citizenship resulting from the challenges posed by global migration. [R]
62.1392 EUSEPI, Giuseppe; WAGNER, Richard E. —
This paper seeks to overcome an antinomy within the theory of political economy: while market outcomes are treated as resulting from polycentric competition, political outcomes are treated as resulting from hierarchic planning. We overcome this antinomy by treating political outcomes as likewise resulting from polycentric competition, taking due account of relevant institutional differences. For example, a parliamentary assembly is treated as an extra-ordinary form of investment bank that intermediates between the sponsors of enterprises and those within the citizenry who have means to support those enterprises. What results is a theory in which political programs emerge in largely bottom-up fashion through complex networks of transactions. [R, abr.]
62.1393 EVELAND, William P., Jr.; MOREY, Alyssa C.; HUTCHENS, Myiah J. —
The past two decades have witnessed important contributions to our understanding of political conversation and its effects. However, in many ways we have yet to scratch the surface of what we need to learn. We argue that the emphasis of the literature on political conversation as a weak form of deliberation or as an afterthought from the media effects perspective has led to neglect of important aspects of the interpersonal communication process that require careful consideration. We briefly review the political conversation literature, followed by a detailed consideration of limitations of current research that point to new directions that more appropriately take into consideration what we know about individuals and their lives as communicators. [R]
62.1394 FALCO, Stefano —
The aim of this essay is to determine the political meaning of the left/right axis through an application, to the political level of the physiological meaning of that axis, when applied to the physical arrangements in parliaments. The left/right distinction reflects the cleavage between pessimistic (right)/optimistic (left) attitudes of members of parliament (and, by extension, of all members of society) concerning the political capacity of society to achieve the common good, while the center/extreme distinction reflects the low/high intensity cleavage of each of these options. The second part verifies the applicability of these meanings as criteria for making sense of the existence of five political families (right-wing authoritarianism, right-wing liberalism, left-wing liberalism, left-wing authoritarianism and political Catholicism) and of their distribution along the left/right axis, both today and in the past, by introducing in the analysis two additional couples of variable (divine sovereignty/popular sovereignty and Catholicism/secularism). Finally, the necessary conditions are formulated for which the left/right cleavage, although maintaining its dialectical nature, does not end in an irreconcilable dichotomy, so identifying the necessary conditions for the political spectrum of parties represented in parliaments to have a real value in order to seek the common good. [R]
62.1395 FARRAR, Margaret
This article examines two seemingly opposed modes of place-making — urban sprawl and historic preservation — and their relationship to memory. The author contends that urban sprawl creates a landscape of either willful or accidental amnesia, where the powers of place are neutralized by ignoring them or removing them from history. Historic preservation, however, can have equally depoliticizing effects by conjuring up peculiar, selective, or even wholly imaginary pasts. Despite their apparent opposition, both practices often work against a meaningful understanding of the relationship between identity, memory, and place. Rather than accept the false choice between amnesia and nostalgia, the author advocates an ethos of what W. Benjamin calls “porosity” in creating, maintaining, and evaluating the vitality of our urban spaces. [R]
62.1396 FARRELLY, Colin —
I explore three distinct advantages of linking virtue epistemology to an epistemic defense of democracy. First, because intellectual agents and communities are the primary focus of epistemic evaluation, virtue epistemology offers political theorists the opportunity to develop an epistemic defense of democracy that takes “realism” seriously (e.g. the cognitive limitations and biases of humans). Second, because virtue epistemology conceives of epistemology as a normative discipline, it builds normative criteria into the exercise of assessing the “epistemic fitness” of a political arrangement (e.g., democracy vs. epistocracy). Third, by assessing the epistemic powers of democracy from a virtue-epistemological perspective, a more robust (Deweyan) conception of democracy needs to be employed and assessed than the minimalist conception employed by the Condorcet Jury Theorem. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Democracy and utopophobia,” edited and introduced by David STEVENS, “From deliberative democracy to utopophobia: themes from D. Estlund's Democratic Authority. A Philosophical Framework [Princeton, 2008],” pp. 2–6. See also Abstr. 62.1422, 1562, 1590]
62.1397 FINE, Sarah —
This paper lays the foundations for a democratic defense of the argument that at least some non-citizens are entitled to claim rights of political participation with regard to states in which they are not resident. First I outline a distinctively democratic case for granting participatory rights to certain non-resident non-citizens, based upon the central claim that in a democracy those who are governed ought to have the opportunity to participate in the exercise of government. I offer support for extending rights of participation to some non-resident non-citizens by addressing two possible democratic objections, relating to political equality and reciprocity. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1680]
62.1398 FINGAR, Thomas —
Elegant strategies can be constructed without reference to intelligence but persuading policy-makers to implement them without knowing what intelligence might have to say about their likely efficacy and unintended consequences would be exceedingly difficult. Intelligence-derived information and insights should not dictate the goals of grand strategy, but they should inform decisions about what to do, how to do it, and what to look for in order to assess how well or badly the strategy is working. [R]
62.1399 FITZPATRICK, Jody, et al. —
Intensified globalization, especially the necessity to learn more about how administrative reforms work effectively in different cultural contexts, requires public administration research to embrace comparative perspectives. How well is the field advancing in that direction? This article presents the results of a content-analysis of 151 comparative public administration articles from 2000 to 2009. Results indicate that comparative research is building on theory and empirical research, making use of purposive samples, and using a mix of causal, descriptive, and exploratory methodologies. The authors recommend enhanced application of mixed methods, increased use of culture as a key concept, and integration of a broad range of social sciences to encourage more students, practitioners, and scholars to think and work comparatively. [R, abr.] [See also Jos C. N. RAADSCHELDERS, “Between ‘thick description’ and large-N studies: the fragmentation of comparative research,” pp. 831–833; Jamil E. JREISAT, “Comparative public administration: a global perspective,” pp. 834–838; Krister ANDERSSON, “Response,” pp. 839–840]
62.1400 FLOYD, Rita —
Securitization studies have paid almost no attention to the morality of securitization. I propose a revision of securitization theory that specifies three criteria that would render a securitization morally right. The criteria are: (1) that there is an objective existential threat; (2) that the referent object of security is morally legitimate; and (3) that the security response is appropriate to the threat in question. Although what is suggested here is considerably removed from the Copenhagen School's original securitization theory, it is akin to that framework insofar as it retains the functional distinction between the security analyst and the securitizing actor. Indeed, the development of criteria that determine the moral rightness of securitization is analogous to the Copenhagen School's devising criteria that determine both the existence and the success of securitization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1401 FOGARTY, Brian J. —
The news product we view each day is formed through negotiations and relationships between members of the press and elected and governmental officials. This negotiation of newsworthiness is inherently a bargaining process. Yet since the process is often hidden and sometimes implicit, it is near impossible for researchers to precisely observe and empirically model how the political news product is created. I propose a series of bargaining models to gain understanding of the negotiation of newsworthiness between the news media and the government. I establish that even though the government and politicians often have advantages in creating the news, informational control can be mitigated by increasing news outlets' resources within a dense political news environment. [R, abr.]
62.1402 FREYTAG, Andreas, et al. —
Prior research has concluded that socio-economic development does not significantly affect terrorism. We take an alternative view. First, we note that a country's socio-economic circumstances affect terrorists' behavior through terrorism's opportunity costs. We argue that this reasoning also holds for the case of supreme value terrorism. Then, we run a series of negative binomial regressions for 110 countries between 1971 and 2007 to test the hypothesis that poor socio-economic development is conducive to terrorism. We find that socio-economic variables indeed matter to terrorism, contrary to other results. Our findings imply that countries can benefit from economic development and growth in terms of a reduction in terrorism. [R] [Part of a Special Issue on “Terrorism,” edited and introduced, pp. 1–4, by Tilman BRÜCK and Friedrich SCHNEIDER. See also Abstr. 62.1469, 1624, 2096, 2605, 2618]
62.1403 FROUD, Julie, et al. —
The financial crisis can be understood in many different terms. This article analyzes it in terms of the unfolding of a series of elite narratives that shaped the agenda of regulation before the crisis, that were damaged by the crisis, and that were then reframed and recounted again in the wake of the crisis. The form of these stories differs in subtle ways by jurisdiction, and thus the fate of post-crisis regulatory practice likewise differs. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1545]
62.1404 GAD, Ulrik Pram; PETERSEN, Karen Lund —
The article argues that there are a number of concepts of politics in play in the current debates on securitization theory and that greater awareness regarding these conceptual differences helps clarify not only theoretical differences but also the possibilities for new theoretical development and reflection. The article identifies three conversations on politics: (1) a conversation on how politics concerns action and intentionality; (2) a conversation on the modern organization of politics, spheres and sectors; and, (3) a conversation on the relationship between politics, ethics and science. Where the first and third conversations refer to politics as an act, in the second conversation politics is inherently tied to the institutional or spatial structures of government — the state, the public, the political field, spheres, sectors or function. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The politics of securitization,” edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.1291, 1322, 1327, 1400, 1421, 1423, 1444, 1584, 1589, 1601, 1614]
62.1405 GAUSE, F. Gregory, III —
Middle East experts were as surprised as everyone else by the Arab revolts. Focused on explaining the stability of local autocracies in recent debates, they underestimated the hidden forces driving change. As they wipe the egg off their faces, they need to reconsider long-held assumptions about the Arab world. [R]
62.1406 GENT, Stephen E.; SHANNON, Megan —
IR scholars have garnered a good deal of evidence indicating that binding arbitration and adjudication are highly effective means for brokering agreements and ending conflict. However, binding third-party conflict-management is rarely pursued to resolve interstate disputes over contentious issues like territorial or maritime control. While states value the effectiveness of binding procedures, they are reluctant to give up the decision control necessary to submit to arbitration or adjudication. The authors identify three factors that influence the willingness of states to give up decision control: issue salience, availability of outside options, and history of negotiations. An analysis of attempts to settle territorial, maritime, and river claims reveals that disputants are less likely to use binding conflict-management when they have a greater need to maintain decision control. [R]
62.1407 GIEVE, John; PROVOST, Colin —
Policy-change occurs because coalitions of actors are able to take advantage of political conditions to translate their strong beliefs about policy into ideas, which are turned into policy. A coalition's ability to define a problem helps to keep policies in place, but it can also cause coalitions to develop blind spots: policy sub-system actors often neglect the need for coordination between governmental actors. We examine the financial crisis of 2007–2009 to show how entrenched policy ideas can cause sub-system actors to overlook the need for policy-coordination. We first analyze the prevalent idea that policy-makers should aim to keep inflation low and stable while employing light-touch regulation to financial markets. We then demonstrate how this philosophy led to a lack of coordination between monetary and regulatory policy in the subprime mortgage market. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1545]
62.1408 GIROD, Desha M. —
When does aid foster development after civil war? A testable model is needed to account for the uneven outcomes in postconflict development. This article proposes and empirically tests the novel nonstrategic-desperation hypothesis, an explanation based on the varied incentives that fragile postconflict governments face when confronted with donor development goals. Paradoxically, incentives to meet development goals only exist when donors have little strategic interest in the recipients and when recipients lack income from resource rents and are therefore desperate for income. Ten-year data on infant mortality changes following civil wars ending 1970–1996 and a variety of robustness checks support the hypothesis. By focusing on how income sources constrain the choices of aid recipients, and how these constraints can provide incentives to meet donor development goals, the nonstrategic-desperation hypothesis explains how the good use of aid can take place following civil war, when institutions are weak. [R]
62.1409 GIZELIS, Theodora-lsmene —
Research on women and post-conflict reconstruction tends to focus primarily on women as victims and passive targets for aid rather than conceptualizing peace-building as a process where greater participation by women may help increase the prospects for success. I argue that women's social status is a dimension of social capital that is largely independent of general economic development. Societies and communities where women enjoy a relatively higher status have greater prospects for successful peace-building, as cooperation by the local population with peace-building policies and activities increases. Thus, in the presence of a UN-led peace-building operation, women's status has a direct and independent impact on post-conflict reconstruction. The theoretical claims are empirically assessed by looking at variation in levels of cooperation and conflict during the UN peace-building missions within the countries of Sierra Leone and Liberia. [R]
62.1410 GLYNN, Adam N. —
Political scientists often cite the importance of mechanism-specific causal knowledge, both for its intrinsic scientific value and as a necessity for informed policy. This article explains why two common inferential heuristics for mechanism-specific (i.e., indirect) effects can provide misleading answers, such as sign reversals and false null results, even when linear regressions provide unbiased estimates of constituent effects. Additionally, it demonstrates that the inferential difficulties associated with indirect effects can be ameliorated with the use of stratification, interaction terms, and the restriction of inference to subpopulations (e.g., the indirect effect on the treated). However, indirect effects are inherently not identifiable — even when randomized experiments are possible. The methodological discussion is illustrated using a study on the indirect effect of Islamic religious tradition on democracy scores (due to the subordination of women). [R]
62.1411 GONZALEZ-RICOY, Iñigo —
Do citizens have a duty to abstain from voting when they cannot vote well? J. Brennan [“Condorcet's Jury Theorem and the optimum number of voters,” Politics, 31(2), 2011: 55–62; Abstr. 61.4425] has recently argued that, since citizens have a duty not to engage in harmful activities and bad voting is a harmful activity, citizens have a duty to abstain from voting badly. In this reply, I argue that Brennan dismisses the moral disagreements that unavoidably pervade the very idea of bad voting in a democratic society and provides a de-politicized and incomplete account of what voting badly means. Without a sound definition of bad voting, Brennan's argument fails. [R]
62.1412 GOODHART, Michael; TANINCHEV, Stacy Bondanella —
The “new sovereigntists,” a prominent group of scholars and policymakers, articulate a widely held view that global governance is inherently undemocratic because it undermines popular sovereignty. They identify a real and serious tension. We also argue, however, that the vision of democracy as popular sovereignty that they advocate is becoming incoherent and untenable in an era of increasing interdependence. Conceptions of democracy anchored in popular sovereignty depend for their legitimacy on empirical conditions that no longer obtain. What we call the new sovereigntist challenge for global governance is to develop an alternate conception of democracy that avoids the logic and forms of popular sovereignty at the global level while still respecting and promoting democracy and democratization within states. We outline one such alternative here. [R]
62.1413 GRAM-SKJOLDAGER, Karen —
Diplomacy has undergone tremendous change over the last century, not least in relation to the new, supranational institutions of the EU. Nonetheless, it is only very recently that political scientists and historians have taken an interest in the changes brought about by European integration processes for diplomatic norms, roles, and practices. This article investigates the background for this late and limited interest. It compares and contrasts dominant theoretical trends that have shaped research on European diplomacy in the two disciplines since World War II. It briefly evaluates the recent surge in research on diplomacy and the EU within political science, and points to possible avenues for further, joint, research combining the transnational and sociological approaches adopted by political scientists with the attention to temporality and national specificities characteristic of historians' dealings with European diplomacy. [R, abr.]
62.1414 GREENER, Ian John —
This paper welcomes M. Bevir's Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010], applauding especially its theoretical coherence and sophistication, and its conclusion that we need a more dialogic, diverse notion of democracy. However, it also raises concerns regarding Bevir's decentered approach to the state and his non-foundationalism. In the former case it suggests that the demise of the role of the state has been overestimated, especially in the wake of the financial crisis. In the latter case, it claims that to understand the problems public services face, it is often necessary to embrace a materiality that non-foundationalism finds it hard to accommodate. The paper illustrates concerns by showing how these combined in the development of Labour policy in the UK between 1997 and 2010, produce an account that has a very different emphasis [from] Bevir's. [R] [First article of a “Symposium on Mark Bevir's Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010],” edited and introduced by Mark J. KASWAN. See also Abstr. 62.1317, 1462, 1481, 1615, and M. Bevir's “Response,” pp. 576–596]
62.1415 GREGO, Laura —
In recent decades, satellites have become increasingly important in the economic, civil, and military spheres. At the same time, space has become more crowded with satellites and the debris from their use, and many more states have become spacefaring. However, the legal and normative regime has not kept pace with these changes. Recent trends and events — including demonstrations of antisatellite (ASAT) capability, a collision between satellites, and a dramatic increase in dangerous space debris — make clear that the space environment needs more protection, that satellites face growing risks, and that space activities may be a potential source of mistrust and tension between countries. While voluntary confidence-building and transparency measures can help solve some of these issues, more substantive engagement is required to keep space safe and secure into the future. [R] [First article of a thematic issue, “Avoiding an arms race in space,” edited and introduced, “Building security in space,” pp. 497–502, by Peter VAN NESS. See also Abstr. 62.1362, 1618, 2465, 2518, 2552, 2582]
62.1416 GROSHEK, Jacob —
Using cross-national time-series data in sequences of Granger causality tests, this study analyzed the democratic effects of media technologies with a sample of 122 countries. This process revealed that communication technologies are vital, but not exclusive or universal prerequisites of democratic growth. As expected by media system dependency (MSD) theory, media-diffusion was shown to have Granger-caused democracy only in countries where media served more information functions or where sociopolitical instability levels were higher. Results further indicated that media-diffusion is central to the development of sociopolitical instability, which suggests certain direct and indirect macrolevel democratic effects of mass media diffusion. The conditions of MSD theory observed here also demonstrated an integrative relationship with the economic development thesis. [R]
62.1417 GROVES, Christopher —
The impacts of the activities of technological societies extends further into the future than their capacity to predict and control these impacts. Some have argued that the repercussions of this deficiency of knowledge cause fatal difficulties for both consequentialist and deontological accounts of future-oriented obligations. As the reach of technologically-mediated social action increases, it is necessary to ask whether a political imaginary that extends itself to match this reach requires new concepts, and how far they should displace traditional political concepts of obligation, based on reciprocity and harm avoidance. This paper draws on recent scholarship on the role of concepts of care in political philosophy, bringing together phenomenological and feminist concepts of care in contributing to a positive concept of non-reciprocal intergenerational obligation that defends a constitutive connection between care and justice. [R, abr.]
62.1418 GUDIÑO BESSONE, Pablo —
The construction of a political community founded from an identity locking carries always the confrontation and the extermination of the difference. A community unaware of violence, must be considered as a community made up from its convergence in the bosom of a nothing. In parallel, a community of (non)political, as Giorgio Agamben, Roberto Esposito and Jean-Luc Nancy try to show in their proposals, is located in an empty space that propitious to the inscription of difference and conviviality with otherness. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1429]
62.1419 GUTHE, Kurt —
The effects of nuclear weapons acquisition on deterrence depend on the nature of the state, leadership, or even organization that obtains the weapons; the types of actions to be deterred; the purpose and strategy the weapons serve; the consequences for the military situation between the acquiring state and its adversaries; and the ways in which those adversaries respond to the opposing nuclear threat. The implications of nuclear-acquisition for deterrence are likely to change over time as nuclear capabilities [grow]. Deterrence is not only a matter of who is being deterred, from what action, by whom, for what reason, by what threats, and in what circumstances, but also when in the extended process of acquiring nuclear weapons capabilities a deterrence challenge occurs. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1537]
62.1420 GUTMANN, Francis —
The West has long been recognized as a civilizing force. But that influence has progressively become diluted, internationalized and brought down to size, and it is now in competition with other emerging strategic entities. The author evaluates its residual value. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1450]
62.1421 GUZZINI, Stefano —
The article offers a way forward in discussions about the status of securitization theory. This debate has been inhibited by the difficulty of finding an appropriate version of “understanding/explanation” that would be consistent with the meta-theoretical commitments of a post-structuralist theory. By leaving “explanation” and/or all versions of causality to the positivist other, the Copenhagen School also left its own explanatory status often implicit, or only negatively defined. Instead, the article claims that the explanatory theory used in securitization research de facto relies on causal mechanisms that are non-positivistically conceived. Using the appropriate methodological literature renders this explanatory status explicit, exposing the theory's non-positivist causality and thus, hopefully, enhancing its empirical theory. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1422 HAMLIN, Alan; STEMPLOWSKA, Zofia —
The recent prominence of the ideal/non-ideal debate is largely due to the fact that it offers a vocabulary in which to diagnose what many see as a key problem of political theory: its relative unwillingness to provide solutions to urgent problems facing people here and now; or for people as they are rather than as they should be. This article offers an improved understanding of the territory that the ideal/non-ideal debate relates to. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1396]
62.1423 HANSEN, Lene —
This article draws attention to and strengthens the post-structuralist elements in the writings of B. Buzan and O. Waever. Starting from securitization theory as developed by Buzan and Waever and engaging with later expansions of the theory, I suggest a post-structuralist framework built around three questions: (1) through which discursive structures are cases and phenomena represented and incorporated into a larger discursive field? (2) what is the epistemic terrain through which phenomena are known? (3) what are the substantial modalities that define what kind of an issue a security problem is? The last part of the article brings this framework to bear on the “Muhammad cartoon crisis” that began with the publication of 12 cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in 2005. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1424 HASSNER, Ron E. —
Sacred rituals and symbols can act as force-multipliers that motivate and constrain the effectiveness of actors. Religious intelligence involves an assessment of how these rituals and symbols affect combat operations. The four-fold challenge faced by the religious intelligence analysts is to ascertain how prominent a role religion will play in a given conflict, what the relevant sacred phenomena are, how salient they are for the specific religious communities present, and how they will affect a given conflict. The case studies [here] highlight three issue-areas open to religious intelligence-collection and analysis, and exhibit variation in the ability of intelligence analysts to correctly assess those religious factors. Egyptian and Israeli decision-making prior to the 1973 Arab-Israeli War illustrates how information about sacred time can influence war-initiation. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles. See also Abstr. 62.1369, 1373, 2596]
62.1425 HELFSTEIN, Scott; WRIGHT, Dominick —
The concept of networks has become synonymous with terrorism in recent years. Despite the abundance of material engaging the concept of terrorist networks, there is a paucity of research that applies analytic network methods to the empirical study of observed data. This article compares two arguments about terror network structure using a newly released attack network data-set. One account suggests that terrorists purposefully structure their networks to maximize operational security (OPSEC) by minimizing connections, while an alternate proposition relies on findings in network sciences showing that many networks have a few well-connected individuals (referred to as scale-free structure). Empirical analysis of six evolving attack networks produces results contradicting both assertions. This article then looks beyond structure to examine whether there are any causal relationships between network characteristics and output, specifically attack casualties. [R, abr.]
62.1426 HELLWIG, Timothy —
A positive relationship between economic performance and support for incumbents is routinely taken as evidence that elections work for accountability. Recent investigations into this relationship have examined just how signals from the economy translate into popular support. However, neither selection models nor sanctioning models explicitly incorporate the actions of political elites. This article advances a strategic-parties model of economic voting. Political incumbents have incentives to adjust their policy positions in response to economic conditions. When parties advocate distinct positions on economic issues, elections can be understood in terms of economic conditions. But when party positions converge, the quality of economic information declines. Incumbents can thus improve their chances of avoiding blame for a poor economy — or of claiming credit for a good one — by adjusting positions in policy space. [R, abr.]
62.1427 HERBORTH, Benjamin —
The common distinction between quantitative and qualitative methods conceals that crucial questions of how subject matter, theory, and method relate to each other can be addressed only at the level of the logic of inquiry. The article thus introduces the distinction between a logic of reconstruction and a logic of subsumtion, commonly used in social-scientific hermeneutics, in order to highlight that questions of method and methodology are never purely technical in nature but implicitly incorporate operative social theory. Against the artificial separation of theory, subject matter and method along the lines of the unity of science proposition, the contribution builds on a reconstructive logic of inquiry in order to demonstrate that substantive research necessarily involves the theoretical challenge of constituting in the first place the field of inquiry. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1522]
62.1428 HERMET, Guy —
Decolonization has led us to the contemporary phase of democratization. The 1970s and 1980s in Latin America, and the events of the late 1980s in Central and Eastern Europe, have gradually expanded the reach of multiparty regimes. The 1990s introduced the concept of reconciliation, which supports democratization through the acceptance of a common past. Whether or not the Arab revolutions will lead to a further expansion of democratic space remains an open question. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Democracy, democratization”. See also Abstr. 62.1310, 2001, 2644, 2673]
62.1429 HERNÁNDEZ CASTELLANOS, Donovan Adrián —
How do we know and think about the radical and irreductible difference to the “same”? And how do we relate to it? Western thought has answered both questions: first through ontology, secondly through ethics and politics. This essay highlights the operation of both strategies through various stages of thought (ontology, language, politics) to show which forms of otherness work and are worked by the philosophy that we recognize. It insists on re-politicizing the concept of difference from the perspective of radical democracy in the era of globalization. [R] [Part of a series of articles on “Forms of otherness”. See also Abstr. 62.1418]
62.1430 HERRERA GÓMEZ, Manuel; ROMERO LÁZARO, Antonio —
This paper proposes an analytical reconstruction of the main topics that sociological thought has developed and articulated about the concept of community. After a critical outlook on the classical thinkers, it analyses communitarian hypotheses as developed in the contemporary literature, setting a general typology of the proposed approaches and appraising their conceptual novelties. Five ideal-types are distinguished: classical community, territorial community, communicative community, aesthetic community and neo-communitarian community. [R]
62.1431 HILLYGUS, D. Sunshine —
Public opinion polls have long played an important role in the study and conduct of elections. I outline the evolution of polling as used for three different functions in US presidential elections: forecasting election outcomes, understanding voter behavior, and planning campaign strategy. Since the introduction of scientific polling in the 1936 election, technology has altered the way polls are used by the media, public, candidates, and scholars. Today, polls and surveys remain vital to electoral behavior and our understanding of it, but they are being increasingly supplemented or replaced by alternate measures and methods. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1344]
62.1432 HIRSCH, Alexander V.; SHOTTS, Kenneth W. —
In Th. H. Gilligan and K. Krehbiel's models of procedural choice in legislatures [“Organization of informative committees by a rational legislature,” ibid. 34(2), May 1990: 531–564; Abstr. 40.3506], a committee exerts costly effort to acquire private information about an unknown state of the world. Subsequent work on expertise, delegation, and lobbying has largely followed this approach. In contrast, we develop a model of information as policy valence. We use our model to analyze a procedural choice game, focusing on the effect of transferability, i.e., the extent to which information acquired to implement one policy option can be used to implement a different policy option. We find that when information is transferable, as in Gilligan and Krehbiel's models, closed rules can induce committee specialization. However, when information is policy-specific, open rules are actually superior for inducing specialization. The reason for this surprising result is that a committee lacking formal agenda power has a greater incentive to exercise informal agenda power by exerting costly effort to generate high-valence legislation. [R]
62.1433 HODIN, Michael W. —
This article focuses on how private industry can make simple, yet effective changes to transform aging populations into important economic participants. Through three cases studies — of BMW, CVS, and Tesco — this essay details how these business models, both as customers and as productive employees. It argues that private industry can play a leading role for public policy changes that will enable aging populations to drive economic growth. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The young and the old: demography and generations in International Relations”. See also Abstr. 62.1335, 1386, 1546, 1898, 1957, 2157, 2754]
62.1434 HODLER, Roland; ROHNER, Dominic —
Many terror attacks occur at the beginning of electoral terms. We present a game-theoretical model with incomplete information to account for this empirical pattern. Both terrorists and governments can be of weak or strong types. We find that the risk of terror attacks is highest at the beginning of electoral terms, because striking early allows the terrorists to collect valuable information about the government's type, and also because terrorists know that even initially weak governments sometimes retaliate to show toughness closer to an upcoming election. The model's predictions are consistent with anecdotal evidence. [R]
62.1435 HOFFSTAEDTER, Gerhard; ROCHE, Chris —
This paper explores recent critiques of aid and responses to them, with a particular focus on attempts to address accountability concerns. It describes, with particular reference to Africa and Melanesia, some of the assumptions that underpin these responses. Using the allegory of theater, we suggest that much of the formal process of interaction between aid agencies and local actors can be seen as a “performance,” and what goes on behind the scenes is often, and sometimes deliberately, ignored. We review why this “theater” is constructed and how it is maintained, as well as why attempts to dismantle it, or at least change the way it functions, have not met with much success. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2264]
62.1436 HOLLYER, James R.; ROSENDORFF, B. Peter; VREELAND, James Raymond —
Many people believe that the presence of elections alone is not sufficient for a country to be considered democratic and that transparency must be included as part of the definition of political regime. We agree that contestability of elections and transparency of policy-making are analytically distinct concepts. Adopting minimalist approaches to democracy and transparency, we ask: does electoral politics provide incentives for governments to disseminate data? We thus investigate theoretically the relationship between regime-type and the willingness of policy-makers to provide credible announcements on policy-relevant variables. And we demonstrate empirically that the availability (or absence) of policy-relevant data is correlated with regime-type, even after controlling for GDP per capita, IMF participation, country fixed-effects, and time-trends. Democracies are indeed more transparent. [R, abr.]
62.1437 HOMBRADO, Angustias —
Constitutional reforms affecting the asymmetrical allocation of powers between the constituent units of a federal or quasi-federal state have been generally studied as a bilateral relationship between the federal government and the region(s) asking for special treatment. In contrast, this paper examines the crucial role that non-specially empowered regions can play in these processes by raising anti-asymmetry reactions in the form of “catching-up” and “blocking” demands. A theoretical argument is developed concerning the causal mechanism linking several relevant conditions together (type of asymmetry, the distribution of national identities across regions, relative economic development and party politics) and lying between them and the alternative outcomes. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1319]
62.1438 HORN, Eva —
In the modern age, the political secret has acquired a bad reputation. With modern democracy's ideal of transparency, political secrecy is identified with political crime or corruption. The article argues that this repression of secrecy in modern democracies falls short of a substantial understanding of the structure and workings of political secrecy. By outlining a genealogy of political secrecy, it elucidates the logic as well as the blind spots of a current culture of secrecy. It focuses on two fundamental logics of secrecy, deduced from the Latin terms arcanum and secretum. Whereas the logic of arcanum regards secrecy as a legitimate dimension of government, a modern logic of secretum is marked by an inextricable dialectics between the withdrawal and communication of knowledge, between secrecy and publicity. [R, abr.]
62.1439 HOROWITZ, Michael C.; SIMPSON, Erin M.; STAM, Allan C. —
Military leaders, policy-makers, and academics have long debated the relative merits of volunteer versus conscript armies. They also have studied the possible effects of eroding resolve among mass publics in democratic states during wartime. We use battlefield casualty data from the population of interstate wars to compare theories of property-takings and domestic institutions. We find conscription, like other non-market-based property takings, to be a wasteful means of mobilizing military manpower. Volunteer armies suffer far fewer casualties than their conscripted counterparts. We also find that this effect compounds when interacted with regime-type. Volunteer democratic armies suffer especially few casualties. Finally, we find that democratic societies are willing to bear the costs of large-scale commitments to maintaining state sovereignty and survival when targeted by authoritarian states, at times in the face of certain defeat. [R]
62.1440 HOWES, Dustin Ells —
This article explores the relationship between terror, power and the rule of law. First, tracing E. Burke's use of the term terror back to ancient Greek usage, I argue that being terrified is incommensurable with the experience of acting together with others. In this way, terror and power are distinct. However, most acts of terror aim to terrify some people while inoculating others from terror. Second, the rule of law and terror seem incommensurable because causing terror often involves violating the law. However, modern political thought is founded on the idea that the law itself ought to be terrifying. That the terror of non-state actors appears random and the terror of the law has hardly been noticed in recent commentary on terrorism. In order to sustain power and legitimacy while practicing terror, governments use the rule of law to divide audiences up into terrified criminals and innocent witnesses. The practice of terror as an “open secret” also produces similar audience effects. Finally, I argue that terror is always technically out of power, even when practiced by states. Terror is the true weapon of the weak because it always admits a failure to foster human connections with certain people and groups. Nonviolence is a weapon of the weak in the sense that it instantiates new, unencumbered power. [R, abr.]
62.1441 HUDÁČKOVÁ, Silvia; CHYTILEK, Roman —
This study [examines] whether various conceptions of cleavage theories can be applied [to] countries outside Europe. The case of Japan since 1868 is used. Few studies dealing with this topic has been written, but none in a scope this work aims to achieve. Since 1991, many attempts to reformulate and refine the theoretical concept of cleavages have emerged; it is, therefore, desirable to revisit the issue. We find that Rokkanian cleavages can be found in the Japanese party system before World War II. The incipient center-periphery and urban-rural cleavages emerged and after World War I, the socio-economic cleavage appeared as well, but was not as significant in Japan as in the Western European countries. [R, abr.]
62.1442 HUDON, François —
This article is the first step toward a rehabilitation of a preference-based conception of freedom. I first review three main objections to this kind of freedom and then show that alternative approaches are in tension with freedom's instrumental value. This justifies an attempt at rescuing a preference-based conception of freedom. I argue, however, that this rescue cannot rest on perfectionism because it would pose a similar threat to the value of freedom. Assuming that overall freedom is a function of individual authentic preferences over sets of specific freedoms, I finally defend the thesis according to which the non-specific instrumental value of freedom is not only compatible with a preference-based conception of freedom, but that it seems to require such dependency. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1359]
62.1443 HUMPHREYS, Macartan —
Gerrymandering — the manipulation of electoral boundaries to maximize constituency wins — is often seen as a pathology of democratic systems. A commonly cited cure is to require that electoral constituencies have a “compact” shape. But how much of a constraint does compactness in fact place on would-be gerrymandered? The author operationalizes compactness as a convexity constraint and applies a theorem of Kaneko, Kano and Suzuki to the two-party situation to show that for any population distribution a gerrymanderer can always create equal (population)-sized convex constituencies that translate a margin of k voters into a margin of at least k constituency wins. Thus, even with a small margin a majority party can win all constituencies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1446]
62.1444 HUYSMANS, Jef —
This article makes a claim for re-engaging the concept of “act” in the study of securitization. While much has been written about the discursive and communicative aspects of securitizing, the concept of “act” that contains much of the politicality of the speech-act approach to security has been relatively ignored. The task of re-engaging “acts” is particularly pertinent in the contemporary context, in which politically salient speech acts are heavily displaced by securitizing practices and devices that appear as banal, little security nothings. The article begins the framing of a research agenda that asks what political acts can be in diffuse security processes that efface securitizing speech acts. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1445 HWANG Jinyoung; AKDEDE, Sacit Hadi —
This paper examines whether governance quality affects public-sector efficiency in the policy areas of administration, education, infrastructure, and stability. Using cross-country evidence, we find that a country's measures of governance quality are positively and significantly associated with public sector efficiency in the policy areas of administration, infrastructure, and stability. However, regression results suggest that a country's governance quality cannot affect efficiency in the policy area of education, even after controlling for some explanatory variables. [R]
62.1446 HYLAND, James
This paper focuses on the justificatory basis of democracy. On the theoretical level, I claim that many of the arguments put forward to justify democracy, such as that formulated by R. Dahl in Democracy and its Critics [New Haven, 1989], based on his two principles of equality, although not without merit, suffer certain crucial weaknesses and do not, in fact, get at the real basis of the belief in the unique legitimacy of democracy. This legitimacy is grounded not simply in the positive egalitarian consequences expected from democracy, but rather is to be found in the moral autonomy of the human being. Further, this moral autonomy is itself rooted in what I call the Cartesian autonomy of reason. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Hard questions for democracy: Ireland and beyond,” edited and introduced by Raj CHARI. See also Abstr. 62.1324, 1341, 1443, 1480, 1494, 1501, 1775, 2029, 2105, 2128, 2194, 2622]
62.1447 IACUB, Marcela —
This article takes a closer look at a recent trial in which a man has been charged for having “sodomized” his pony Junior. The offense of “physical abuse of a sexual nature” related to animals was added in 2004 to art. 521.1 of the Criminal Code which also condemns “aggravated physical abuse” and “cruelty”. Whether animal-related laws are justified in the name of their protection and the prevention of unjustified suffering as they are subjected to humans, it appears that this piece of legislation actually condemns wrong sexual inclinations in a sheer moralistic way. The interpretation of the judges in this case reveals a pastoral conception of state intervention, strengthening the moral rationality which drives law-makers and judges in the realm of sexuality since the 1980s. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1659]
62.1448 IMAI, Kosuke, et al. —
Researchers study not only whether one variable affects another but also how such a causal relationship arises. Yet commonly used statistical methods for identifying causal mechanisms rely upon untestable assumptions and are often inappropriate even under those assumptions. [Nonetheless], the study of causal mechanisms is too important to abandon. We make three contributions to improve research on causal mechanisms. (1) We present a minimum set of assumptions required under standard designs of experimental and observational studies and develop a general algorithm for estimating causal mediation effects. (2) We provide a method for assessing the sensitivity of conclusions to potential violations of a key assumption. (3) We offer alternative research designs for identifying causal mechanisms under weaker assumptions. The proposed approach is illustrated using media framing experiments and incumbency advantage studies. [R, abr.]
62.1449 IMAI, Kosuke; TINGLEY, Dustin —
Empirical testing of competing theories lies at the heart of social science research. We demonstrate that a well-known class of statistical models, called finite mixture models, provides an effective way of rival theory testing. In the proposed framework, each observation is assumed to be generated either from a statistical model implied by one of the competing theories or more generally from a weighted combination of multiple statistical models under consideration. Researchers can then estimate the probability that a specific observation is consistent with each rival theory. By modeling this probability with covariates, one can also explore the conditions under which a particular theory applies. We discuss a principled way to identify a list of observations that are statistically significantly consistent with each theory and propose measures of the overall performance of each competing theory. We illustrate the relative advantages of our method over existing methods through empirical and simulation studies. [R]
62.1450 IMMARIGEON, Jean-Philippe —
The economic crisis has become systemic — that at least, is what is being said. As far as action is concerned, a mix of determinism and progressivism appears to be the only path currently conceivable. There is however in the West another way of thinking left aside for two and a half centuries, which could fuel the needed revolution without the catastrophe now certain. [R] [First article of a thematic issue, “What kind of West?”. See also Abstr. 62.1420, 2576, 2649, 2672, 2732, 2756]
62.1451 INGLEHART, Ronald F.; NORRIS, Pippa —
Since the end of the Cold War, security studies have broadened to take into account a wide range of non-military threats ranging from poverty to environmental concerns rather than just national defense. Security scholars have developed the concept of “human security,” focusing on the welfare of ordinary people against a broad range of threats. This article proposes an analytical model of human security, arguing that it is important to measure how ordinary people perceive risks, moving beyond state-centric notions of human security. The shift from a narrow focus on military security toward the broader concept of human security is a natural response to the changing challenges facing developed societies, in which the cost-benefit ratio concerning war has become negative and cultural changes have made war less acceptable. [R, abr.]
62.1452 JACKSON, Paul —
Focusing on UK approaches to state-building and security sector reform (SSR), this article argues that these are an extension of liberal models containing a number of assumptions about the nature of states and how they should be constructed; any analysis of SSR approaches needs to be seen within a broader framework of the international community, which tends to see the replacement of “dysfunctional” societies as desirable both for the people of those states and for the international community. As a result, state-building has largely been carried out as a “technical-administrative” exercise focusing on the technicalities of constructing and running organizations rather than on the politics of creating states, leading to a lack of overall political coherence in terms of where SSR is, or should be, going and of what kinds of state are being constructed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1503]
62.1453 JAHN, Beate —
Why has the term “humanitarian intervention” experienced such a meteoric rise into the core of academic as well as public political discourse? An investigation of classical theory shows that the use of force to help citizens of other states has been regularly contemplated and practiced in the past. The concept of humanitarian intervention therefore does not describe new policies; instead it serves to hide the political nature of these policies today and functions as a “doctrinal advance guard” for a new international order. It is the political conjuncture that requires a new name for old policies and its radical political content that explains the timing, speed and impact of this term. [R]
62.1454 JAMAL, Manal A. —
Since 1991, Western bilateral and multilateral democracy-promotion assistance, especially for civil society development, has increased dramatically. Much of the literature that assesses the impact of this assistance has focused on either direct recipients in civil society or macro transformations, with minimal systematic analysis of how developments in civil society unfold. This article argues that political settlements shape the impact of Western civil society building initiatives. The inclusivity of political settlements can determine who receives funding and who does not and also influences the representativeness of political institutions. Examining the women's sector of civil society in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, this article illustrates the primacy of political settlements and the limitations of civil society building in contexts where certain actors are excluded from the onset. [R, abr.]
62.1455 JENSEN, Christian B.; SPOON, Jae-Jae —
Much of the current literature on CV examines its effects by simulating complete turnout. We argue that these studies do not capture the full effects of CV, as there is something qualitatively different about compulsory voting rules as compared to only increasing turnout. Furthermore, CV and turnout have important, yet unexplored, interactive effects. To test this argument, we look at governments in 43 countries over the 1990–2006 period. Nine of these countries have some form of CV. We examine the effect of CV on the ideological position and range of governments, left-party seat-share, and the effective number of parties. We find that high turnout in the presence of CV laws spreads out the distribution of voters and leads to an increase in the effective number of parliamentary parties and a larger ideological range of governments. [R, abr.]
62.1456 JERVIS, Robert —
Recent world politics displays two seemingly contradictory trends: the incidence of international and even civil war shows a very great decline, but the US, and to a lesser extent Britain and France, have been involved in many military adventures since the end of the Cold War. The causes are numerous, but among them is the unipolar structure of world politics, which presents the US with different kinds of threats and new opportunities. Central also is the existence of a security community among the leading states. A number of forces and events could undermine it, but they seem unlikely to occur. Even in this better world, however, recessed violence will still play a significant role, and force is most potent and useful when it remains far in the background. [R, abr.]
62.1457 JO Jinhee; ROTHENBERG, Lawrence S. —
When something goes awry in a governmental agency, a frequent claim is that appointed political heads are incompetent. If true, what explains this in a separation-of-powers system where the executive nominates and the legislature approves? Our analysis provides a rationale and conditions for rational incompetence. Specifically, we present a model in which a [US] president nominates and the Senate confirms or rejects an appointee. Besides choosing a nominee's ideology, the president can determine competence, with less competence meaning more policy outcome-variance. Interestingly, we identify conditions generating what H.E. Goemans and M. Fey [“Risky but rational: war as an institutionally induced gamble,” Journal of Politics, 71(1) 2009: 35–54; Abstr. 59.4727] have labeled institutionally-induced risk-taking, where both the president and the relevant filibuster pivot propose and approve an incompetent administrator in equilibrium. [R, abr.]
62.1458 JOHNSON, Jesse C.; BARNES, Tiffany D. —
Do state leaders use force abroad to divert supporters' attention from domestic economic problems? Many studies in international relations answer this question but the empirical findings are inconsistent. We argue that it is necessary to consider variations in supporters' perceptions of leaders' control of the economy to understand leaders' incentives to engage in the diversionary use of force. Leaders perceived to have high levels of responsibility for the economy will be more likely to use force abroad in the presence of domestic economic problems than leaders perceived to have lower levels of responsibility. A directed dyad-analysis of conflict-initiation from 1950 to 1998 supports this hypothesis. [R, abr.]
62.1459 KABASAKAL-BADAMCHI, Devrim —
In the contemporary political theory literature, toleration has been considered widely as an intra-state issue rather than an inter-state issue. First, this paper argues that the possible reasons for this disregard on the international aspect of the concept do not justify the disregard. Second, it demonstrates that international toleration is conceptually possible by outlining its characteristics (structure). Third, it lays out the possible different reasons that might be offered for the justification of international toleration. In line with this, it is claimed that toleration, to bare a strong moral relevance in the international realm, should be founded on the idea of “equal respect”. [R]
62.1460 KAHN, Lawrence M. —
I review theories and evidence on wage-setting institutions and labor-market policies in an international comparative context. These include collective bargaining, minimum wages, employment protection laws, unemployment insurance (UI), mandated parental leave, and active labor market policies (ALMPs). Since it is unlikely that an unregulated private sector would provide the income insurance these institutions do, these policies may enhance economic efficiency. However, to the extent that unemployment or resource misallocation results from such measures, these efficiency gains may be offset. Overall, Scandinavia and Central Europe follow distinctively more interventionist policies than the Englishspeaking countries in the Northern Hemisphere. [R, abr.]
62.1461 KALBHENN, Anna —
This article empirically analyzes liberal peace arguments in the context of shared river basins. In particular, it argues that counter to the water war hypothesis, sharing a river need not necessary lead to conflict over the shared resource: relying on liberal arguments, joint democracy is expected to facilitate trust and thus cooperation over transboundary rivers. Furthermore, by mitigating asymmetries, facilitating (implicit) side-payments and issue linkage, both economic and political interlinkages may encourage cooperation over shared rivers. Previous work suggests that these factors might be a “fair-weather” phenomenon, that is, that they play a role only for problems that are easy to solve. In this article, liberal effects are allowed to vary with the difficulty of the underlying problem by separating different issues and geographic situations. [R, abr.]
62.1462 KASWAN, Mark J. —
“Democracy” can be defined in different ways, each of which offers a different way of looking at the relationship between democracy and governance. Mark Bevir's [Democratic Governance, Princeton, 2010] offers a genealogical account of the development of this relationship from the late 19th c., focusing on the role of particular theories of social science, and raising serious questions about the degree to which contemporary practices conflict with democratic ideals. Bevir suggests a more radical, participatory approach as a way of resolving this conflict. I extend his account to include two thinkers, J. Bentham and W. Thompson, who laid much of the groundwork for modern social science, but with very different ideas about democracy. [This extension] opens the way for a consideration of some aspects of the relationship between democracy and governance not included in Bevir's account. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1414]
62.1463 KATHMAN, Jacob D. —
Third-party states consider the regional destabilization consequences of civil wars when deciding to intervene. However, previous work implicitly assumes that potential interveners base their intervention decisions solely on their links to the civil-war country. This approach is unlikely to reflect the regional concerns of interested parties. When a civil war is increasingly likely to infect its surrounding region, potential interveners with strong interests in those states neighboring the conflict will be more likely to intervene to contain the violence. Thus, relationships outside the civil war state-intervener dyad are causally associated with intervention. To test these arguments, the author accounts for the contagious properties of civil wars and the regional interests of third parties, constructing dynamic measures to represent the contagion threat posed to third-party regional interests. [R, abr.]
62.1464 KATHMAN, Jacob D.; WOOD, Reed M. —
How do third-party interventions affect the severity of mass killings? The authors theorize that episodes of mass killing are the consequence of two factors: (1) the threat perceptions of the perpetrators and (2) the cost of implementing genocidal policies relative to other alternatives. To reduce genocidal hostilities, interveners must address these factors. Doing so requires that interveners alter the genocidaire's expectation of a successful extermination policy, which in turn requires a demonstration of the third party's resolve. This cannot be achieved immediately upon intervention, and, given the perpetrator's strategic response to third-party involvement, the authors expect intervention to increase hostilities in the short term. With time, however, the authors contend that the characteristics of impartial interventions offer the greatest opportunity for reducing the violence in the long term. [R, abr.]
62.1465 KAYA, Ayse; KEBA, Andrej —
This article integrates empirical and normative discussions about why global economic inequalities matter in critically examining an approach known as derivative global egalitarianism (DGE). DGE is a burgeoning perspective that opposes excessive global economic inequality not based on the intrinsic value of equality but inequality's negative repercussions on other values. The article identifies and critically evaluates four primary varieties of DGE arguments from related but distinct literatures, which span a number of disciplines, including economics, IR, and political philosophy. Overall, DGE offers a number of persuasive arguments as to why current levels of global inequality are of concern, but aspects of DGE beg further philosophical and empirical examination. By situating DGE within the wider theoretical and empirical contexts, this article provides resources for its critical assessment and theoretical development. [R]
62.1466 KEANEY, Michael —
Following the onset of the global financial crisis in 2007, there has been an abundance of books and articles purporting to explain its causes and consequences, with some offering tentative remedies. One of the major targets of criticism was the economics profession, which ignored the warnings of impending catastrophe prior to the onset of the crisis. As a result its public esteem suffered, much like that of the bankers and other professional groups implicated in the crisis. The books under review in this article represent a broad cross-section of work undertaken within the disciplinary boundaries of political science. As such, they provide complementary insights that yield deeper understanding of both the origins of the crisis and the nature of the solutions required to prevent a recurrence. [R]
62.1467 KIBRIS, Arzu —
I study a game where two agents bargain on an agreement to replace the status quo. For their agreement to come into effect, they need the approval of a third agent. The preferences of this third agent is private information, but there is communication among agents. I study this game in the context of international agreements to provide an explanation for involuntary ratification failures. I show that under certain assumptions, the informational deficiency is incurable due to incentives to misrepresent preferences, and that a parliament whose majority is more hawkish than their executive prefers the executive to be risk averse. [R]
62.1468 KIM Sung-youn —
A model of political information-processing drawn from the studies of political behavior and psychology is applied to the emergence of cooperation observed in classic repeated Prisoner's Dilemma (PD) game experiments. The results show that the model can robustly account for the learning of cooperation observed in the experiments when players are aware of the strategic nature of the game and make choices over immediate actions. In effect, basic psychological learning mechanisms, well-established in political behavior and psychology research, together tend to lead players to learn to cooperate over time under quite general conditions. In particular, the evaluative affect players develop towards choice objects and a belief learning that weighs an actually obtained outcome more than a forgone outcome play a central role in these processes. [R]
62.1469 KIS-KATOS, Krisztina; LIEBERT, Helge; SCHULZE, Günther G. —
We analyze the determinants of the origin of domestic and international terrorism in a large-panel data-set of 159 countries spanning from 1970 to 2007. We show that terror increases with GDP per capita, a higher polity score measuring a more open and competitive political system and experiences of domestic conflict, anarchy and regime transitions. Our evidence thus contradicts the notion that terrorism is rooted in economic deprivation or that strongly autocratic regimes breed more terrorists. Rather we show that weak or failing states are an incubator for terrorism. We also show that the causes of domestic terror and international terror are similar. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1402]
62.1470 KISANGANI, Emizet F.; PICKERING, Jeffrey —
Agreement on which democratic regime types are prone to use diversionary force has yet to materialize in the embryonic empirical literature on the subject. Nor has consensus emerged on the theoretical approach that best explains the diversionary tendencies of different democratic political systems. By separating out benevolent and belligerent diversionary military missions, we begin to offer some clarity to this mixed empirical literature. In zero-inflated Poisson estimates of fifty-six democracies from 1950 to 2004, we find compelling evidence that a theoretical framework emphasizing leader accountability best explains democratic diversionary behavior. [R, abr.]
62.1471 KOENIG, Matthias —
C. Taylor's book The Secular Age [Cambridge, Mass., 2007] is a widely appraised alternative to the classical paradigm of secularization theory. This article situates this alternative theory within the debate of sociology of religion on secularization and its sub-components. Three requirements are formulated that alternative conceptions would have to met: (1) they need to understand why “secularity” became such a prominent category of self interpretation in modern societies; (2) they have to be able to integrate years of cumulative sociological research on sub-processes of secularization with findings on genuinely modern forms of religious vitality emphasized by the classical paradigm's critics; and in (3) they would need to describe and explain the varieties of differentiation in societal and cultural comparison. [R, abr.]
62.1472 KOGA, Jun —
In contrast to the existing literature that makes no distinction between military interventions undertaken by democracies and those by autocracies, I argue that democracies and autocracies are likely to intervene in different types of civil conflict. I find that an increase in the rebel capabilities and the existence of an ethnic tie between the rebel group and the third-party state will increase the probability of a military intervention favoring the rebel group only when a third-party state is democratic. The evidence also shows that an autocracy is more likely to intervene when there are lootable natural resources such as secondary diamonds in a civil conflict, but there is no effect of lootable resources on a democracy's intervention decision. [R, abr.]
62.1473 KORAB-KARPOWICZ, W. Julian —
Global progressivism is an ideology that challenges the world order based on a system of states. It aims at the removal of state and at the establishment of a new form of community and governance. Perhaps there is no more comprehensive theoretical expression of this ideology then Empire of M. Hardt and A. Negri, who support globalization, for they believe that it would ultimately lead humanity to the liberation from all oppression. I examine their arguments, to show that it is unlikely that in the future the state system with be replaced by a global earthly community as they envision. In their attempt to construct a new earthy city and a new post-human being, they overlook the other suppressed side of human beings. [R, abr.]
62.1474 KÜHNE, Rinaldo, et al. —
Campaign priming is generally assumed to function through the activation of memory content. By focusing on specific issues or issue aspects, campaigns render corresponding cognitive concepts more accessible and hence influence which concepts are likely to be used in subsequent evaluation processes. Thus, priming is mainly understood as a cognitive process. We investigate the impact of campaign-induced emotions on opinion-formation. We argue that emotions may activate cognitive content which may in turn influence political judgments. Our analyses support the hypothesis that political campaigns may influence public opinion not only through cognitive priming but also through affective priming. [R]
62.1475 KURKI, Milja —
This contribution [examines] the role of human rights advocacy and specifically its role in democracy-promotion. The two agendas have been seen as conjoined and harmonious by most aid-donors; yet, interestingly and perceptively, some commentators have recently criticized the notion that these agendas are straightforwardly compatible or coherent. I examine from a theoretical perspective the plausibility and the consequences of the claim that the two agendas share a more complex and controversial relationship than is often assumed. Specifically, I highlight the importance of paying attention to the possibility that rights themselves are inherently “contradictory” in nature and that therein lies their contribution to the democratization agenda. [R, abr.]
62.1476 LACY, Mark —
H. Morgenthau's and H. Arendt's writings on the Vietnam war and US foreign policy explored questions of bureaucracy, technology, emergency. On one level their essays illustrate the extent to which the discipline of IR has now caught up with the analyses of politics and war that they were developing in the 1960s and 1970s. We see how lines of thought in Morgenthau's writing connect directly with the work of a younger generation of scholars interested in the work of intellectuals like G. Agamben on the dangers of a security-obsessed politics in a “state of emergency” or “state of exception,” or how Arendt's and Morgenthau's work on bureaucracy and war is explored in contemporary work; pedagogically, drawing out these connections [permits] a different, potentially more subversive, way of introducing students to the discipline of IR. [R, abr.]
62.1477 LAMB, Peter —
Compared with some of his contemporaries, Brailsford is relatively neglected today. He offered incisive analysis of the international relations of his times, discussing political and economic aspects together. He grounded his contributions upon a view of human nature that drew on the ideas of Godwin, Shelley and Condorcet. A cosmopolitan, socialist political philosophy also underpinned his work. Brailsford was sharply critical of balance-of-power theory, which served to veil the actual intentions of statesman and the capitalist entrepreneurs whose policies they benefited. He was also critical, like H. Laski, of sovereignty theory which masked the dominance of capitalist interests in the modern state and international system. Over several decades these aspects of his work contributed to his proposals for a radical league of nations. His work will be of interest to IR scholars today. [R]
62.1478 LAMY, Pascal —
The essential problem today is too little governance of globalization. One challenge is to re-invent international institutions and “networking” institutions in a better way — ensuring that the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank, and the vast UN system operate as a more coherent whole, not a medieval patchwork of fiefdoms. Policy coherence — ultimately — begins at home. An even bigger challenges is to strengthen the global system's legitimacy. legitimacy also depends on democratizing global governance — giving citizen's greater ownership of the system and greater say in its direction. This brings me to the importance of political leadership. The future lies with more globalization, not less, more co-operation, more interaction between peoples and cultures, an even greater sharing of responsibilities and interests. [R, abr.]
62.1479 LANGLOIS, Catherine C.; LANGLOIS, Jean-Pierre P. —
This article examines the strategic interaction between terror groups, hosts, and the US in order to better understand the parameters of the interaction and the elements of a winning strategy. We adopt a game-theoretic approach assuming that each player has a well defined goal and accounts for the anticipated behavior of the others to develop strategy. We develop a repeated game in which the host and the US must decide whether to fight a terrorist organization whose membership and resources will grow indefinitely if left unchecked. Our model predicts circumstances in which a host will begin to push back against the terrorists in anticipation of a future involvement of the US. It also predicts circumstances in which the terrorist organization's hatred of the US prompts attacks that seal its fate and early demise. [R]
62.1480 LAVER, Michael —
This paper explores an unexpectedly hard question for representative democracy, which is usually thought to be enhanced when political parties compete with each other for the support of voters in free and fair elections. Defining optimal representation in terms of the probability that a voter will find a party to support at election time that promotes a policy position close to his/her ideal point, it transpires that vote-seeking parties do not deliver optimal representation. They tend to locate “too close” to the centroid of voter ideal points to minimize the aggregate distance between party positions and voter ideal points. Instead, optimal representation in this sense is delivered if parties set policy positions using “aggregator” rules, which seek to represent the views of current party supporters, but not to attract new supporters. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1446]
62.1481 LEE, Fred —
This essay critically reflects on diverse perspectives within radical democratic theory. I describe Bevir's historical and interpretative account of governance in general, interdisciplinary terms. I [then] compare the scholarly contributions of Bevir's Democratic Governance with those of C. Mouffe's The Democratic Paradox [London, 2000] and A. Fung's Empowered Participation [Princeton, 2004], two influential publications in contemporary political theory. I conclude by discussing the relative powers and limits of Bevir's genealogical, Mouffe's deconstructive, and Fung's procedural approaches to radical democratic theory. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1414]
62.1482 LEE Yu-Kang; CHANG Chun-Tuan —
An increase in usage of political advertising has become a global phenomenon. Previous research on political advertising has found both intended and backlash effects, indicating that the advertising effects are likely to be moderated by message and audience factors. In this study, advertising tones (i.e., positive or negative advertising) are examined. The experimental research also examines two contingent variables-the level of voters' political sophistication and the degree of candidate credibility. The results indicate that a voter's political sophistication may result in bidirectional effects on the impact of advertising tone. [R, abr.]
62.1483 LEIBBRANDT, Andreas; LÓPEZ-PÉREZ, Raúl —
This article experimentally studies punishment from unaffected third parties in ten different games. The authors show that third-party punishment exhibits several features that are arguably undesirable. First, third parties punish strongly a decider if she chooses a socially efficient or a Pareto efficient allocation and becomes the richest party as a result. Interestingly, this form of punishment is especially pronounced in women and more left-wing participants. Second, third parties punish strongly a decider if she chooses an equitable allocation and becomes the richest party as a result. Finally, third parties considerably punish passive parties who make no choice, especially if the latter are richer than the third party. Implications of these findings for social theory are discussed. [R]
62.1484 LEJANO, Raul P.; INGRAM, Helen —
Researchers have described various ways that commons problems are solved, based on the model of individual rationality. Invariably, these institutional solutions involve creating some system of property rights. We formulate an alternative model, founded not on property rights but on decision-making around so-called vector payoffs. The model is formalized and an existence proof provided. The new model is shown to be effective in explaining some anomalous results (e.g., unanticipated cooperation) in the experimental games literature that run counter to the rational model. We then use the case of the buffalo commons to illustrate how the new model affords alternative explanations for examples like the rise and fall of the buffalo herds in the [US] Great Plains. We find the vector payoff model to complement, though not displace, that of individual rationality. [R, abr.]
62.1485 LEMKE, Matthias —
Given the state of alarm in Spain in December 2010, the article analyzes with a special regard on the classical case of enlargement of executive power Korematsu v. United States (1944) the arguments delivered for suspending fundamental rights. The main question is how representative democracies justify in (recurrent) argumentations their need for that suspension. This consistently observable practice in the face of crisis [is] politically sensitive, because states of alarm or emergency suspend numerous fundamental democratic rights. Their application leads to the paradoxical finding that the practice of the state of alarm or exception is located beyond democratic government, although they are supposed to guarantee the survival of democracy in crisis times. An increase of states of alarm and/or states of emergency could therefore indicate an erosion of the problem-solving mechanisms of representative democracies. [R, abr.]
62.1486 LIN Jih-wen —
Why did the unified government led by Taiwan's president Ma Ying-jeou experience gridlock? I answer this question by modifying the veto-player theory to explain how policies are made in Taiwan's semi-presidential system, in which the president can unilaterally appoint a premier who is accountable to the national legislature. Given this constitutional design, the premier represents the president rather than the legislature, so the agenda-setter is either the legislature or the president. A veto-player model shows that the legislature, as a collective veto-player, has the last-mover's advantage when it sets the agenda and that the two executive heads are more likely to be congruent if a policy has to be deliberated by the legislature. [R, abr.]
62.1487 LINARES, Sebastián —
This paper evaluates the performance of presidential and parliamentary regimes around three dimensions: the likelihood of (1) conflict between branches of government; (2) democratic breakdown, and (3) premature interruptions of presidential mandates. In each dimension I summarize the theoretical arguments at stake and evaluate the existing evidence. There are good arguments and evidence to think that, other things being equal, presidential regimes exhibit, vis-à-vis parliamentary regimes, a lower performance in all the dimensions analyzed. The explanation can be found in the “effect” that the “form of government” variable introduces in the political system. [R]
62.1488 LINHARDT, Dominique; MUNIESA, Fabian —
Referring to the paradox underlying this particular form of politicization, we draw attention to three analytical figures that are found in all these studies, though at varying degrees and through different formulas: (1) they should be understood as a bypassing of politics; (2) it is necessary to understand tham in their opposition to politics; (3) they are best understood as politics that are not spelled out. These three dimensions are designated: “subpolitics,” “anti-politics” and “quasi-politics;” we propose a definition for each. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Economization policies,” edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.1495, 1685, 1737, 1813]
62.1489 LIPSMEYER, Christine S. —
A crowded field of research has focused on the relationship between government ideology and welfare policy. In advancing this work, I refocus the debate on how the economic context can affect the manner in which governments shape welfare spending. In my analyses of social expenditures during times of economic booms and busts, I find that governments in recessions relax their ideological visions, while those in periods of prosperity have the room to make discretionary policy changes. By combining theories of government behavior with assumptions about preferences during diverse economic climates, these findings show how the economic environment affects governments' abilities to implement ideological policies. More importantly, this transcends the extant literature, resulting in a more complete picture of the relationship between politics and welfare policies. [R]
62.1490 LIPSMEYER, Christine S.; PIERCE, Heather Nicole —
Research on multiparty governments has started to debate how coalition partners oversee each other's policy-making. Due to the divergence of preferences among partners and the difficulty of sanctioning members of other parties, cabinet members attempt to monitor each other in policy-making activities through the use of junior ministers. By analyzing multiple countries' governments across decades, this article contributes to the current debate about government oversight by defining the circumstances [in] which parties in coalition governments choose to use junior ministers to keep tabs on ministers from coalition partners. Specifically, we contend that their use depends on the power dynamics within a coalition, as well as the institutional structures in the broader political environment. [R]
62.1491 LLUCH, Jaime —
This article aims to understand autonomism as an ideology of territorial order and institutional design. In particular, I ask whether the theory and practice of autonomism is consonant with federalist principles. “Autonomism” is a normative term that advocates the use of autonomist principles, and it has an intricate relationship with federalism, but is generally distinct from it. Autonomists are wary of federalism because they believe it has homogenizing and uniformizing tendencies. Autonomism as an ideology of territorial order and institutional design exhibits a number of clear anti-federalist stances, but yet it is based on the general federalist principle that multiple levels of government can lead to better governance in multinational states. To this complex anti-federalist and federalist hybrid stance, autonomism adds a nuanced anti-secessionism stance. [R]
62.1492 LOPEZ, Anthony C.; McDERMOTT, Rose; PETERSEN, Michael Bang —
The use of evolutionary models to examine political behavior in international relations has been the subject of much debate, but serious scholarly work has generally been lacking, in part because the causal mechanisms have not always been clearly explicated. An evolutionary psychological framework can correct this deficit and benefit research in at least three major areas of international relations: (1) how political groups such as states are perceived and represented by individuals and groups; (2) how coalitional action is facilitated among states; and (3) sex differences in coalitional behavior. Hypotheses are offered in each of these areas to more clearly demonstrate the psychological mechanisms that are the bridge between evolutionary theory and political behavior in the international system. [R, abr.]
62.1493 LORENZ, Astrid —
Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and subnational actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favorable conditions for co-operation based on different interaction orientations. Actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1319]
62.1494 MACKIE, Gerry —
A standard justification of democratic voting is that it is a fair procedure, providing for the equal treatment of voters. Democratic theorist D. Estlund challenges the adequacy of that justification: flipping a coin between alternatives is also a fair procedure, but no one would propose substituting random draw for voting. Estlund provides several arguments that fair proceduralism is an untenable view, and this article counters those arguments. He concludes that what distinguishes democratic voting from random choice is its better epistemic value in approximating a standard of justice independent of the procedure. The author replies that a less controversial distinction between voting and coin-flip is that voting tends to select what is thought best by the most people. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1446]
62.1495 MAGNON-PUJO, Cyril —
From an analysis of recent controls developed around private violence, this article offers a new perspective on the idea of the privatization of the state. The increasing use of private security companies by states reveals, indeed, both the extension and normalization of commercial logics as a way of governing, even when dealing with war. Yet, the limits of such a market for force and the implementation of controls around this commercial activity incline to reevaluate the vision of a retreat of the state. The emergence, in three sequences, of a regulation where the state is progressively reintroduced, actually allows recognizing in fine its respecification as the legitimate and sovereign entity, all along this process of the outsourcing of violence and of its control. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1488]
62.1496 MANI, Rama; WEISS, Thomas G. —
Could culture contribute more to the UN's core goal spelled out in the Charter's preamble of “saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war”? More specifically, could deeper cultural understanding help prevent or mitigate mass atrocities? Both questions can be answered affirmatively; we illustrate why through the lens of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). This multidisciplinary and multinational research not only advances the R2P norm, but also reintroduces culture to mainstream IR and international organization scholarship, which rarely venture beyond the familiar fields of politics, law, history, and economics. [R]
62.1497 MARČENKO, Mihail Nikolaevič —
There are a number of different links between constitutional state theory on the one hand and traditional (natural and positivist) law and new (Western as well as USSR) legal state theories on the other. The level of interrelatedness between constitutional state theory and natural law theories is much higher than the one between rule of state theory and positivist theories. Furthermore, there are reasons for the idealization of the constitutional state. Considered in the context of international law, the constitutional state theory's most significant role, in Russia as well as in other capitalist and semi-capitalist countries, is as a guidance theory for future development, both ideologically and pragmatically.
62.1498 MARTÍNEZ-GALLARDO, Cecilia —
This article challenges a key part of the conventional view of coalitions in presidential systems that sees them as short-lived and ad hoc. The author shows instead that there is wide variation in the durability of governing coalitions across these regimes. She develops a theory of the incentives of parties to participate in the government and the circumstances [in] which scholars might expect to see the existing governing coalition break down. The author draws on data from 121 cabinets in 12 Latin American countries between the late 1980s and the mid-2000s to show that the dissolution of the cabinet is more likely when the president places less value on coalition-building as a policy-making strategy and when parties find it costly to participate in the government. [R, abr.]
62.1499 MAXWELL, Daniel, et al. —
Until fairly recently, humanitarian assistance has not been considered an important arena in broader efforts aimed at curbing corruption, and corruption has not always been considered a particularly important concern for humanitarian assistance despite the obviously challenging nature of the context of humanitarian emergencies. Corruption, though, is a threat to humanitarian action because it can prevent assistance from getting to the people who most need it, and because it can potentially undermine public support for such assistance. This paper examines perceptions of corruption and its effects, documents best practices, and outlines gaps in understanding. It suggests recommendations for improving the capacity of humanitarian agencies to prevent and manage the risk of corruption. [R, abr.]
62.1500 McDONALD, Patrick J. —
This paper argues that the construction of sustainable peace settlements among great powers rests on a self-enforcing international bargain that impedes rapid shifts in the global distribution of military power and a series of stable fiscal bargains within great powers that both generate sufficient revenues to preserve a military deterrent and prevent programs of rapid armaments expansion. It examines how free resources — public property, natural resource wealth, international transfers, and sovereign lending — insulate governments from having to renegotiate the basic fiscal contract with society and can, as a consequence, create the domestic political capacity to sustain arms races and shift regional and global military balances to their advantage. These claims are examined by comparing the origins of World War I and the Cold War. [R, abr.]
62.1501 McKEOGH, Colm —
This article investigates how issues of political responsibility connect to the combatant/civilian distinction in armed conflict. It looks at an attempted moral justification of terrorism in a democracy by a just-war theorist, I. Primoratz, who claims that civilians who actively support injustice do not merit immunity from targeting. Primoratz suggests amending the principle of civilian immunity to permit targeting of civilians who are culpable for an unjust war. This article argues that culpability plays no role in the justification of targeting combatants and cannot be used to justify the targeting of civilians. Combatants may be targeted in war because of a convention-dependent permission that they may be treated as instruments. Civilians may not be targeted in war because no such convention-dependent permission exists. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1446]
62.1502 MEFFERT, Michael
Accurate expectations about the outcome of elections play a central role in psychological and economic theories of voting. In the paper, three questions about voters' expectations are investigated. (1) We identify and test several factors that influence the overall accuracy or quality of voters' expectations. (2) The phenomenon of “wishful thinking” is tested and confirmed for expectations about the electoral performance of individual parties and coalitions. (3) Two mechanisms how expectations might influence voting behavior are identified and tested. Based on surveys from Austria and Germany, the results suggest that voters not only rely on expectations to avoid casting “wasted” votes for parties without electoral chances, but that they are able to engage in fairly sophisticated strategic coalition voting. [R]
62.1503 MENOCAL, Alina Rocha —
This article analyzes two leading approaches that have guided international efforts to promote peace and development in conflict-afflicted fragile states since the 1990s: peace-building and state-building. A growing number of donors has sought to bring these two closer together, based upon the perception that the challenges posed by (post-)conflict fragile states need to be addressed through an approach that combines both “state-building for peace,” as the UNDP has put it. The article thus explores how the processes of building peace are related to the processes of building more resilient, effective and responsive states in (post-)conflict settings. It [examines] the evolution of these two concepts and analyzes key complementarities between peace-building and statebuilding. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “State building, security and development,” edited and introduced, “State building as a new development paradigm?,” pp. 1703–1714, by Heather MARQUETTE and Danielle BESWICK. See also Abstr. 62.1452, 1508, 1517, 1617, 2419, 2682, 2687, 2697, 2698]
62.1504 METTERNICH, Nils W. —
International organizations (IOs) frequently link their military interventions with democratization efforts in the target state. However, existing research suggests that these attempts often fail. This article analyzes the conditions under which interventions by IOs shorten or prolong civil war dyads. When militarily strong rebel groups with low public support expect externally enforced democratization, they have incentives to continue fighting. These incentives arise when democratization leads to power shifts that cause commitment problems for belligerents with high popular support. Cox hazards models are used to test the article's hypotheses on a new data-set on African rebel leaders' ethnicity. [R, abr.]
62.1505 MIODOWNIK, Dan; BHAVNANI, Ravi —
Using an agent-based computational framework designed to explore the incidence of conflict between two nominally rival ethnic groups, we demonstrate that the impact of ethnic minority rule on civil war onset could be more nuanced than posited in the literature. By testing the effects of three key moderating variables on ethnic minority rule, our analysis demonstrates that: (1) when ethnicity is assumed to be salient for all individuals, conflict-onset increases with size of the minority in power; (2) conflict decreases when leaders make sound fiscal decisions, increases under corrupt regimes, and peaks under ethno-nationalist regimes that place a premium on territorial conquest; and (3) natural resources affect the level of conflict, which is lowest in agrarian economies, higher in the presence of lootable resources, and still higher when lootable resource are “diffuse”. [R, abr.]
62.1506 MÖLLER, Marie —
The voting out of a government or the disempowerment of a dictator may fail if there is no incentive for the individual to participate. A strategic approach is developed which shows the election-participation-decision as an N-person chicken-game. With the introduction of selective benefits, the problem is solved insofar as there is only one Nash-equilibrium in which everyone participates. The participation in a revolution can be represented as an N-person prisoner's dilemma, which can be transformed into a coordination problem — though only if the first-mover-problem that arises can be solved. The result of the strategic approach is that the “stay-in-power-restriction” is mandatory only for a democratic government. Therefore this paper provides one more theoretical explanation for the positive correlation between the degree of democracy and prosperity in cross-section comparisons. [R]
62.1507 MOORE, Margaret —
The current statist order assumes that states have a right to make rules involving the transfer and/or extraction of natural resources within the territory. Cosmopolitan theories of global justice have questioned whether the state is justified in its control over natural resources, typically by pointing out that having resources is a matter of good luck, and this unfairness should be addressed. This paper argues that self-determination does generate a right over resources, which others should not interfere with. It does not entail, however, that there is no obligation on rich countries to redistribute to poor countries. Indeed, in some rare instances, it might be necessary for a particular political community to use its resources, but the presumption is that the collectively self-determining group (the political community) should have the right to decide that. [R]
62.1508 MOORE, Mick —
Patterns of governance are diverging. These divergences are concentrated in smaller, poorer countries outside the ranks of the OECD and BRIC/emerging economies category. This article focuses on the ways in which these divergences are driven by changes in sources of government and elite revenues (“political revenues”). As a result of late 20th c. globalization, fewer governments are funded by broad general taxation, and elites in poor countries face increased incentives to use their power for personal profit rather than the collective good. The emergence of “failing” or “weak” states is not an isolated or random phenomenon, but an aspect of a broader shift in the character of public authority. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1503]
62.1509 MORNINGTON, Alicia-Dorothy —
At the premise of the debate around organ sale is an individual consenting to sell a body part. This case allows us to analyze the issue of censent to harm because the seller seems to consent to something which seems to qualify as “harm”. By using the volunti non fit injuria doctrine, the article starts by examining the seller's consent and arguments used to invalidate it, such as asymmetric information, coercion and vulnerability. It then goes on by looking at the question of harm, looking at bodily and psychological harm and lastly at the notion of human dignity. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1659]
62.1510 MORSE, Yonatan L. —
Recently, scholarly attention has shifted from the study of democratization to the phenomenon of electoral authoritarianism. In these regimes, regular elections are held for national legislatures and chief executives, yet they fail to live up to democratic standards of freedom and fairness. A range of new research has investigated these regimes and especially the capacity of elections to either dislodge or reinvigorate authoritarian incumbents. This article reviews some of the current work on electoral authoritarianism and [seeks] ways to achieve synthesis and better theoretical development. It notes the need for greater conceptual consensus, attention to context, and better evaluation of what electoral competiveness means under authoritarian conditions. [R, abr.]
62.1511 MURR, Andreas Erwin —
Many studies report the “wonders of aggregation” and that groups (often) yield better decisions than individuals. Can this “wisdom of crowds”-effect be used to forecast elections? Forecasting models in first-past-the-post systems need to translate vote-shares into seat-shares by some formula; however, the seat-vote ratio alters from election to election. To circumvent this problem, this paper proposes citizen forecasting, which aggregates citizens' local expectations to directly forecast constituencies. Using data from the 2010 British Election Study, this paper finds (1) that groups are better forecasters than individuals, (2) that citizen forecasting correctly predicts a hung parliament, and (3) that marginality and group size are important predictors for “getting it right”. [R]
62.1512 MUTASCU, Mihai —
Using a panel-model approach, this paper investigates the relationship between the level of taxation and democracy. The dataset covers the period 2002–2008, and includes 51 countries. The study suggests that a significant increase of taxes, without a major negative reaction of taxpayers, can be implemented if the political regime is strongly democratic or, on the contrary, strongly autocratic. [R]
62.1513 MUTZ, Diana C.; YOUNG, Lori —
Three central themes that have persisted throughout the history of research on communication and public opinion are examined in light of past, present, and future research. These themes include (1) ongoing concerns surrounding the political diversity of the communication environment; (2) selective exposure to political communication; and (3) the interrelationship between mass and interpersonal political communication. We explore the importance of these themes with an emphasis on how technological changes have made them, if anything, more relevant today than they were when first identified as central concerns of the discipline. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1344]
62.1514 NAPOLITANO, Giulio —
In an ever-more interdependent world economy, the number of global and regional public goods, from financial stability to sustainable growth, quickly increase and call for greater global and regional collective action. This paper [examines] which mechanisms, if any, have been adopted to achieve a proper degree of international cooperation after the 2008 financial crisis. The analysis shows that the movement toward a new economic global governance is not the result of a single strategy but, rather, an original blend of different solutions enhanced by flexibility and experimentalism. Some of these solutions involve efforts to strengthen multilateral agreements and the effectiveness of supranational institutions and regulatory measures; others aim to develop new forms of cooperation among governments, through a “concerted practice” form of action. [R, abr.]
62.1515 NAVARI, Cornelia —
The English School concept of practice is what S. Turner, in The Social Theory of Practices [Chicago, 2000], calls a “telic” notion. A telic practice is an activity seeking a goal “which is conceived as a result of following certain general principles of procedure”. Either as a kind of presupposition, or as a kind of mental trace, a practice in the causal sense disposes thought or action in a certain way. In this form, practices are not directly accessible, their existence must be inferred, and the means of accessing them are fraught with difficulties. [R, abr.]
62.1516 NEWMAN, Abraham L.; POSNER, Elliot —
The view that economic interdependence is a source of potential power, not just mutual benefits, has a long lineage traceable to political realism, organizational economics, Ricardian trade theory, and structural Marxism, and researchers typically focus on preferred causal variables in isolation. Despite important contributions, little attention has been paid to understanding the interactions of multiple perspectives on asymmetric interdependence, or to making sense of contradictory expectations of the various models. As a consequence, scholars engaged in globalization debates, such as those about policy convergence or private-actor governance, frequently talk past one another. To deduce expectations about the relationship between power and interdependence, we build a model synthesizing standard approaches that analyze the effects of market size and market scope separately, and then add the critical variable of jurisdictional boundaries. [R, abr.]
62.1517 NEWMAN, Edward —
The liberal institutionalist values which underpin international peace-building — emphasizing democracy, free-market economics and the liberal state — have raised a range of criticisms and challenges from scholars as well as local stakeholders in the societies in which peace-building programs are deployed. In particular, the prevailing approaches to peace-building give insufficient attention to basic and everyday human needs, and promote externally conceived models of state institutions which are not always appropriate. This article explores the problems of contemporary peace-building and argues that an alternative vision which draws upon the concept of human security and gives greater emphasis to welfare, livelihoods and local engagement can make peace-building more legitimate and sustainable. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1503]
62.1518 NICHOLSON, Stephen P. —
Scholars have found source-cues — the political actors behind a policy issue — to be a potent cause of opinion change. The implication is an easily persuaded public. I advance the argument that the public is not so easily persuaded. A policy featuring group beneficiaries provides a highly informative cue, one that is likely to dominate source-cues. This insight is based on research demonstrating that people ignore source-cues if they engage the subject matter at hand. Using a variety of experiments, I find that group-beneficiary cues often dominate source-cues. However, I also find that source-cues affect opinion if they provide unexpected information about (1) an endorsement that is contrary to the source's beliefs or (2) feature an extreme, disliked out-group. [R]
62.1519 NIEBEL, Dirk —
The number of international migrants is growing, with considerable development implications, particularly in poorer countries. Development policy must, therefore, take a systematic look at the links between migration, development, and the economy. And effective strategies must be developed for fostering the development potential of migration. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2243]
62.1520 NILI, Shmuel —
This article argues that there is such a thing as “our” problem of global justice, and that it must be both temporally and logically prior to the problem of global justice. In order to establish this thesis, I [consider] three main claims: that our elected governments are actively complicit in dictators' de facto armed robbery of their population's resources; that each democracy as a unitary agent has a duty, which holds independently of poverty questions, to stop profiting from this robbery by boycotting severely oppressive regimes; and that such “democratic disengagement” requires postponing an ideal theory of global justice to a later stage, since the implications of disengagement will be so unprecedented that philosophizing past them means jumping ahead of our time. [R, abr.]
62.1521 NILSSON, Desirée; KOVACS, Mimmi Söderberg —
In a seminal article, S.J. Stedman [“Spoiler problems in peace processes,” International Security 22(2), Fall 1997, 5–23; Abstr. 48.6873] suggested that the greatest source of risk to civil war peace processes comes from so-called spoilers: leaders, and groups that perceive peace as threatening and use violence to undermine attempts to achieve it. The spoiler concept has since gained significant ground and widespread legitimacy both in the academic literature and in critical policy circles. However, we suggest that the spoiler concept has been stretched beyond its original meaning and given raise to a number of ambiguities concerning its definition and empirical applicability. This lack of clarity in regard to some of the key aspects of the spoiler concept risks not only undermining the usefulness of the concept itself, but also hampering the accumulation of valuable research on this pertinent topic. [R, abr.]
62.1522 NONHOFF, Martin —
Constructivist thinking requests a pragmatic as well as an interpretive understanding of methods. First, it demands a pragmatic understanding because constructivists [consider] methods' ability to enhance the praxis of cooperative production of scientific knowledge, aiming at plausible, relevant and interesting results. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on one's usage of methods in a systematic, exact and clear manner. Second, the understanding of methods can be called interpretive because it is well aware of the fact it is impossible to gain immediate access to the world. Hence, linguistic and other representations of the world are of central interest. Discourse-analysis is then portrayed as a field of social science (and particularly IR) research within which central ideas of a constructivist-pragmatic methodology are used and which develops different paths for interpretive analysis. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on International Relations and its methods. See also Abstr. 62.1353, 1378, 1427]
62.1523 NOVOTNÝ, Vilém; HEJZLAROVÁ, Eva M. —
This paper uses a theoretical supply-demand model applied to a historical overview of policy analysis in the Czech Republic and a empirical research, analyzing public contracts (both demand and reply) in the Czech ministries. The demand for policy analysis from ministries is vague and ministries do not shape policy-analysis very actively. On the other side, many different approaches are typical for providers who apply approaches that they are used to (yet academic style prevails). Czech policy-analysis can thus be identified as slightly positivist in the context of the development of the discipline in the world. Policy-analysis as a scientific field has been already institutionalized but not yet practically politically accommodated. [R, abr.]
62.1524 ODMALM, Pontus —
The literature on party competition suggests that traditional conflict lines have either become obsolete or been replaced by new, less stable, ones. This development points to how political conflict has changed but also to how certain policy positions can be problematic to explain when these are linked to parties' location on “old” and “new” conflict dimensions. A particularly difficult issue has been party position(s) on immigration. The article argues that a fruitful approach is to simultaneously consider the degree of ownership — the strategic advantage — that parties have on particular conflict dimensions and parties' spatial location therein. Comparing parties in Britain and Sweden, the article explores the extent to which this framework explains party positioning in two institutionally different contexts. [R, abr.]
62.1525 OLSEN, Brigitte Egelund —
Based on a legal analysis of the relationship between the WTO and the climate regime, this article identifies some of the legal conflicts that may potentially arise between WTO law and climate law. Focus is on the possibilities of the WTO system of integrating climate as a legitimate concern — for example when a member adopts trade-related environmental measures to comply with the UN Climate Convention and its related agreements. Two models are presented — the precedent model and the law model — which can separately and in interaction contribute to a scenario where the international trade regulation supplements and supports the global climate regime. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2302]
62.1526 ÖNIŞ, Ziya; GÜVEN, Ali Burak —
This article outlines the main elements of rupture and continuity in the global political economy since the global economic crisis of 2008–2009. While the current calamity poses a more systemic challenge to neoliberal globalization than genetically similar turbulences in the semi-periphery during the 1990s, we find that evidence for its transformative significance remains mixed. Efforts to reform the distressed capitalist models in the North encounter severe resistance, and the broadened multilateralism of the Group of 20 is yet to provide effective global economic governance. Overall, neoliberal globalization looks set to survive, but in a more heterodox and multipolar fashion. Without tighter coordination between old and emerging powers, this new synthesis is unlikely to inspire lasting solutions to pressing global problems such as an unsustainable international financial architecture and the pending environmental catastrophe. [R, abr.]
62.1527 ORNANO, Pierre-Dominique d' —
The current transformation in warfare has so far managed only to eliminate its now obsolete aspect of policing confrontation between states. Yet in doing so, its true nature, that of all-out conflict involving every ruse and act of violence of which man is capable, persists in unregulated low-intensity conflict. Warfare has changed, but not man. This iessay is inspired by the recent publication in French of M. Van Creveld's 1991 book, The Transformation of War. [R]
62.1528 ORTIZ, Horacio —
During the last thirty years, financial regulation has been reoriented within a political project aiming at establishing “efficient markets” where “investors” could contribute to an “optimal allocation” of resources, backed by a “minimal state” limited to the role of the guarantor of the functioning of the system. Yet, the financial industry set up according to these concepts has progressively led to the obliteration of the political genealogy from which they proceed: they now appear to be mere technical tools in the hands of professionals handling them in practical contexts. An analysis of the daily practices of fund managers investing in credit derivatives before the crisis, in 2004 in Paris, corroborates that observation, but also shows that this technicization is not total: in situations of change and conflict, the same concepts are likely to engage the clutch again to moral and political justifications along the lines of the liberal philosophies from which they stem. [R, abr.]
62.1529 OUTHWAITE, William; RAY, Larry —
Contrary to K. Popper's classic article with this title, it can be argued that the principal failure of Western analyses of communism was not the failure to predict the collapse of most of the communist regimes in and around 1989 but more a failure of prophecy, in the sense of a more speculative theory of the contradictions of those regimes and their unsustainability. The reasons can be found in the polarization between overblown theories of totalitarianism and excessively bland comparative approaches couched in terms of the, then popular, theories of industrial society and, often, convergence. There were also methodological reasons arising from the positivist shibboleths of factual documentation, with the consequence that dubious statistics were considered better than none, and value-freedom. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Sociology and communism: coming to terms with a discipline's past,” edited and introduced, pp. 670–690, by Christian FLECK and Andreas HESS. See also the articles by Howard DAVIS and Sergey EROFEEV, “Reframing society and culture in post-Soviet Russia,” pp. 710–734; Joanna BIELECKA-PRUS, “The social roles of Polish sociologists after 1945,” pp. 735–765; Jaros aw KILIAS, “Sociological traditions in the Polish textbooks of the communist period,” pp. 766–780; Michael VOŘÍŠEK, “In whose service? The 1960s' Czechoslovak sociologists and their party,” pp. 781–806; Juan José NAVARRO, “Cold War in Latin America: the Camelot Project (1964–1965) and the political and academic reactions of the Chilean Left,” pp. 807–825]
62.1530 OWEN, David —
This article addresses two central topics in normative debates on transnational citizenship: the inclusion of resident non-citizens and of nonresident citizens within the demos. Through a critical review of the social membership (Carens, Rubio-Marin) and stakeholder (R. Bauböck) principles, it identifies two problems within these debates. The first is the antinomy of incorporation: that there are compelling arguments both for the mandatory naturalization of permanent residents and for making naturalization a voluntary process. The second is the arbitrary demos problem and concerns who determines whether expatriate voting rights are granted (and on what terms). The argument developed provides a way of dissolving the first problem and resolving the second problem. In doing so it provides a defensible normative basis for the political theory of transnational citizenship. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1680]
62.1531 PADDON, Emily —
Peacekeeping is an overburdened and politically fragmented institution. To address peacekeeping's predicament the UN Department for Peacekeeping Operations' (DPKO's) “New Horizon” agenda proposes to strengthen and deepen internal and external partnerships with the aim of providing rapid, robust and accepted capability-driven responses to conflict. This article explores the implications of such partnerships for peacekeeping, its core principles and the UN's legitimacy as the primary actor tasked with maintaining international peace and security. The author cautions against prioritizing external partnerships at the expense of strengthening meaningful internal partnerships, shoring up political will and clarifying vision and expectations among the Security Council, the Secretariat, member states and, in particular, troop-contributing countries. [R] [First article of a thematic issue, “Partnerships — a new horizon for peacekeeping?,” edited by Francesco MANCINI and Adam C. SMITH, and introduced, “Peacekeeping: the global enterprise,” pp. 511–515, by Adam C. SMITH. See also Abstr. 62.1379, 1383a, 1557, 2286, 2328, 2347]
62.1532 PADRO I MIQUEL, Gerard; SNOWBERG, Erik —
We develop a model of electoral accountability with primaries. Prior to the general election, the supporters of each of two parties decide which candidates to nominate. We show that supporters suffer from a fundamental tension: while they want politicians who will faithfully implement the party's agenda in office, they need politicians who can win elections. Accountability decreases with the importance that supporters assign to the elections, and it breaks down in two cases. First, a popular incumbent safely defects as she knows she will be re-nominated. Second, an unpopular incumbent defects because she knows she will be dismissed even if she follows the party line. These behaviors are labeled impunity and damnation, respectively, and are illustrated with [US] case studies. [R, abr.]
62.1533 PARIETTI, Guido —
There is a wide consensus that politics should not be considered as an end in itself, being instead instrumentally valuable, provided it is capable of producing good outcomes, however defined. Even when some intrinsic value is accorded to politics, it is thought to be dependent on some broader instrumental character. I shall argue for the reverse: that politics ought to be considered autotelic, and that the very possibility of any good outcomes depends on that. I will begin with a brief summary of how deep and widespread this rejection of the autotelic character of politics is. Then, mainly drawing on Arendt, I shall argue for a restatement of the question, which will clarify why and how a meaningful and coherent concept of politics should be autotelic. Eventually, I will sketch some of the implications for normative political theory. [R]
62.1534 PASQUINO, Pasquale —
The article discusses the rules for collective decision-making in a political community and, in particular, the justifications given for the majority principle in the history of constitutional theory and its relationship with the theoretical foundation of modern constitutionalism. The doctrines developed by Pufendorf, Condorcet and Kelsen are subjected to analysis in order to disclose their limits, and, hence, the relevance of super-majoritarian procedures for constitutional amendment. [R]
62.1535 PATTEN, Alan —
Persuaded by the critique of cultural essentialism, many critics believe that there is no defensible way of identifying distinct cultures, or of distinguishing cultural loss from cultural change, that is compatible with the normative agenda of multiculturalism. This article challenges this widely shared belief by developing a concept of culture that can withstand the critique of essentialism and support the positive claims of multiculturalists. Culture, in the view developed here, is what people share when they have shared subjection to a common formative context. A division of the world, or of particular societies, into distinct cultures is a recognition that distinct processes of socialization operate on different groups of people. Because culture in this view is the precipitate of a common social lineage, the view is called the “social lineage account” of culture. [R]
62.1536 PAUN, Akash —
The “Westminster” democracies — the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand — share a history of majoritarian politics and two-party dominance. However, recent elections have delivered legislatures with no single-party majority, following long-term trends towards greater party pluralism. Despite their common heritage, when faced with the challenge of forming a government from a hung parliament, these countries have followed different paths. The UK opted for full coalition government, while Canada from 2004 to 2011 was governed by a pure minority government. New Zealand and Australia fall somewhere in between these two extremes in terms of the extent of formal cooperation between parties. This variation can be explained by a range of factors, including the particular history of each country and the belief that multi-party governance is merely a temporary exception to majoritarian rule. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Minority and coalition government,” edited and introduced by Pascal DUFOUR, Jane JENSON and Denis SAINT-MARTIN, “Governing without a majority. What consequences in Westminster systems?,” pp. 435–439. See also Abstr. 62.1712, 1763, 1821]
62.1537 PAYNE, Keith B. —
During the Cold War, academic theorists and senior US policy-makers planned strategies of nuclear deterrence according to a particularly narrow application of the rational actor model. Their assumptions were that the Soviet leadership would make decisions pertinent to deterrence per an instrumental rationality, and that the parameters of that rational decision-making would be bounded by a familiar and largely Western worldview with regard to perceptions, values, goals, and behavioral norms. The fundamental problem with this narrow application of the rational actor model is that it typically does not take into account a wide range of factors that can shape decision-making decisively and vary widely across time, place, and opponent. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.1309, 1419, 1565]
62.1538 PEDERSEN, Karin Hilmer; SVENDSEN, Gert Tinggaard —
Can and will the agricultural sector reduce its emission of greenhouse gasses? Science indicates that there is a huge and unexploited potential for relatively cheap reductions of greenhouse gas emission in the agricultural sector, partly because of the sector's mix of different greenhouse gasses. While emissions of greenhouse gasses other than carbon dioxide are difficult to measure with certainty, the latest research shows that an indirect measurement in production processes could suffice to include the sector in existing regulations aimed at emission reduction. The question is how. Contrasting the use of standards, green taxes and tradable emission quotas, we suggest that the agricultural sector itself may have an interest in participating in the European Emission Trade System (EU ETS) based on a baseline free distribution of quotas (grand-fathering). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2302]
62.1539 PELLIZZONI, Luigi —
The relationship between expertise and politics has traditionally been described in terms of science speaking truth to power. Science strengthens governmental effectiveness and depersonalizes power, linking legitimacy to the credibility of observation. Today, however, expertise is both increasingly sought and thrown onto the terrain of conflict. The politicization of expertise breaks with the alleged alternative between democratic and technocratic policy-making. The concept of expertise and its politicization in the context of contentious politics is elaborated. Three case-studies show that expertise affects the discursive opportunity structure of controversies, that the “politics of facts” intermingles in subtle ways with the politics of interests and values, and that there is no linear sequence between politicization and depoliticization. [R]
62.1540 PETERS, B. Guy —
Governance is often conceptualized as involving delegation to actors outside the state, but we have long understood that these actors function within a “shadow of hierarchy”. Although powers may be delegated to social actors, they can always be returned to the state. This article discusses three additional shadows — society, the market and the international system — and their effects on governance. These multiple shadows present an opportunity for would-be governors to select patterns of governing. [R]
62.1541 PETERSEN, Michael Bang —
Public opinion concerning social welfare is largely driven by perceptions of recipient deservingness. Extant research has argued that this heuristic is learned from a variety of cultural, institutional, and ideological sources. The present article provides evidence supporting a different view: that the deservingness heuristic is rooted in psychological categories that evolved over the course of human evolution to regulate small-scale exchanges of help. To test predictions made on the basis of this view, a method designed to measure social categorization is embedded in nationally representative surveys conducted in different countries. Across the national- and individual-level differences that extant research has used to explain the heuristic, people categorize welfare recipients on the basis of whether they are lazy or unlucky. This mode of categorization furthermore induces people to think about large-scale welfare politics as its presumed ancestral equivalent: small-scale help giving. The general implications for research on heuristics are discussed. [R]
62.1542 PIERRE, Jon —
Market-based administrative reform has triggered a debate argument in the public administration field. Some argue that it enhances cost-efficiency and customer responsiveness. Others maintain that the public sector is not just a service-producing system delivering “public value” but that it stands for legality, due process, and legal security in addition to being a service provider. The article first compares the impact of market-based reform in Rechtsstaat administrative systems and “public interest” systems. It then discusses the potential democratic downsides to market solutions in the public administration and assesses under what conditions “publicness” can be delegated to private sector organizations. [R]
62.1543 PINFARI, Marco —
This article explores the impact of time pressure on negotiation processes in territorial conflicts in the post-Cold War era. While it is often argued that time pressure can help generate positive momentum in peace negotiations and help break deadlocks, extensive literature also suggests that perceived time shortage can have a negative impact on the cognitive processes involved in complex, intercultural negotiations. The analysis explores these hypotheses through a comparison of sixty-eight episodes of negotiation using fuzzy-set logic, a form of qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). The conclusions confirm that time pressure can, in certain circumstances, be associated with broad agreements but also that only low levels of time pressure or its absence are associated with durable settlements. [R, abr.]
62.1544 PLÜMPER, Thomas; NEUMAYER, Eric —
This paper adopts and develops the “fear of floating” theory to explain the decision to implement a de facto peg, the choice of anchor currency among multiple key currencies, and the role of central bank independence for these choices. Since exchange-rate depreciations are passed through into higher prices of imported goods, avoiding the import of inflation provides an important motive to de facto peg the exchange rate in import-dependent countries. This study shows that the choice of anchor currency is determined by the degree of dependence of the potentially pegging country on imports from the key currency country and on imports from the key currency area, consisting of all countries which have already pegged to this key currency. [R, abr.]
62.1545 POSNER, Paul; BLÖNDAL, Jón —
As the crisis in advanced economies deepens, fiscal consolidation [must] be coupled, and even preceded, by actions to jump-start crippled economies. Nonetheless, when fiscal consolidation becomes necessary, nations that procrastinate by waiting for a crisis to provide cover for the politically hard choices will pay a steep price indeed both economically and politically. Many in the academic and policy community have raised questions about whether advanced democracies have the political wherewithal to respond to gathering fiscal pressures through early and timely action. Recent fiscal actions in advanced nations suggest that democracies are not doomed to wait for market shocks and crises. Rather, leaders have shown that fiscal sacrifice can be achieved in ways that promote electability. We discuss the impetus for democratic fiscal actions and the strategies used to gain public support. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The financial crisis of 2007–2008 and changes in policy and institutions,” edited and introduced, “A new age of uncertainty” by David COEN and Alasdair ROBERTS, pp. 5–10. See also Abstr. 62.1300, 1403, 1407, 1628, 1815]
62.1546 POST, Jerrold M. —
This essay considers the meanings of the word “generations,” sketching out the generational provenance of terrorists, the manner in which the psychodynamic relationship between parents and children produces terrorists, as well as the similar generational dynamics of youth in relation to their historical and political contexts. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1433]
62.1547 PRIKS, Mikael —
Traditional economic theory suggests that competition among officials providing government goods tends to reduce corruption. However, empirical evidence does not yet support this view. I show that a corrupt and powerful central authority can use competition among officials to amass resources for itself. While competition reduces corruption at the lower level of government, corruption at the higher level of government is increased. To avoid widespread theft from the central authority, competing officials are monitored more intensively than a monopolist. Hence, even though competition among officials generates more consumer surplus, it may reduce welfare. [R]
62.1548 PRINCE, Michael J. —
Public service provision is an essential bridge between the promise of citizenship status and the practice of exercising rights and responsibilities. Delivery systems influence the opportunities and barriers for people with disabilities to participate in all aspects of society. This article [examines] the relationships between persons with disabilities and the delivery of public services by agencies in liberal welfare states, specifically, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK. The article explores concepts of “promising practices” in administration and provision; reports on practices on integrated service delivery; and presents evaluation research on the effects of individualized payments to persons with disabilities. [R]
62.1549 RAADSCHELDERS, Jos C. N. —
What should be done to advance the study of public administration? A strong argument is advanced by [the author] that the field benefits significantly from greater attention to ontology and epistemology. To be sure, empirical, evidence-based research has its place, but its basis and the meaning of findings seldom are questioned. Why? Many public administration scholars seek “scientificness” through a disciplinary type of methodology. However, working within an inherently interdisciplinary field, public administration scholars cannot reduce the complex, wicked problems of society and government to mere empirical measurement. The author lays out five critical challenges confronting today's public administration requiring the field's urgent attention in order to meet the comprehensive and rapidly expanding needs of specialists and generalists, practitioners and academicians, as well as the general public. [R]
62.1550 RAMÍREZ-ALUJAS, Álvaro V. —
The concept of open government is not new. It was used for the first time in British politics in the late 1970s and it was then related with issues about government secrecy and public sector efforts to “open windows”. It has emerged as a new linchpin in efforts to improve government capacity and modernize public administration based on the principles of transparency and openness, participation and collaboration. Given the relative scarcity of research, this article presents a summary and a historical analysis of the evolution of the concept in its political and technological dimensions, and then contextualizes their links to the elements which have served as a platform to make it a new paradigm (or model) that promises to strengthen democratic systems and improve governance. [R]
62.1551 RAMOND, Denis —
This article provides a critical analysis of the notion of “freedom of expression”. Outilining the fact that it is both a recent and vaguely-defined concept, the article examines this freedom's problematic features from two perspectives: if we defend freedom of expression for its contribution to democratic life, then the term “expression” appears either too restrictive — if it exclusively designates political speech — or undefinable, if it designates everything that shapes political judgment itself. A broad conception of “freedom of expression” must then cover freedom itself. On the other hand, if we adopt a negative conception of freedom of expression, grounded in the harm principle, the world “expression” becomes useless, even counterproductive. An evocation of freedom is therefore not the best way to protect this “expression;” instead the harm principle, which is based on an anti-paternalistic postulate of autonomy, proves more useful. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1659]
62.1552 RAMSAY, Kristopher W. —
It is well known that during a crisis, unitary rational states have an incentive to misrepresent their true resolve and willingness to go to war. This theoretical result has been taken to imply that diplomacy, interpreted as pre-bargaining communication, can have no effect on the way crises play out. This paper shows an intuitive way that diplomatic cheap-talk can matter in a single crisis between countries, especially when the bargaining game has multiple equilibria. In particular, if after “diplomacy,” states can choose to either fight a war directly or bargain in hopes of reaching a peaceful settlement, then it is possible to find an equilibrium, where diplomacy influences whether there is war or peace. The cheap-talk diplomacy coordinates actions, it reveals information, and it changes the ex ante probability of war. [R, abr.]
62.1553 RENNES, Juliette —
By what process does a previously accepted legal distinction (whether based on gender, sexual orientation, nationality, age or marital status) become publicly perceived as discriminatory? This question can be understood both as a research topic — within the sociology of social movements or the historiography of the struggles for equality; and as in issue of political tactics, concerning the strategies appropriate for demonstrating the illegitimacy of a particular legal distinction. This article examines the relation of these two approaches with the crisis of the justification of legal distinctions: between sociological and historical investigation, and action. After reviewing the conditions of possibility of a history of contestation of legal distinctions, it analyzes the conditions of possibility of a historical narrative, focusing particularly on comparisons between contemporary demands for equality and previous demands, now seen as legitimate. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1320]
62.1554 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
IR's dominant theoretical and methodological approaches are, to varying degrees, compliance-oriented. IR needs a theory of resistance if it is to survive its current methodological and ethical crisis. Resistance, read from a broadly Foucaultian perspective, is a process in which hidden, small-scale and marginal agencies have an impact on power, on norms, civil society, the state and the “international”. This may be in the form of individual or grass-roots critical agency not coordinated or mobilized on a large scale but still globally connected. Such agency is often discursive and aimed at peaceful change and transformation. Through such critical agency a post-colonial civil society has emerged, which is transversal, transnational, fragmented, but may be constitutive of new, hybrid and post-liberal forms of peace. [R]
62.1555 RIXEN, Thomas —
This article presents the normative case for global tax governance. Contrary to an influential part of the literature, national tax policy choices cause significant externalities for other nation-states. Focusing on business taxation, the article shows that tax competition undermines the integrity and distributive principles of domestic tax systems and aggravates the inequality between developed and developing countries. Further, it demonstrates that the effects of international tax competition are unjust irrespective of whether a globalist or less demanding internationalist perspective on justice is adopted. The minimum requirement of justice is to devise global rules that ensure that national tax systems remain capable of implementing distributive justice as they see fit. Finally, the article presents and discusses a concrete proposal for the global governance of business tax competition, namely, unitary taxation with formula apportionment. [R]
62.1556 ROGERS, Paul —
The 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon were deeply traumatic for the US, and there was a singularly strong response, commencing with regime-termination in Afghanistan, the development of a “war on terror” and its extension to oppose a so-called axis of evil, which led to regime-termination in Iraq. Over the past decade the consequences of this response have been unexpected and call into question the policies adopted. This raises issues surrounding the reasons for the US decision, but also has implications for more general policies relating to problems of global insecurity. The failure of the “war on terror” to achieve the objectives indicates the need for a new approach to problems of international conflict. [R, abr.]
62.1557 ROLFE, Jim —
Protection of civilians has been on the international agenda for more than ten years. In that time, many UN peace operations have received protection mandates but few have been successfully carried out. Protection requires all elements of a peace mission to have a common understanding of the relevant concepts, processes and desired outcomes. This requires partnerships between the various elements of the mission. Partnership between disparate groups is difficult at the best of times, and is exacerbated by the operational contexts of peace missions. Successful partnerships require extensive pre-mission preparation, in-mission coordination and post-mission evaluation. Participants have only just begun to address these issues at a basic level. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1531]
62.1558 RYAN, Cheyney —
This article explores the personal responsibility of soldiers for fighting in unjust wars. Its reference point is the position developed by J. McMahan in his recent Killing in War [New York, 2009]. I claim that McMahan fails to give sufficient importance to institutional justifications on this matter. I argue for this by developing what I call the “argument to democratic duty,” which I claim embodies much current thinking about the obligations of soldiers in a democratic culture. The upshot is that soldiers are placed in a contradictory position, between personal and institutional obligations. This is one sense in which soldiers can be victimized by the institution of war itself. [R]
62.1559 SANDERSON, Stephen K. —
C. Chase-Dunn and K.S. Lawrence respond [“Alive and well. A response to Sanderson,” ibid. 51(6), Dec. 2010: 470–479; Abstr. 62.1361] to my critique of world-systems analysis (WSA) [S. K. Sanderson, “World systems analysis after thirty years. Should it rest in peace?,” ibid. 46(3), June 2005: 179–213; Abstr. 62.1560]. In reply, I suggest that WSA does in fact excessively privilege exogenous over endogenous factors; exaggerates the extent to which a core-periphery hierarchy is based on exploitation; fails to give due consideration to recent efforts showing that foreign investment promotes development in non-core societies; and is unduly optimistic about the possibilities of a future world socialist society. [R] [Followed by Christopher CHASE-DUNN and Kirk S. LAWRENCE's rejoinder, pp. 439–444; and by the author's reply, pp. 445–448]
62.1560 SANDERSON, Stephen K. —
World-systems analysis has had a major impact on the social sciences over the past three decades. Although originally developed within sociology, its influence has not only been extensive in that field, but has spread to such fields as anthropology and political science as well. This article attempts a new critical assessment of the world-systems paradigm, and Its major problems. I conclude with some suggestions for rebuilding world-systems analysis. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 62.1361, 1559]
62.1561 SANTILLANA ANDRACA, Arturo —
This article reviews the critical theory that Jürgen Habermas offers in his theory of communicative action, to display the tension between the concepts of world of life and system. While Habermas argues that these dimensions are autonomous, the author seeks to demonstrate the difficulty of considering a communication community of free domination. Power relations between humans are part of their culture, habits and even language. It is very difficult to criticize this system, as it is already present in the world of life. [R, abr.]
62.1562 SAUNDERS, Ben —
It is suggested that there is a fundamental difference between the appropriate norms of the market, in which self-interest is permitted, and those of the political forum, in which self-interest is prohibited. These ideals are apt, however, to invite charges of utopianism. This article argues that the appropriate norms of the democratic forum are not as demanding as sometimes suggested; the market/forum contrast is often exaggerated. The market is not a state of nature, so some moral constraints apply even there. More importantly, self-interest is allowed some place in the political arena, at least where justice or the common good is indeterminate. Thus, the ultimate guiding principles of the market and the forum are the same: agents are free to promote their self-interest within the constraints established by justice or the rights of other agents. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1396]
62.1563 SCAVENIUS, Theresa —
Two arguments for scientific value relativism can be distinguished. One identifies a norm for political science to disintegrate political values from political empirical research. One recognizes the importance of political values within political science. The discussion of the two arguments hinges on the claim (1) that within the political science normative judgments cannot be analytically separated from empirical judgments, and (2) that the political scientific empirical analyses are logically dependent on normative analyses. If (1) and (2) are plausible, the claim can be justified that political scientists — besides endorsing a value-neutral approach to scientific methods — should critically assess the value assumptions in the scientific research design and within the political society relevant for the empirical enquiry. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2302]
62.1564 SCHAEFFER, Nora Cate; DYKEMA, Jennifer —
We identify themes of recent research that we expect to continue to occupy researchers in the future. We characterize the themes and topics examined in research about measurement and survey questions published in Public Opinion Quarterly in the past decade. We then characterize the field more broadly by highlighting topics that we expect to continue or to grow in importance, including the relationship between survey questions and the total survey-error perspective, cognitive versus interactional approaches, interviewing practices, mode and technology, visual aspects of question design, and culture. Considering avenues for future research, we advocate a decision-oriented framework for thinking about survey questions and their characteristics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1344]
62.1565 SCHEBER, Thomas —
Beyond a token mention, contemporary discussions of deterrence seldom examine further the role of psychology and brain function in human decision-making in matters of war and violence. Instead, deterrence-planners typically rely on the rational actor model as a convenient simplifying assumption. The rational actor model itself is comprised of corollary assumptions that do not comport with scientific findings or empirical evidence from historical studies. This article examines the development of the human brain, human cognition (the process of knowing), and relevant findings from the field of evolutionary psychology, as well as various factors that affect brain function and decision-making. The discussion suggests the inadequacy of the rational actor model for deterrence planning and offers a few useful guidelines as an alternative. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1537]
62.1566 SCHENONI, Luis L. —
This article tries to assess the real utility of the “state” concept for explaining certain issues of international politics, considering its importance in mainstream International Relations theories, and for policy-makers. The current conflict in Afghanistan serves as a case study: intervention cannot be thought in terms of statehood, because it involves social realities that are completely different from those of modern Western history. Dealing with these misperceptions and accepting a broader conception can influence strategic thought and generate new options for solving the conflict. [R]
62.1567 SCHMITT-BECK, Rüdiger —
The chapter assesses the state of the art as well as perspectives for the further development of German electoral research half a century after the first academic election study, conducted at the 1961 federal election. It discusses the legitimacy of electoral research as a contribution to empirical research into democracy and its epistemological foundations, its main research questions and their development, its core theoretical approaches and related desiderata as well as its research methods and the data-bases which constitute its most important collective resource. It shows German electoral research in a state of transition. Its traditional research themes are of continuing importance, but its attention to new themes which can be addressed only on the basis of an expanded theoretical horizon and innovative research methods is growing. [R] [First article of a volume on “Elections in Germany,” edited and prefaced by the author. See also Abstr. 62.1575, 1977, 1981, 1990, 2002, 2043, 2080, 2116, 2121, 2126, 2131, 2139, 2146, 2166, 2173, 2175, 2190, 2205, 2221, 2222, 2229]
62.1568 SCHWINDT-BAYER, Leslie A.; TAYLOR-ROBINSON, Michelle M., eds. —
Editors' introduction, pp. 417–418. Articles by Lisa BALDEZ, “The UN Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW): a new way to measure women's interests,” pp. 419–423; Karen BECKWITH, “Interests, issues, and preferences: women's interests and epiphenomena of activism,” pp. 424–428; Beth REINGOLD and Michele SWERS, “An endogenous approach to women's interests: when interests are interesting in and of themselves,” pp. 429–435; Wendy SMOOTH, “Standing for women? Which women? The substantive representation of women's interests and the research imperative of intersectionality,” pp. 436–440; Laurel WELDON, “Perspectives against interests: sketch of a feminist political theory of ‘women’,” pp. 441–446.
62.1569 SCIOLA, Fabio —
Electoral reform is again on the agenda [in Italy]. A legal approach may contribute to clarifying the debate in the media, which lacks accuracy. What difference is there between the majoritarian and the proportional representation systems? An examination of the German and Spanish systems is provided, as the current Italian debate refers to them. [R, transl.]
62.1570 SCRUGGS, Lyle, et al. —
Politically motivated consumption behaviors (such as boycotts) are a significant source of human rights mobilization, yet the roots of individual consumption decisions are under-explored in the human rights literature. This article uses original national survey data to evaluate key factors that influence individual decisions to stop purchasing products for broader social purposes, highlighting the role that personal interest, access to particular types of information, and a sense of efficacy play in shaping the decision to consume ethically. [R]
62.1571 SHADMEHR, Mehdi; BERNHARDT, Dan —
How can one analyze collective action in protests or revolutions when individuals are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution? We model a “calculus of protest” of individuals who must either submit to the status quo or support revolt based only on personal information about their payoffs. In deciding whether to revolt, the citizen must infer both the benefit of successful revolution and the likely actions of other citizens. We characterize conditions under which payoff uncertainty overturns conventional wisdom. [R, abr.]
62.1572 SHAPIRO, Jacob N.; SIEGEL, David A. —
Terrorist groups repeatedly include operatives of varying commitment and often rely on a common set of security-reducing bureaucratic tools to manage these individuals. This is puzzling in that covert organizations are commonly thought to screen their operatives very carefully and pay a particularly heavy price for record-keeping. The authors use terrorist memoirs and the internal correspondence of one particularly prominent group to highlight the organizational challenges terrorist groups face and use a game-theoretic model of moral hazard in a finitely sized organization to explain why record-keeping and bureaucracy emerge in these groups. The model provides two novel results: (1) in small heterogeneous organizations longer institutional memory can enhance organizational efficiency; (2) such organizations will use worse agents in equilibrium under certain conditions. [R, abr.]
62.1573 SHARMAN, J. C. —
How can we tell whether rules that apply in theory actually do so in practice? Realists argue that the gap between what formal rules proscribe and their effectiveness may be particularly wide at the international level. Furthermore, dominant states may impose costly standards on others that they themselves choose not to implement. To test these propositions, the article assesses the effectiveness of international soft-law standards prohibiting anonymous participation in the global financial system by seeking to break these standards. The findings indicate that the prohibition on anonymous corporations is relatively ineffective and is flouted much more in G7 countries than in tax havens. The article contributes to and extends the work of realist scholars in international political economy, both in their skepticism of formal rules and focus on the effects of power. [R, abr.]
62.1574 SHELTON, Cameron A. —
This event study uses economic forecasts and opinion polls to measure the response of expectations to election surprise. Use of forecast data complements older work on partisan cycles by allowing a tighter link between election and response thereby mitigating concerns of endogeneity and omitted variables. I find that forecasters respond swiftly and significantly to election surprise. I further argue that the response ought to vary across countries with different institutional foundations. In support, I find that there exist three distinct patterns in forecasters' responses to partisan surprise corresponding to P. Hall and D. Soskice, eds., Varieties of Capitalism. [The Institutional Foundations of Comparative Advantage, Oxford, 2001]. [R]
62.1575 SHOEN, Harald —
This article examines the determinants of voting behavior in elections and in referenda in comparative perspective. It analyzes the differences between elections and referenda in terms of institutions and political communications and infers several hypotheses. Utilizing data from a survey conducted during the campaign before the Bavarian referendum on non-smoking policy, the analysis demonstrates that the determinants of electoral and referendum participation resemble each other quite closely in some respects, while they differ considerably in others. The determinants of vote-choice in the referendum and the election differ profoundly. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1567]
62.1576 SIEGEL, David A. —
Extant theories cannot explain conflicting conclusions on the efficacy of repression, in part because they do not account for the way in which social networks condition how individual behavior is aggregated into population levels of participation. Using a model in which the population is heterogeneous in interests and social influence, I demonstrate that the extent to which repression reduces participation, and the extent to which an angry backlash against repression increases participation, depends critically on the structure of the social network in place; this implies the need for greater empirical attention to network structure. To facilitate the model's empirical application, I focus on broad qualitative network types that require comparatively little data to identify and provide heuristics for how one might use qualitative network data to derive quantitative hypotheses on expected aggregate participation levels. [R, abr.]
62.1577 SKARBEK, David —
How can people who lack access to effective government institutions establish property rights and facilitate exchange? The illegal narcotics trade in Los Angeles [US] has flourished despite its inability to rely on state-based formal institutions of governance. An alternative system of governance has emerged from an unexpected source: behind bars. The Mexican Mafia prison gang can extort drug dealers on the street because they wield substantial control over inmates in the county jail system and because drug dealers anticipate future incarceration. The gang's ability to extract resources creates incentives for them to provide governance institutions that mitigate market failures among Hispanic drug-dealing street gangs, including enforcing deals, protecting property rights, and adjudicating disputes. [R, abr.]
62.1578 SMITH, Allison G., ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 85–91. Articles by James W. PENNEBAKER; Antonio SANFILIPPO, Liam McGRATH and Pail WHITNEY; Roderick P. HART and Colene J. LIND; Margaret G. HERMANN and Azamat SAKIEV; Stephen G. WALKER; David G. WINTER; Lucian Gideon III CONWAY, et al; Peter SUEDFELD and Jelena BRCIC; Lucian Gideon III CONWAY and Kathrene R. CONWAY.
62.1579 SMITH, Anne —
This article looks at the recent phenomena of internationalization and constitutional borrowing in drafting Bills of Rights. Using South Africa, Canada and Northern Ireland as its focus, this article posits key lessons to be considered in any society hoping to use these two strategies to best effect in designing indigenous Bills of Rights. While these are viable strategies in equality and other rights provision drafting, before embarking on such trajectories, the local context must be considered. In short, effective and sensitive interaction between the “local and the global” can result in a more rewarding project when those involved in formulating an indigenous Bill of Rights simultaneously reflect best international practice. [R, abr.]
62.1580 SMITH, Kevin, et al. —
Evidence that political attitudes and behavior are in part biologically and even genetically instantiated is much discussed in political science of late. Yet the classic twin design, a primary source of evidence on this matter, has been criticized for being biased toward finding genetic influence. In this article, we employ a new data source to test empirically the alternative, exclusively environmental, explanations for ideological similarities between twins. We find little support for these explanations and argue that even if we treat them as wholly correct, they provide reasons for political science to pay more rather than less attention to the biological basis of attitudes and behaviors. Our analysis suggests that the mainstream socialization paradigm for explaining attitudes and behaviors is not necessarily incorrect but is substantively incomplete. [R]
62.1581 SMITH, William —
This article contributes to the elaboration of a deliberative approach to global institutional design. A deliberative approach aims to embed processes of mutual reason-giving at the heart of international relations and global decision-making. The theoretical framework that orients this discussion is the liberal approach to international law developed by J. Rawls. It may seem strange to invoke this model: after all, Rawls does not specifically discuss the issue of global institutional design and indeed has been widely criticized for neglecting this topic. In fact, in its account of global public reason, Rawls's approach can be shown to contain important and surprisingly neglected resources for constructing a dynamic and inclusive theory of global deliberative politics. [R]
62.1582 STETTER, Stephan, et al. —
In the current literature in IR and Conflict Studies, water as a source of conflict is either extremely over- or exceedingly under-rated. In order to account for the dynamics of water conflicts, this article argues that the study of water conflicts should be linked to comprehensive theories of social conflict and world society. A theoretical framework is developed based on a combination of securitization theory, modern systems theory and sociological neo-institutionalism. The usefulness of this framework is illustrated through two empirical cases of water conflicts, namely Spain and Egypt/Sudan. This study contributes to an understanding of the evolution of water conflicts as a result of securitization practices, the dynamics of these conflicts as complex social systems and as the outcome of local adaptations to and of “world cultural” frames. [R]
62.1583 STRACHAN, Hew —
The effect of nuclear planning in the Cold War was to ensure that strategy at the operational level became conflated with broader views of grand strategy-not least when the Cold War itself provided apparent continuity to strategic thought. Since 1990, we have been left with a view of strategy which fails to respond sensibly to chance and accident. Strategy needs context, and a sense of where and against whom it is to be applied. Its core task is to embrace contingency while holding on to long-term national interests. [R, abr.]
62.1584 STRITZEL, Holger —
This article confronts the basic idea of securitization with the concept of translation. By critically examining O. Waever's deliberately traditionalist and essentialist conceptualization of security and his notion of a distinctly speech-act-theoretical approach to securitization, it develops a processual refinement that reads articulations of security as translations. I claim that this conceptual transposition has the potential to open the current securitization discourse to an alternative perspective and to new avenues of research on the travel, localization and/or gradual evolution/transformation of security meanings. [R] [See Absfr. 62.1404]
62.1585 SUH Jaekwon —
This paper provides a political explanation for the form of corporate governance captured by the degree of minority shareholder protection (MSP). Using a multi-stage game model of three-party competition under proportional electoral systems, I demonstrate that the electoral threshold-the minimum percentage of votes a party must receive to get at least one seat in parliamentary PR systems-is inversely related to the degree of MSP. This finding represents an important modification to formal models in the political economic literature that tends to omit the political process. [R]
62.1586 TAYLOR, Alan M. —
Many economists argue that global financial imbalances fueled the recent recession. To prevent future crises, world leaders are trying to even out the balance sheet. They need not worry: it turns out that a rebalancing is already underway. [R]
62.1587 THIEBAULT, Jean-Louis —
All the emergent countries have experienced a transition from a model of economic development managed by the state and focused on the domestic economy to a model that places more emphasis on the market and on opening up to foreign trade and investment. However, the role of the state has not disappeared. The state still plays the leading role in the economic growth of these countries. Their success can be explained only by the special role traditionally played by the state in these countries, above all in Asia, and, to a lesser degree, in Latin America. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The political economy of the emergent countries,” edited and introduced, pp. 7–10, by the author. See also Abstr. 62.1604, 1820, 2567, 2639, 2685, 2690, 2742]
62.1588 TINGLEY, Dustin H.; WALTER, Barbara F. —
What effect does cheap talk have on behavior in an entry-deterrence game? We shed light on this question using incentivized laboratory experiments of the strategic interaction between defenders and potential entrants. Our results suggest that cheap talk can have a substantial impact on the behavior of both the target and the speaker. By sending costless threats to potential entrants, defenders are able to deter opponents in early periods of play. Moreover, after issuing threats, defenders become more eager to fight. We offer a number of different explanations for this behavior. These results bring fresh evidence about the potential importance of costless verbal communication to the field of international relations. [R]
62.1589 TJALVE, Vibeke Schou —
This article pursues three interrelated objectives. Above all, it theorizes desecuritization at the level of polity rather than policy; distinguishes between forms of political order and the likelihood that they will give in to the call for exceptional measures. Second, and to achieve that goal, it suggests a turn away from continental notions of “the people” and towards American debates over “the public sphere”: a realm deliberately designed and continually cultivated to exercise autonomous, pluralistic and politicized contestation. Third, it examines why the “speechlessness” of contemporary Western security practices may inhibit that public sphere from functioning properly. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1590 TOMLIN, Patrick —
In Democratic Authority ([A Philosophical Framework], Princeton, 2008), D. Estlund puts forward a case for democracy, which he labels “epistemic proceduralism,” that relies on democracy's ability to produce good – that is, substantively just – results. Estlund attacks what he labels “utopophobia,” an aversion to idealistic political theory. I make two points. The first is a general point about what the correct level of “idealization” is in political theory. To the extent that debates are focused on “political theory” as a whole, they are flawed, because there are different kinds of political concept, and they require different kinds of ideal. My second point is about democracy in particular. If we understand democracy as Estlund does, then we should see it as a problem-solving concept – the problem being that we need coercive institutions and rules, but we do not know what justice requires. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1396]
62.1591 TOUBEAU, Simon —
While existing research on the “nationalities question” has focused predominantly on the institutionalization of the territorial cleavage or the structural factors that drive the process of constitutional change, scant attention has been paid to evaluating the influence of regional nationalist parties that voice demands for recognition and self-rule. This article develops a two-stage framework for analysis that focuses on the different avenues through which regional nationalist parties set the agenda and on the process of political bargaining between partisan actors that produce constitutional change. The framework emphasizes the significance of the electoral conjuncture, a political system's institutional arrangements and the ideology of partisan actors in determining the power relationship between regional nationalist and mainstream parties in different arenas, as well as in conditioning the likelihood of constitutional change. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1319]
62.1592 TUSSEAU, Guillaume —
After 9/11 [2001], the notion of emergency attracted much interests from constitutional scholars. The crucial question is whether a properly “legal” framing of emergency situations is conceptually possible? A phenomenology of emergency first considers what the invocation of an emergency may result in from the point of view of the powers which are conferred to legal actors. The study of the ontology of emergency secondly tries to elucidate the concept of emergency as it appears in legal actors' reasoning. Rejecting ontological realism, an analytical approach successively envisions the denotation and the connotation of “constitutional emergency”. An argumentative analysis of constitutional emergency, displaying both the strengths and weaknesses of the strategic rhetoric it belongs to, is proposed. [R]
62.1593 URBATSCH, R. —
Classical economic models predict far less voting than happens in practice. Expressive voting may partly explain the divergence, but some who are generally uninterested in politics and thus unlikely to take elections as an important form of personal expression nevertheless vote. One possible explanation is that these voters overestimate the instrumental, outcome-changing consequences of voting; such systematic misperception may be more likely among those with less cognitive capacity. Analysis of responses to the American National Election Studies confirms this hypothesis: while intelligence and interest both increase the likelihood of voting, the combination enhances the likelihood of turnout still further. [R]
62.1594 URPELAINEN, Johannes —
According to the imperative of enforcement, states must threaten defectors with sanctions or reciprocal suspension of international cooperation. I show that in international cooperation between the weak and the powerful, states should nevertheless limit the supply of collective enforcement power. Strong sanctions allow exploitative international agreements, so weak states refuse to engage in negotiations with powerful states in the first place. For powerful states, toothless international agreements are a credible commitment to limit power politics. The result holds even if sanctions can be used only to enforce international agreements and not for coercion. It implies that under power asymmetry, states must accept constraints on the use of power, as opposed to simply maximizing the supply of collective enforcement power. [R, abr.]
62.1595 USUL, Ali Resul —
This article highlights the connection between academic studies and international politics and provides an academic justification of foreign policies with particular reference to the case of democratization studies, It embodies a two-way relationship. On the one hand, the conjunctures of international politics influence the nature of academic studies in the discipline of political science; on the other hand, academic studies may sometimes be employed as sources of legitimization of the foreign policies of states. The article discusses these connections, providing particular examples of academic studies of the democratization process during the Cold War and the post-Cold War era. [R]
62.1596 VALENZUELA, Sebastián —
This article examines the moderating role of human values on agenda-setting effects, which refer to the influence of news coverage on defining the public agenda. The results of two studies — a content analysis of Canadian newspapers matched with a representative survey panel of Canadian voters, in addition to an experiment with college students — find support for the hypothesis that agenda-setting effects are stronger when the topics in the news agenda are consistent with individuals' values. Individuals with materialist values exhibited larger agenda-setting effects for materialist issues than for postmaterialist issues, whereas postmaterialist individuals exhibited larger agenda-setting effects for postmaterialist issues than for materialist issues. These findings bring new evidence to debates on the psychological process of agenda-setting and the ability of individuals to resist news media influence. [R]
62.1597 VANDEGINSTE, Stef; SRIRAM, Chandra Lekha —
Recent peace negotiations practice has given rise to the emergence of two paradigms. In line with normative developments in global human rights protection, internationally brokered peace processes often address the options for accountability for abuses committed in the past and generally cannot include blanket amnesties. At the same time, many agreements end armed conflicts by offering power-sharing incentives for warring parties. In most cases, power-sharing arrangements are likely to clash with attempts to meaningfully deal with truth, accountability, and reparation for past abuses. The tension between the two paradigms gives rise to a number of important challenges and constraints for policymakers and, thus far, there is little practical evidence to guide them in managing the clash. [R]
62.1598 VASILACHE, Andreas —
This article further substantiates the analytical as well as critical potential of M. Foucault's theory of governmentality in transborder politics by demonstrating the usefulness of governmentality in transborder politics by demonstrating the usefulness of the governmentality approach beyond narrow Foucault-discourses. Foucault's governmentality approach refers to state theory and in particular corresponds to the structure of executive authority within the logics of the separation of powers. I demonstrate the possible contribution of such an integrative approach to the understanding of the administrative (re-)shaping of transboundary politics. Thereby, the empirical field is outlined, in which a concept of executive governmentality can be fruitful. Finally, I discuss questions and problems from the field of security policy from this conceptual angle. [R, abr.]
62.1599 VASSIL, Kristjan; WEBER, Till —
Recent years have seen increasing interest in internet voting in theory and practice. Proponents hope that modernizing the electoral process will boost turnout. Less optimistic scholars object that the new technology merely perpetuates existing patterns of participation. This study aims to arbitrate the controversy. New survey data from the 2007 general election in Estonia allow us to predict the usage of e-voting and its impact on electoral participation. We find that e-voting mostly affects “peripheral” citizens (in a demographic and political sense), but only few of these citizens vote online in the first place. Conversely, the impact on typical e-voters is low. This “bottleneck” effect explains why e-voting has failed to boost turnout but also points to a role in reducing political inequality. [R]
62.1600 VERHULST, Brad; EAVES, Lindon J.; HATEMI, Peter K. —
The assumption in the personality and politics literature is that a person's personality motivates them to develop certain political attitudes later in life. This assumption is founded on the simple correlation between the two constructs and the observation that personality traits are genetically influenced and develop in infancy, whereas political preferences develop later in life. Work in psychology, behavioral genetics, and recently political science, however, has demonstrated that political preferences also develop in childhood and are equally influenced by genetic factors. These findings cast doubt on the assumed causal relationship between personality and politics. Here we test the causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes using a direction of causation structural model on a genetically informative sample. The results suggest that personality traits do not cause people to develop political attitudes; rather, the correlation between the two is a function of an innate common underlying genetic factor. [R]
62.1601 WAEVER, Ole —
This article outlines three ways of analyzing the “politics of securitization,” emphasizing an often-overlooked form of politics practiced through theory design. The structure and nature of a theory can have systematic political implications. Analysis of this “politics of securitization” is distinct from both the study of political practices of securitization and explorations of competing concepts of politics among security theories. It means tracking what kinds of analysis the theory can produce and whether such analysis systematically impacts real-life political struggles. Securitization theory is found to “act politically” through three structural features that systematically shape the political effects of using the theory. The article further discusses — on the basis of the articles in this issue — three emerging debates around securitization theory: ethics, transformations and post-Western analyses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1602 WAGNER, Markus —
Parties have an incentive to take up extreme positions in order to achieve policy-differentiation and issue-ownership, and it would make sense for a party to stress these positions as well. These incentives are not the same for all issues and all parties but may be modified by other strategic conditions: party size, party system size, positional distinctiveness and systemic salience. Using manifesto-based measures of salience and expert assessments of party positions, I find that parties emphasize extreme positions if (1) they are relatively small in terms of vote share; (2) the extreme position is distinctive from those of other parties; and (3) other parties fail to emphasize the issue. These findings have consequences for our understanding of party strategies, party competition and the radicalizaron of political debates. [R]
62.1603 WAHMAN, Michael —
Although previous research has suggested that the opposition's ability to form pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) in authoritarian elections is crucial for the electoral outcome, little has been written about why and when such coalitions are formed. This article fills this empirical and theoretical gap. A theory that combines oppositional parties' office- and policy-gaining potential when creating such coalitions is proposed. The article utilizes a unique database of 111 competitive authoritarian elections and provides a representative sample of strategically chosen cases. It is shown that, coalitions are more likely when structural conditions favor oppositional victories and when oppositional parties have a distinctive policy agenda in relation to the incumbent government. These factors are shown to be more important than electoral institutions. [R]
62.1604 WALDNER, David; DUNFEE, Elyssa —
Over the past two decades, social scientists have produced a large literature on the institutional determinants of development. Economists largely rely on cross-national econometric studies and focus on the role of market-enhancing institutions, while political scientists and sociologists make claims about the function of the market-displacing developmental state, using case studies. More recently, scholars have begun to develop theories of institutional origins. This essay reviews three types of theories of state formation; from war, from colonialism, and from economic sectors. No single approach appears final. The essay concludes by considering some synthetic approaches. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1587]
62.1605 WALKER, Kathryn —
Although democratization is desirable, the reframing of ethnic identity, witnessed for example in the peace campaigns of South Africa and Rwanda, raises two questions: (1) can ethnic identities actually be modified? (2) Should “problematic” elements of ethnic identities be modified? This article first demonstrates that each of these questions provokes, and indeed merits, debate. [Then] I argue that in each case these debates are the result of an incoherent response to the complications of identity politics. Thus to address these debates, I first develop a theory of how to manage the machinations of social and ethnic group identities: the recognition-redistribution-participation theory, inspired by the work of N. Fraser, which comprises a two-dimensional conception of justice and accompanying norm of equality of participation opportunity. [R, abr.]
62.1606 WALZER, Michael —
Is international humanitarianism an act of charity or an act of duty? In fact, it is both — a gift we have to give. Stateless Jews in the Diaspora developed a good conceptual framework for handling such two-in-one moral obligations, one that can be used to think clearly about humanitarianism in international society today. [R]
62.1607 WAMSLER, Christine; LAWSON, Nigel —
In the South, local coping strategies are an important element of adaptation to climate and disaster risk. Such strategies have emerged because of the limited assistance provided by urban actors and associated social security and governance systems. In the North, in contrast, local coping strategies are comparatively poorly developed. However, the extent of the changing climatic conditions is also reducing the capacity of Northern institutions to deal with climatic extremes and variability, which emphasizes the need for more local-level engagement in the North. This paper analyzes the differences in local and institutional responses to climate change and disasters in a Southern and a Northern city (San Salvador, El Salvador, and Manchester, UK), and highlights how the lessons learned might be translated into an improved distributed governance system. [R, abr.]
62.1608 WARREN, Mark E. —
Democracy is about including those who are potentially affected by collective decisions in making those decisions. For this reason, contemporary democratic theory primarily assumes membership combined with effective voice. An alternative to voice is exit: Dissatisfied members may choose to leave a group rather than voice their displeasure. Rights and capacities for exit can function as low-cost, effective empowerments, particularly for those without voice. But because contemporary democratic theory often dismisses exit as appropriate only for economic markets, the democratic potentials of exit have rarely been theorized. Exit-based empowerments should be as central to the design and integrity of democracy as distributions of votes and voice, long considered its key structural features. [R, abr.]
62.1609 WARWICK, Paul V. —
The article by Best, Budge and McDonald [Abstr. 62.1325] acknowledges much of the substance of the alternative “bilateralist” interpretation of democratic governance I advocated and attempts to re-focus the median mandate approach towards a longer-term, and potentially more productive, understanding of the opinion-policy relationship. Both are welcome developments. Despite taking these steps, however, the authors choose to allow the fate of the median mandate thesis to rest ultimately on an attempt to re-establish the short-term one-to-one relationship that I challenged. I argue that this not only undercuts the more positive initiatives noted above, but also is based on a flawed understanding of how the short-term relationship should be operationalized and tested. [R]
62.1610 WASS, Hanna —
During the past twenty years, the focus of higher education has shifted from teacher-centered towards student- and learning-centered approaches in many western countries. One of the implications of this paradigm change becomes evident in terms of the role of the student. Instead of being passive recipients, students are nowadays perceived as actors in constructing knowledge and meanings. If the objective of the course is active knowledge-formation among students, teaching and learning activities (TLAs) and assessments tasks (ATs) as well as grading should all contribute towards the same aim. Using the quantitative methods study unit organized in the Department of Political and Economic Studies at the University of Helsinki as a case, the article utilizes constructive alignment model in course designing. [R, abr.]
62.1611 WEAKLIEM, David L.; ADAMS, Julia —
During the past thirty years in the social sciences, there has been a wide-ranging discussion of “class politics” in capitalist modernity. Several distinct threads have developed, largely in isolation from each other. The authors suggest that the various accounts implicitly rely on different definitions of class politics and propose a way to classify them. The classification is based on two questions: (1) whether changes in the strength of the left depend on the working class specifically or on cross-class dynamics and, (2) whether emergent class differences in politics are largely spontaneous or constructed. The authors use this classification to assess the prospects for testing the empirical implications of different accounts and point to the more general insights potentially offered by each approach. [R]
62.1612 WEIBLE, Christopher M.; SIDDIKI, Saba N.; PIERCE, Jonathan J. —
To advance the study of comparative public policy, there must be stronger methodological and theoretical descriptions and explanations of the development of policies and the actors, events, and contexts surrounding their development. Using the social construction and advocacy coalition frameworks, this study compares intergroup perceptions in adversarial and collaborative contexts in the Lake Tahoe Basin, US. The results suggest one of the benefits of collaborative compared to adversarial contexts is improved intergroup perceptions. However, years may be needed for improved intergroup perceptions to take effect, and these effects may indicate the continuation of relative group positions. [R]
62.1613 WEISSERT, Carol S. —
Scholarship on federalism seems to reside in two worlds: that of US federalism scholars and that of comparative and non-US scholars. There is little evidence of cross-fertilization of research across the two worlds — especially US scholars reading and citing comparative federalism work. This article describes what US scholars are missing and how US scholarship might be enriched from tapping into comparative federalism research. [R]
62.1614 WILLIAMS, Michael C. —
This article extends securitization theory conceptually and, to a lesser degree, empirically by further developing the relationship between securitization and the politics of fear. Drawing on J. Shklar's notion of the liberalism of fear, it argues that instead of looking at the ways in which fear can facilitate processes of securitization and the extension of security logics throughout society, the liberalism of fear allows us to see how fear can operate in ways that can actually inhibit processes of securitization. This strategy might accurately be termed “the securitization of securitization,” and the liberalism of fear calls attention to how the fear of fear can in a specific sense be seen as a desecuritizing resource — a countervailing logic against processes of intensification within both “normal” and “security” politics. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1404]
62.1615 WILLIAMSON, Thad —
This essay critically examines possibilities for expanding democratic participatory governance in light of M. Bevir's treatment of the subject in his book Democratic Governance [Princeton, 2010]. The essay argues that a theory of participatory governance should retain an explicit role for expert analysis, and that the appropriate scope given to such analysis will vary by policy area. The essay also argues that the present organization of capitalist economies mandates a heavy reliance on experts, and that a full-blown account of expanding participatory governance thus must be paired with an account of how to achieve a more democratic political economy. Such an account should also specify how democratic-minded public officials can contribute to greater public participation in policy-making. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1414]
62.1616 WOHLFORTH, William C. —
I argue that realism in particular and IR more generally erred by assigning K. Waltz's Theory of International Relations [Reading MA, 1979] pride of place in revivifying realist thought. Had R. Gilpin's War and Change in World Politics [Cambridge, 1981] been given equal billing, IR research would have unfolded quite differently over the past three decades. Scholars would not have been bewildered by change, bewitched by the balance of power, blind to numerous potentially powerful realist theories, and bothered by endless and unproductive zero-sum debates among representatives of competing paradigms. And had all those pathologies been absent, we would be far better prepared today for the intellectual and policy challenges of a world in which underlying power balances appear to be changing quickly, and the status quo inter-state order is ever more contested. [R]
62.1617 WOLFF, Stefan —
A significant theoretical and empirical question underlying much of the literature on post-conflict state-building is which institutions offer the best prospect for peace and democracy in divided societies recovering from conflict. This debate is highly relevant for many developing countries. With much invested by third parties in post-conflict reconstruction and a mixed track record of success at best, the question explored is whether consociational institutional designs — widely applied in policy practice and severely criticized in academic discourse — can accomplish the twin goals of peace and democracy in divided post-conflict societies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1503]
62.1618 WU Riqiang —
US-Russia ballistic missile defense (BMD) cooperation can improve strategic stability between both countries, but this cooperation would pose a potential threat to China's strategic security, especially if it is a closed and deep cooperation. The US and Russia should make their bilateral cooperation an open regime, and let China and other countries join, so that improvement of US-Russia strategic stability is not based on the sacrifice of strategic stability with China and other countries. China and the US may also cooperate on BMD in areas of early-warning and mutual-launch notification. The security costs of these cooperative measures are very low, and the benefits would improve stability, confidence, and mutual trust. Finally, BMD cooperation between the US and its East Asian allies (Japan and Taiwan) is threatening Sino-US strategic stability. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1415]
62.1619 WUCHERPFENNIG, Julian, et al. —
Rather than treating conflict as a direct consequence of ethnic cleavages, the authors argue that ethnicity per se does not affect civil war duration. Instead, its effect depends on its relationship to political institutions. They employ a dyadic approach that emphasizes the political context in which both government leaders and non-state challengers can capitalize on the ascriptive nature of ethnicity. Although states can initially benefit from politicizing ethnic relations, once violent conflict breaks out, such policies may backfire on the government and make it difficult for incumbent governments to accept settlements that could terminate conflicts. Past policies of ethnic exclusion also benefit rebel organizations fighting the government, since the resulting grievances increase collective group solidarity and render individual fighters more cost tolerant. [R, abr.]
62.1620 WUCHERPFENNIG, Julian, et al. —
This article introduces GeoEPR, a geocoded version of the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) dataset that charts politically relevant ethnic groups across space and time. We describe the dataset in detail, discuss its advantages and limitations, and use it in a replication of L.-E. Cederman, A. Wimmer and B. Min's [“Why do ethnic groups rebel? New data and analysis,” World Politics 62(1), Jan. 2010: 87–119; Abstr. 60.2978] study on the causes of ethno-nationalist conflict. We show that territorial conflicts are more likely to involve groups that settle far away from the capital city and close to the border, while these spatial variables have no effect for governmental conflicts. [R]
62.1621 YAMAMOTO, Teppei —
Would the third-wave democracies have been democratized without prior modernization? What proportion of the past militarized disputes between nondemocracies would have been prevented had those dyads been democratic? Although political scientists often ask these questions of causal attribution, existing quantitative methods fail to address them. This article proposes an alternative statistical methodology based on the widely accepted counterfactual framework of causal inference. The contribution of this article is threefold. (1) It clarifies differences between causal attribution and causal effects by specifying the type of research questions to which each quantity is relevant. (2) It provides a clear resolution of the long-standing methodological debate on “selection on the dependent variable”. (3) It derives new nonparametric identification results, showing that the complier probability of causal attribution can be identified using an instrumental variable. The proposed framework is illustrated via empirical examples from three subfields of political science. [R]
62.1622 ZERILLI, Linda M. G. —
This essay examines the significantly different approaches of J. Rawls and H. Arendt to the problem of judgment in democratic theory and practice. [R]
62.1623 ZIA, Asim; KOLIBA, Christopher —
How can accountability be institutionalized across complex governance networks that are dealing with the transboundary pollution problem of mitigating greenhouse gas emissions at multiple spatial, temporal and social scales? To address this question, we propose an accountability framework that enables comparison of the democratic, market and administrative anchorage of actor accountability within and across governance networks. A comparative analysis of performance measures in a sample of climate governance networks is undertaken. This comparative analysis identifies four critical performance management dilemmas in the areas of strategy, uncertain science, integration of multiple scales, and monitoring and verification of performance measures. [R]
62.1624 ZIMMERMANN, Ekkart —
This paper has multiple objectives. I set out linkages of a causal model to portray how globalization influences international terrorist strategies. I also point to methodological and theoretical shortcomings in the literature with respect to the levels of disaggregation at which issues are analyzed, and I evaluate the opportunity-cost argument for assessing international terrorism. The conclusions present perspectives on developments of terrorism in the context of globalization, including the relationship of terror to immigration. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1402]
62.1625 ZIROJEVIĆ FATIĆ, Mina —
This analysis establishes a relationship, similarities and differences between the expression of terrorist organizations on the internet and in conventional media. It is particularly important that the terrorists use the internet as a weapon, as a means of communication and as a conventional medium among activists. The paper analyzes only the use the internet as a conventional [medium]. [R]
62.1626 ZOETHOUT, Carla M. —
The practice of “constitutional comparativism” has been the cause of many debates in the US, unlike comparable decisions by the European Court of Human Rights [ECHR]. It is far from self-evident that this Court, whose task it is to interpret and explain the European Convention on Human Rights for 47 member states, also refers to other jurisdictions. The apparent lack of justification of constitutional comparativism by the ECHR demands further research. This article discusses constitutional comparativism by the [US] Supreme Court and the ECHR and the debate on this phenomenon, particularly in the US. It answers the question under what conditions constitutional comparativism by the ECHR — which appears to be part of a longer tradition of judicial activism — may be justified. [R, abr.]
62.1627 ZÜRN, Michael —
The primarily democratic sources of political legitimacy appear to be declining in significance. In the course of present changes in the political landscape vis-à-vis sources of legitimacy like law, expertise, accountability, and collective identity, primarily democratic sources of political authority like participation and public discourse are beginning to fall by the wayside. Remarkably enough, these changes enjoy a high degree of public acceptance. The question of justification of legitimate authority and with it the question of democracy have been forced back onto the center stage of political controversies all over the world. This has farreaching implications for political science as a formal discipline — which indeed first began in Germany as Demokratiewissenschaft, the “science of democracy”. [R, abr.]
62.1628 ZYSMAN, John; BREZNITZ, Dan —
The recent financial debacle was preceded by a long complex evolution in the way firms created value and organized. The fragmentation of production, intense global competition, and the ICT-enabled transformation of services are all part of a story that was framed by, and in turn further framed, ideologies of deregulation and self-regulation. Political leaders worldwide find themselves in a heightened double bind. On one side, the demands for rules allowing experimentation and innovation are sharpened as growth and job-creation are needed; on the other side, the demands are heightened for the state to act and regulate markets to prevent future crisis. The article focuses on the development of ICT, and how the ways it allows value to be created interacted with the politics regulating uses and defining the winners and losers. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1545]
62.1629
A symposium. Introduction, pp. 219–220. Contributions by Antony BLACK, “The way forward in comparative political thought,” pp. 221–228; Richard SHAPCOTT, “Philosophical hermeneutics in practice: Fred Dallmayr, comparative political theory and cosmopolitanism,” pp. 29–238; Richard BEARDSWORTH, “Culture and the specificity of politics: a response to Fred Dallmayr,” pp. 239–251; Fred DALLMAYR, “Ethics and international politics: a response,” pp. 252–263.
62.1630
Articles by Stephen BARANYI and Jennifer ERIN SALAHUB, “Police reform and democratic development in lower-profile fragile states,” pp. 48–63; Isabelle FORTIN and Yves-François PIERRE, “La réforme de la police nationale et la construction démocratique en Haïti (National policy reform and democracy-building in Haiti),” pp. 64–78; Willy NINDORERA, “La police nationale, le renforcement démocratique et la consolidation de la paix au Burundi (The national police, democratic consolidation and peace-building in Burundi),” pp. 79–93; Abraham Sewonet ABATNEH and Simon Monoja LUBANG, “Police reform and state formation in Southern Sudan,” pp. 94–108.
62.1631
Introduction by Christine HEGENBART, pp. 14–15. Contributions by Lucia GÖRKE and Katrin MORGENSTEIN; Thomas STÖGMÜLLER; Reinhard BRANDL.