Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
62.2233 ALTER, Karen J. —
This article explains the rapid proliferation in international courts first in the post-World War II and then the post-Cold War eras. It examines the larger international judicial complex, showing how developments in one region and domain affect developments in similar and distant regimes. Situating individual developments into their larger context, and showing how change occurs incrementally and slowly over time, allows one to see developments in economic, human rights, and war crimes systems as part of a longer-term evolutionary process of the creation of international judicial authority. The evolutionary approach of this article suggests that building judicial authority evolves through practice and takes time and that the overall international judicial context and developments in parallel institutions shape the development of individual international courts. [R, abr.]
62.2234 ALTER, Karen J. —
Europe created the model of embedded international courts (ICs) where domestic judges work with international judges to interpret and apply international legal rules that are also part of national legal orders. This model has now diffused around the world. This article documents the spread of European style ICs: there are now 11 operational copies of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), and a number of ICs that do not copy the ECJ but use Europe's embedded approach to international law. After documenting the spread of European style ICs, the article then explains how two regions chose European style ICs, yet varied from the ECJ model. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2235 AOUN, Elena —
EU Member States have committed themselves, individually and collectively, to the fight against impunity for serious international crimes. The record is, however, ambiguous: support for the current investigations of the International Criminal Court is uneven and Member States are reluctant to exercise universal jurisdiction and develop binding common policies under the “third pillar”. This article assesses the extent of the discrepancy between stated normative preferences and flexible practices. It argues that this discrepancy results from the clash of accountability with other prevailing norms and interests, on the one hand, and from the lack of effective drivers pushing Member States towards increased commitment to combat impunity through a set of social mechanisms such as rhetorical action and socialization, on the other. [R]
62.2236 ARMAN, Murat Necip —
With the enlargements of 2004 and 2007, the EU reached at borders with new neighbors stretching from Northern Africa, to Middle East and Southern Caucasus. Despite their structural instability, those three regions possess rich energy resources. The EU promulgated the blueprints of the Union's future relations with the new neighbors in March 2003 with the paper on Wider Europe Neighborhood: a New Framework for Our Relationships with the Eastern and Southern Neighbors. The framework redefined the basic parameters of the “Neighborhood Policy”. The major difference that differentiates the Neighborhood Policy from the rest of the Union policies with other non-member countries is its unique approach to the concept of human security. [R, abr.]
62.2237 ARTUS, Patrick —
Who is responsible for the sovereign debt crisis? The same people who conceived the Eurozone. But also the governments and the European Central Bank, which did not see the dangers of lower interest-rate alignment. Also responsible are the bank regulators who allowed sovereign debt to be tied to banking risks and the investors who acquired the debts of bordering countries at the same price as those of Germany. Only a proposal that will address all of these mechanisms will allow for a response to the challenges of the crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2353]
62.2238 AVBELJ, Matej —
Even 50 years on the principle of supremacy or primacy is still surrounded with ambiguity, which is apparent already on the level of semantics. The principle has not carried a single name, but three. This paper argues that a disparity in the denomination of the principle amounts to much more than semantics. It exhibits conceptual differences. Different conceptualizations of the principle of primacy or supremacy entail different models of structural principles of EU law: the hierarchical, the conditionally hierarchical and the heterarchical model. These are no mere theoretical constructions; rather they have influenced concrete practices of EU law, including the most recent Kücükdeveci case as well as the Lisbon decision of the German Constitutional Court. [R, abr.]
62.2239 AYBET, Gülnur; BIEBER, Florian —
This study of EU and NATO conditionality in the sphere of police and defense reform in BiH emphasizes technical expertise and external assistance, not just conditionality. The contrast between the largely successful integration and professionalization of the Bosnian army under NATO auspices stands in sharp contrast to the agonizingly long and eventually unsuccessful efforts of the EU to reform and centralize the police forces. NATO, with clear conditions and a convincing logic underpinning conditionality, and acting as a professional interlocutor with high-ranking soldiers, was able to first abolish entity ministries of defense, and eventually oversee the merger of the armed forces and their drastic reduction in numbers. Police reform, on the other hand, failed [although] EU integration is more widely accepted as a political goal than NATO membership. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1701]
62.2240 BADUCCI, Giuseppe —
This essay assesses whether the EU has embarked on an independent trajectory from US in its China policy. Given the breadth of the topic, it concentrates on China accession to the WTO as one of the most relevant case studies. (1) The economic dimension is the most important sector in EU-China relations; (2) the economy is the only field in which the EU has a single voice and the ability to decisively agree with or differ from the US. Lastly, the analysis of the negotiation process for the new members' accession to the WTO makes it possible to identify the pecularities of the American and the European approaches. [R, abr.]
62.2241 BAUER, Patricia —
Before the Arab revolutions of 2011, the foreign policy of the EU towards the Mediterranean countries was often characterized by the dilemma between the EU's stability and democratization goals. The change from the EMP [Euro-Mediterranean Partnership] to the ENP was assumed to imply a reorientation of EU foreign policy goals from a normative long-term-oriented democratization to a strategic short-term stabilization of authoritarian systems on the Southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. This ambivalence of EU foreign policy is due to the environment of authoritarian rule and restrictions it has had to act within during the last few decades. The article first empirically reviews the ENP policy towards Egypt, [and then] surveys the first EU initiatives and actions after the revolution in Egypt. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2242 BELKE, Ansgar —
The comprehensive package of measures proposed by the European Commission on 27 September 2010, and presented to the EP provides the most comprehensive attempt to create a European “economic governance” since the introduction of the EMU. In view of the shortcomings of the existing legislation they aim at a wider and improved monitoring of fiscal policies but also of macroeconomic policies and structural reforms. New enforcement mechanisms for member states which act against the rules are also planned. With an eye on the very important and decisive package of the Commission which includes six legislative dossiers, this paper identifies missing or superfluous and/or unusable items. [R, abr.]
62.2243 BENDIEK, Annegret —
Institutional complexity and coordination challenges are not the real reason for the EU's foreign policy failings. A lack of political initiative and strategic orientation keep Europe from securing its position on the world. Meaningful coordination will come not from institutional tinkering but from political vision and will. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Foreign policy adrift”. See also Abstr. 62.1519, 2312, 2497, 2504, 2583]
62.2244 BERNHARD, Stefan —
This article applies a political sociology of knowledge to an EU social policy field. Taking the case of poverty and social inclusion policy, it shows that European social policy has found a raison d'être alongside national social policies, feeding into EU member states' national policies and producing comparative policy-relevant knowledge based on a genuine set of resources. Going beyond constructivist approaches, this article contends that the establishment of these resources can be reconstructed productively as the establishment of a transnational field in P. Bourdieu's sense of the term. In a process stretching over more than four decades, the EU's rudimentary policy for tackling poverty in the 1970s has evolved into a semi-autonomous field of social inclusion policy. [R, abr.]
62.2245 BICCHI, Federica —
This contribution shows the value of analyzing the EU foreign policy system, as a community of practice, i.e., people who routinely get together on a common or similar enterprise [to] develop and share practical knowledge. The paper analyzes the COREU network, which allows member states and EU institutions to exchange confidential information about foreign policy. It argues that officials involved display the key features of a community of practice: (1) there is a high degree of mutual engagement; (2) the functions served by the network go well beyond what was first stipulated; (3) there is a shared repertoire of resources to negotiate meaning. This suggests that there is in the EU foreign policy system [an] organizational structure able to transcend national boundaries, based instead on a European practice of foreign policy communications. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2368]
62.2246 BIONDO, Karen Del —
This article analyzes whether the EU has a standard substantive content that it tries to promote in Sub-Saharan Africa. It is argued that the EU's policies are both broad and limited. On the one hand, the EU promotes a holistic agenda of “democratic governance,” inspired by the paradigms of international development cooperation: good governance, the securitization of development policies and participatory development. This is clearly reflected in the aid programs. At the same time, there is some differentiation between various Sub-Saharan African countries, which can be explained mostly by the specific situation and needs of the countries and by the openness of partner countries to democracy-assistance. When looking at EU political conditionality, only a very limited, electoral, democratic model is promoted, with little variation according to the specific situation in the country. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2247 BLUTH, Christoph —
In “The puzzle of trusting relationships in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty” [International Affairs, 86(1) 2010: 69–85; Abstr. 60.4177], J. Ruzicka and N. J. Wheeler have posited that the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is an example of several “trusting relationships”. The authors assert that “since the end of the 1990s the trusting relationships embodied in the NPT have come under strain” and that this accounts for the fact that the “treaty is facing growing pressures that are eroding what has been an effective barrier to nuclear weapons proliferation”. This article questions the assumptions underlying this analysis. It argues that their approach fundamentally misconceives the dynamics of nuclear non-proliferation. The policy implications generated by this approach are impractical and downright dangerous as they fail to address the causes of proliferation and instead exacerbate the problem further. [R]
62.2248 BÖHMELT, Tobias; PILSTER, Ulrich H. —
Various studies argue that larger groups are less likely to optimally provide a collective good. The paper builds upon this work as it examines the provision of environmental collective goods through international regimes. Although the regime literature studies problems of collective action and their respective solutions before, we lack the knowledge to explain which situational characteristics actually induce these problems. The article first disaggregates these characteristics along demand-side properties of goods (i.e., public goods, externalities, and common-pool resources) and group size, and then analyzes their impact on international environmental regimes' depth of cooperation. The authors find evidence that larger regimes face problems for providing environmental public goods in an optimal way. Furthermore, this negative relationship holds true for externalities, but not for common-pool resources. [R]
62.2249 BOISSIEU, Christian de —
The global economy has slowed significantly in the past few months. Following the financial crisis which began in August 2007 is a major sovereign debt crisis in Europe, which since summer has developed into a full-blown banking crisis. Until now, the euro's standing as a benchmark and global reserve currency has not been under threat. But it is clear that if the turbulence worsens, the euro's credibility will be called into question. From the beginning of this crisis, the main objective has been to maintain the integrity of the euro zone by limiting contagion. This is the thinking behind the establishment of a support mechanism, the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF). Some have argued that the facility is not large enough. Others have called for the introduction of euro-bonds which would pool European debt. One thing is sure: any “top-down” solution will have to involve strengthening Europe's economic and political governance. [R]
62.2250 BÖRZEL, Tanja A.; PAMUK, Yasemin —
In order to stabilize the post-Soviet region, the EU seeks to transform the domestic structures of the Newly Independent States. In light of high adaptation costs, the lack of a membership perspective, [corruption] and low levels of democracy, the prospects of Europeanization appear to be limited. While being least likely cases, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia have responded to the EU's demands for good governance, introducing formal institutional changes. Moreover, despite their differences in statehood, democracy, and power (a)symmetries with the EU, domestic institutional changes look very similar. This double puzzle is explained by differential empowerment. Instead of liberal reform coalitions, which are largely absent in the Southern Caucasus, the incumbent regimes have instrumentalized the EU, selectively implementing anti-corruption policies to gain and consolidate political power. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2251 BÖRZEL, Tanja A.; RISSE, Thomas —
The articles in this issue find ample evidence for the EU's influence on domestic and regional institutions. Its impact is patchy, often shallow but certainly not spurious. This conclusion demonstrates that it is worthwhile to integrate the Europeanization literature and its theoretical arguments into the larger literature on diffusion. But it also shows limits of the diffusion approaches in the social sciences which tend to privilege structure over agency and, as a result, tend to focus on institutional convergence and isomorphism rather than variation in institutional outcomes. Some general impact of the EU on domestic institutional change in its neighborhood and beyond is found, as well as some diffusion of EU institutional models of regional integration worldwide. The approach is decidedly agency-centered in focusing on diffusion mechanism and on scope conditions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2252 BOSSE, Giselle —
This article analyzes the EU's relations with Libya and Belarus. The EU's pursuit of its internal security interests has led to significant U-turns in its perceptions of and policies towards autocratic regimes in its neighbor-hood.
Both Libya and Belarus were largely ostracized by the EU and the majority of its member states because of their grave concerns over democratic conduct and repeated violations of human rights in those countries. However, their increasingly important role in EU security (and, in particular, border security and the “flight” against “illegal” migration) has changed their image in and leverage over the EU. This paper first maps the competing paradigms of democracy-promotion and the pursuit of internal security in EU foreign policy, [and] outlines the key instruments used to implement its policies towards its neighboring states. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2253 BOSSUYT, Fabienne; KUBICEK, Paul —
This article examines the substance of the EU's democracy-promotion activities in Central Asia. Although agreeing with the literature that EU self-interest calculations have shaped aspects of the EU's democratization policy in Central Asia, this article argues that the importance of other explanatory factors needs to be highlighted — in particular, the importance of the “domestic context”. In assuming that the substance of the EU's democracy-promotion activities differs between regions and countries, the article asserts that the EU does so in accordance with the varying resonance in the respective target states. It hypothesizes that, ceteris paribus, the greater the targeted country's openness and commitment to political liberalization, the more the EU supports externally embedded, broad, liberal democracy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2254 BREITMEIER, Helmut; UNDERDAL, Arild; YOUNG, Oran R. —
This article uses quantitative methods to deepen and broaden our understanding of the factors that determine the effectiveness of international regimes. We compare and contrast the findings resulting from two major projects: the Oslo-Seattle Project and the International Regimes Database Project. The evidence from these projects sheds considerable light on the determinants of regime effectiveness in the environmental realm. Clearly, regimes do make a difference. By combining models and data from the two projects, we are able to move beyond this general proposition to explore the significance of a number individual determinants of effectiveness. [R, abr.]
62.2255 BROBERG, Morten —
Jointly the EU Member States and the EU provide more than half of all development assistance in the world. Only in 1992 were specific provisions on EU development cooperation introduced at Treaty level. The Lisbon Treaty has, however, introduced a number of both minor and major novelties, and certain parts of the provisions have been rearranged. Moreover, the Lisbon Treaty proposes to introduce a higher degree of consistency in the EU's external relations — including also its actions in the field of development cooperation. This article provides a brief but systematic examination of the extent to which the substantive provisions of the Lisbon Treaty will affect the direction of the Union's development cooperation policy. [R, abr.]
62.2256 BRUNKHORST, Hauke —
The dialectics of the European constitutional revolutions has caught up with the EU, which today finds itself in the midst of its greatest crisis. The crisis is due not only to one of the greatest breakdowns in the history of the global economy, but also to the fascinating internal evolution of the European constitution since its beginning, shortly after World War II. Parallel to the growith of constitutional law, latent legitimization problems began to arise and grow cumulatively. However, once the big global banks, corporations and hedge-funds began a concerted attack on the European periphery and the euro itself, the legitimation crisis manifested itself in full. [R]
62.2257 BUCKEL, Sonja —
This essay offers a discourse analytical study of the trajectory of the European Court of Justice's [ECJ] case law regarding the social rights of non-employed persons, which began in 1998 and has established its centerpieces in the meantime. The text aims to demonstrate that societal struggles turn into legal ones, once they enter the arena of European law. I argue in particular that before the backdrop of the crisis of neoliberal hegemony, the ECJ integrates different forces into a new hegemonic legal project, which points towards a European social union and provides first evidence of a potential “state project Europe”. [R]
62.2258 BURNS, Charlotte; CARTER, Neil; WORSFOLD, Nicholas —
It was widely anticipated before EU enlargement that the accession states would have a negative impact on EU environmental governance. By extension, the EP's reputation as an environmental champion might be threatened by the influx of MEPs from accession states. An analysis of all EP amendments to environmental legislation between 1999 and 2009 reveals that post-enlargement the EP was more successful at securing the adoption of its amendments into law but that these amendments were less radical. These changes arise from the institutional adaptation prompted by enlargement and a broad ideological shift to the right within the EP. [R]
62.2259 CARBONE, Maurizio —
This article analyzes the substance of EU democracy-promotion in the Pacific members of the African, Caribbean, and Pacific group (PACP) in the 21st c. The EU has limited commercial and political interests but has strongly committed to the promotion of democracy in the region; the South Pacific represents a unique case of regional integration, including two larger countries like Australia and New Zealand and fourteen smaller states like the PACP countries and integrating traits typical of liberal democracies with more traditional forms of governance. This article finds that by promoting inter-regional political dialogue with the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), the EU has been entrapped by its own commitment to regionalism and has (unwillingly) delegated the substance of democracy-promotion to Australia and New Zealand. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2260 CASIER, Tom —
Today, the EU is less dependent on Russian energy than it was two decades ago. Nevertheless, EU-Russia energy relations are more widely understood in terms of power, security and zero-sum geopolitical competition. This article challenges this Neo-Realist argument. Drawing on R. Keohane's and J. Nye's concepts of interdependence sensitivity and vulnerability [Power and Interdependence, New York, 1989/1977], it both tests the actual degree of EU energy dependence and the extent to which dependence may create Russian leverage. It is found that the actual EU supply dependence is overrated and is mainly due to the EU's internal divisions. Second, Russia's potential leverage is undermined by its high dependence on EU energy demand. Third, its potential energy leverage is at least counterbalanced by other dimensions of asymmetrical interdependence outside the energy context. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2261 CHALÁNIOVÁ, Daniela —
Constructivist attempts to focus on analysis of the European identity, including the foreign policy dimension, rely almost exclusively on textual and verbal discourse. But discourse as such is not limited to textual and verbal acts; graphics and visuals, including political caricatures, constitute an integral component of discourse as well. This contribution analyzes how the EU's identity as an actor of international relations could be imagined by studying a sample of political cartoons from [the UK weekly] The Economist. Based on the analysis, I conclude that although the EU is not imagined as an antithesis to a standard international actor, The Economist still imagines it as a player that is not entirely equal to other players. [R]
62.2262 CHALMERS, Damian; CHAVES, Mariana —
Explanations of the dynamics of EU judicial politics must also account for its incidence. Incidence relies on a relationship between three arenas — those for norm-setting, litigation and judgments — with each conditioning the possibilities for action in the others. Through a study of all 2007–2009 preliminary rulings, we find two predominant dynamics here. “Patrol norms” dedicated to securing common policies give rise to low salience judgments dominated by transnational enterprise and national administration litigation. “Thickly evaluative norms” are concerned with articulating certain values. Dominated by litigation by domestic undertakings and non-commercial actors, these norms generate the Court's most salient judgments. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2361]
62.2263 CIORCIARI, John D. —
In 2010, the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization agreement established a new Asian financial arrangement to help address potential currency or liquidity crises. This article analyzes the origins and basic features of the new arrangement, which reflect both progress and the continuing political challenges of building regional institutions in Asia. [R]
62.2264 CLARKE, Matthew; FEENY, Simon —
As we approach the 2015 date by which the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are to be achieved, there is increasing scrutiny as to the progress towards their achievement. The MDGs were intended to be global targets and not necessarily to be assessed at the country level. In other words, countries were to contribute to the global targets but not be held to account against them, as they were originally conceived. In practice though, countries are assessed against the global MDG targets. It is appropriate that continuing interest be paid to the achievement of the MDGs, however it is also necessary that the global community now start to turn its attention to what framework for addressing the world's development needs beyond the MDG timeframe following 2015. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.1435, 2273, 2388]
62.2265 COHEN, Antonin; VAUCHEZ, Antoine —
This review explores the social construction of a European rule of law. It runs counter to most legal and political science scholarship which considers such transnational constitutional order to be the direct outcome of the ECJ's judicial fiat in a couple of revolutionary decisions from the 1960s. Drawing from the theory of fields as well as from the sociology of legal professions, the review suggests an alternative account of this legal revolution as embedded in a complex legal and political struggle over the nature and future of Europe. [R]
62.2266 COLEMAN, Katharina P. —
Three critical trends in regional peacekeeping in Sub-Saharan Africa have undermined the usefulness of the common conceptual dichotomy between regional peacekeeping and UN/global peacekeeping. First, Sub-Saharan African states have distanced themselves from long-term autonomous regional peacekeeping, and currently favor explicitly interim missions that are a prelude rather than an alternative to UN peacekeeping. Second, the analytically clear line between regional peacekeeping and the separate sub-Saharan African tradition of solidarity deployments (i.e., military support of embattled governments) has in practice become blurred, and the regional vs. global peacekeeping dichotomy not only fails to acknowledge this trend but helps to obscure it. Finally, Sub-Saharan African states are increasingly addressing regional conflicts by participating in UN operations deployed in the region. UN peacekeeping has thus emerged as a preferred form of regional peacekeeping in sub-Saharan Africa. [R]
62.2267 COLIN DE VERDIÈRE, Hubert —
The revolutions in the Arab World have been a surprise more or less similar to the Soviet collapse but differ radically due to the national specificities of Arab countries. This situation cannot be ignored by EU and mainly France. France must reconsider its role in the region and its cooperation tools (Union for the Mediterranean, 5+5 Dialogue). The EU may contribute to a consolidation of the acquis from the Arab Spring. This approach supposes to introduce deep changes in the governance in each country concerned as well as their mutual relations including AMU. [R]
62.2268 CRAM, Laura —
Analysts should expect neither too much from EU identity and its causal role in driving the integration process, nor too little, by underestimating the stabilizing force of implicit identification with the EU. Daily transactions in an EU institutional context embed an acceptance of the EU as a legitimate political authority and underpin passive consent to the continued functioning of the EU. The emergence of explicit EU identification is contingent upon the value (real and symbolic) attached to transactions, the extent to which valued goods are perceived to be under threat and whether competing political authorities are viewed as legitimate. [R]
62.2269 CROSS, James P. —
Making interventions during negotiations within the Council of Ministers is the primary way in which member states make their policy positions known to one another and attempt to influence negotiations. In spite of this, relatively little scholarly attention has been paid to the factors that influence a member state's decision to intervene. This paper seeks to address this gap in our understanding by analyzing a new data set that specifies which member states are intervening and at what level of negotiation within the Council they are doing so. Significant differences between member state intervention behavior are observed, and these differences can be explained to some degree by structural characteristics of the policy space within which member states negotiate. [R]
62.2270 CROSS, Mai'a K. Davis —
Many theories attempt to explain EU integration — the gradual and voluntary transfer of national sovereignty to the supranational level of governance — but few studies have addressed this phenomenon from a grassroots perspective. The books under review shed light on the human dimension of EU integration, utilizing sociological and ethnographic approaches. In particular, these recent studies show how sociological approaches to political science can breathe life into a debate that is oftentimes too academic and theoretically inconclusive. They address a number of questions about the future of Europe, including the extent to which EU citizens identify with Europe and the legitimacy of EU integration in the eyes of European citizens. [R]
62.2271 CROSS, Mai'a K. Davis —
The recent advent of the EU External Action Service (EEAS) represents a major step towards a new kind of diplomacy in the international arena. The EU's successful track record in its own internal diplomacy contains many lessons for its future external diplomacy. If these lessons are implemented well, the EEAS will be coherent and effective, transforming the EU's foreign policy landscape and catapulting it onto the world stage. If not, this new institution risks becoming a weak bureaucratic experiment that could work at cross purposes with the diplomatic apparatus of the Member States already in place. This article focuses on the recruitment and training of EU diplomats and the challenges of fostering a strong esprit de corps, sense of collective identity, as well as a high level of professionalism, expertise, and flexibility. [R, abr.]
62.2272 DANN, Philipp —
The article analyzes a new World Bank policy on the access to information which took effect in July 2010. The policy constitutes a fundamental and paradigmatic shift in the way international organizations handle documents and their accessibility for private individuals. It is probably the first time that an international organization has recognized the principle of open access and set up a two-tier system of legal review. [R, abr.]
62.2273 DAVIS, Thomas W. D. —
The literature on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is roughly divided into interest in political and economic exogenous shocks, analyses of longer term, structural impediments to meeting the MDGs by 2015, the appropriateness of the specific goals themselves to international development, and questioning the very use of a goals-targets-indicators approach to development and attempts to redirect debate towards more systemic political change. This paper draws from the fourth of these streams. It investigates the degree to which bilateral donor needs and domestic institutional norms (especially those that have grown up around policy and public-sector management, along with foreign policy) influenced the goals-targets-indicators form of the MDGs, and the manner in which donors incorporate the MDGs into their aid programming. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2264]
62.2274 DE BÚRCA, Gráinne —
This article challenges the classic narrative of the EU's engagement with human rights by comparing today's system to the long-forgotten European Community human rights framework proposed in the early 1950s. Although the EU's current system is conventionally understood as robust and as the acme of EU progress on human tights protection, it is weaker than the 1950s framework in three respects: its monitoring of human rights in member states, its relationship to the European Convention on Human Rights, and the double standard between internal and external human rights policies. [R]
62.2275 DINÇ, Cengiz —
This study analyzes the arguments about what kind of global player the EU is and should be, by predominantly focusing [on the] intra-EU debate. One side suggests by enumerating the compelling factors that the current global attitude and positioning of the EU should not be changed much; the “Normative Power Europe” model should continue. The opposite side suggests that the EU must transform itself to a global (hard) power; the world outside of the EU still has a realist order. According to those who defend the normative model, for the EU, trying to protect its interests and to stabilize its neighborhood by using military might mean nothing but betrayal to its founding philosophy. [R, abr.]
62.2276 DOSCH, Joern —
Has the growing pro-environment rhetoric in ASEAN-China relations resulted in the effective mainstreaming of environmental issue into trade agreements and multilateral cooperation frameworks? The article discusses the cases of the ASEAN China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) and argues that there is no shortage of national and regional policy agendas that visibly link trade growith and environmental considerations. However, this nexus is still a weak one in terms of implementation and effectiveness. The most promising initiatives towards an effective reconciliation of trade growth and environmental sustainability are promoted and often driven by foreign donors, most prominently the EU. [R] [First of a series of articles on “China and Southeast Asia: political and economic interactions,” introduced by Anne BOOTH, pp. 3–5. See also Abstr. 62.2468, 2565]
62.2277 DŽIHIĆ, Vedran; WIESER, Angela —
The text identifies the inability of EU conditions to advance democratization substantially in BiH. Even though the EU has developed clear conditions in this sphere, unlike in regard to state-building, since the adoption of the Copenhagen criteria its conditionality has been based on the premise that standards are transposed by political elites committed to democratic governance and EU integration. Alternatively, populations support EU enlargement in order to restrain and control their own political elites, which they distrust. In BiH, neither dynamic is successful. The ethnonationalist cartel in power remains formally committed to EU integration and democratic governance, but in practice it often prioritizes nationalist and populist policies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1701]
62.2278 ELGINDY, Khaled —
The Palestinian plan to ask the UN for statehood in September [2011] has provoked intense anxiety in Jerusalem and Washington. But the move is less provocative than commonly thought. Palestinian leaders are not aiming at short-circuiting the peace process: they are trying to level the playing field in order to promote future negotiations with Israel and the US. [R]
62.2279 ELSIG, Manfred; MILEWICZ, Karolina; STÜRCHLER, Nikolas —
Since the end of the Cold War, multilateral treaties have again become a central vehicle for international cooperation. We study states' commitment to 76 multilateral treaties concluded between 1990 and 2005. The article offers a systematic account of present-day multilateral treaty-making efforts and asks what explains variation in states' participation as witnessed in the act of treaty ratification. We test existing explanations and provide a novel argument that accounts for the strong participation of new European democracies in multilateral treaties. We find that regime type and being part of the EU strongly affect treaty ratification. New EU democracies, in particular, are much more likely to ratify multilateral treaties than are other new democracies. [R]
62.2280 ERIKSEN, Erik Oddvar —
The EU constitutes a multifarious security environment in which the demand for expert knowledge is on the rise. The objective of securing the sound specialized knowledge required for the EU's so-called comprehensive security strategy may not meet the requirement of being democratically accountable. There is hardly any objective knowledge basis for “experts” in this field and different knowledge systems are connected to different validation and accountability procedures. A comprehensive security policy would blur the institutional and legal boundaries of the constitutional state. The deliberative approach to democratic governance offers some prescripts for achieving a comprehensive security policy involving humanitarian and civilian aspects alongside the military and technological ones. But deliberation cannot bear the burden of democratic legitimation. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2368]
62.2281 FLOCKHART, Trine —
The article develops a theoretical framework that demonstrates the complex relationship between doing and being, identity and action, and knowledge and practice. It addresses the puzzle that NATO in the past decade has been busier than ever, yet has not managed to construct a strong narrative and maintain ontological security. It presents a framework, which assumes that ontological security is influenced by identity and narrative construction processes, which are themselves reinforced or undermined by practical action, conceptualized as “functional action” and “rhetorical action”. NATO's recent crisis is not just a deeper and more serious crisis because Afghanistan is a difficult mission: the depth of the crisis is the result of changes in NATO's established practices and new fundamentally different patterns of action. [R, abr.]
62.2282 FLORY, Denis —
The accident in Fukushima has led the IAEA, the guarantor of the international framework for nuclear safety, to test its emergency procedures and identify the instruments at its disposal. The Action Plan on Nuclear Safety of 22 September 2011 establishes the elements necessary for tighter controls based on the notion of transparent peer review. This Action Plan is an important step, as it is applicable without necessarily waiting for legal changes in the security agreements. [R]
62.2283 FUCHS-DRAPIER, Marie —
The importance of the Solidarity Clause rests only on the hypothesis that a Member State would request assistance through the Solidarity Clause in the event of a terrorist attack. A priori, few Member States want to entrust the response phase to the Union's responsibility. But the possibility that a small Member State may do so cannot be totally excluded. [R]
62.2284 GOLDBACH, Roman; FAHRHOLZ, Christian —
Sovereign creditworthiness within the euro area hinges upon the credibility of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). We analyze whether political events that worsen the SGP's credibility result in a shared default risk premium for all euro members, therefore leading to a joint deterioration of creditworthiness. We especially examine the decisions and statements of the Commission and the Council of Economic and Finance Ministers. Analyzing daily data through the 1999–2005 period with an ARMA-GARCH model, we find the Commission plays a decisive role in affecting investor evaluations, where its credibility-strengthening decisions decrease volatility and statements signaling a weakening of fiscal credibility spark uncertainty on financial markets. Our results stress the importance of creating credible fiscal institutions that preserve sovereign creditworthiness within the euro area. [R]
62.2285 GOWAN, Richard —
I offer an initial assessment of whether the Secretary-General has demonstrated a consistent vision of peace-keeping during his time in office, and how this has manifested itself in terms of both reforms to the UN bureaucracy and the organization's reaction to individual crises. This is not to claim that Ban could shape peacekeeping to this will. To focus on any Secretary-General's vision of peacekeeping is problematic insomuch as UN operations are shaped by the Security Council, troop contributors, and power-brokers in the field. [R]
62.2286 GOWAN, Richard —
In 2008, the UN faced a military and humanitarian crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and asked the EU to send a rapid-reaction force to help stabilize the situation. The EU failed to do so. This article analyzes the immediate circumstances and consequences of this non-deployment. It also identifies longer-term flaws in the EU-UN relationship which contributed to European inaction in this crisis. The article argues that the events of 2008 meant that over-inflated expectations of
European rapid-reaction capabilities have been replaced with an assumption that the EU is no longer a significant military player in sub-Sanaran Africa. Studying this “non-event” provides a clearer understanding of the wider EU-UN relationship than can be derived from studying examples of successful inter-institutional cooperation alone. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1531]
62.2287 GRAHAM, Suzanne —
This article examines South Africa's voting history at the UN General Assembly (UNGA) over a five-year period, beginning with the establishment of the India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum in 2003, up to and including 2008. Particular emphasis is placed on the state's block-voting and possible foreign policy alignment with India and Brazil. Key issues also focused on include those areas of convergence deemed most important by the IBSA members themselves, namely political coordination and cooperation. The article [considers] the progress made by South Africa in its willingness to forge alliances with other emerging powers within this multilateral setting. It also [considers] whether members' voting patterns reflect IBSA declarations and stated goals, and thereby exposes the extent or reach of this IBSA “brotherhood”. [R]
62.2288 GRATIUS, Susanne —
Although interests are obviously part of inter-regional relations, the European-Latin American partnership is not mainly interest- but value-driven. Since the early 1980s, when nearly all Latin American countries abandoned military regimes, democracy and human rights have had a prominent place in EU-Latin American relations. Today, the mutual commitment to democracy and human rights is stressed in all official documents and cooperation accords between the EU and Latin America. Nonetheless, other regional priorities and the return to electoral democracy began to undermine the common values discourse and marginalize the political role of the EU in Latin America. Following a short discussion on underlying principles, this article addresses EU's priorities in democracy-assistance in Latin America, particularly with regard to the most problematic countries in terms of democracy, such as Cuba, Colombia, and Venezuela. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2289 GRILLOT, Suzette R. —
The global spread and misuse of small arms is one of the most alarming and growing security issues of the post-Cold War era. For many reasons, however, controlling the spread of small arms is extremely difficult. Nonetheless, given the serious nature of the small arms issue, numerous states, nongovernmental organizations, and individual activists have sought to address various small arms problems. One of the earliest suggestions that analysts and advocates offered was to develop international norms and standards of behavior that outline the parameters of acceptable small arms activities. Despite the numerous actions that states and NGOs have taken over the past ten years in an effort to combat these problems, corresponding norms are relatively weak or nonexistent. This article answers why this is the case. [R, abr.]
62.2290 GRIMM, Heike M. —
With the Lisbon Strategy and mandate, the European Commission committed itself to promoting entrepreneurship as a major driver of innovation, competitiveness, and growth. This paper demonstrates that the renaissance of entrepreneurship policy along with the implementation of the Lisbon Agenda resulted in the localization of policy-making, and re-strengthened policy-makers on the ground to successfully mobilize directly at the supranational level. Furthermore, EU entrepreneurship policy-making has contributed to a shift from hierarchical government to a more horizontal and interactive form of governance in the new German Länder which were highly exposed to Structural Funds and the Lisbon Agenda. By integrating a region- and policy-specific perspective, this contribution goes beyond theorizing the regional dimension of Europeanization in a multi-level governance scheme. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1295]
62.2291 GUILD, Elspeth —
Refugee protection has long been an issue of great moral and legal importance among the countries in Europe. These same states, when adopting legislation on refugee protection in European Union law appear Janus faced. On the one hand, statements of commitment to refugee protection are plentiful, on the other, mechanisms adopted aim to exclude the refugee even from being heard. In this article I will examine this contradiction using the concept of governmentality as developed by Michel Foucault. Deploying the three techniques of governmentality which Foucault developed most – sovereignty, discipline and biopolitics, I seek to dissect the asylum protection system the EU is developing and make visible the underlying structure of authority and power. [R, abr.]
62.2292 GUIRAUDON, Virginie —
The Schengen Agreement is often seen as a symbolic success of European expansion, and the crisis of 2011, after the arrival in Italy of Tunisian migrants, as calling it into question. Originally designed to ease circulation in a large single market, Schengen was especially important for strengthening the external borders of the Union from a security and intergovernmental standpoint. Despite sometimes bitter exchanges, the crisis of 2011 has not changed this fact. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2353]
62.2293 HARMAN, Sophie —
This article adopts one of the few understandings of leadership within international organization — R. Cox's 1969 essay on the executive head as an analytical model for understanding leadership within global HIV/AIDS governance. It applies Cox's framework of analyzing the role of the executive head in relation to the international bureaucracy, member states, and the international system to the position of the former executive director of the Joint UN Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), P. Piot. The article argues that the role of leadership transcends the agency of simply opening up the black box of international organizations and is a realm of political knowledge and agenda-setting that is integral to the formation and subsequent longevity of international institutions, alliances, and the global issues that justify their existence. [R, abr.]
62.2294 HARTMANN, Eva —
International law's current transformation has provoked a “legal turn” in the field of IR. At the heart of this transformation are the juridification of international politics and subsequently the judicialisation of international law. This contribution argues that scholars of critical IPE have not yet paid enough attention to this process. What is needed is a theory of international law that is able to grasp the societal implications of this transformation. In a first step some accounts drawing on A. Gramsci and E. Pashukanis are presented, with a view to making their theory fruitful for analysing international law. Against the background of an empirical study that compares the global regulation of trade in goods with the trade in services, delivered notably through natural persons, some major shortcomings of these accounts are outlined. [R, abr.]
62.2295 HERVÉ, Alan —
Despite its economic importance and successive Treaty reforms, the EU does not always succeed in asserting itself as a leading actor on the international stage. Both internal and external factors influence the EU's participation in international economic governance institutions. They constitute a definite handicap concerning the EU's potential role as a real normative power. At the same time, as indispensable reforms of global economic governance are in the offing, the EU seems to be giving up any claims for better representation within competent organizations and forums, such as the IMF. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2298]
62.2296 HILLION, Christophe —
Through agreements covering a wide range of policy areas, the multilayered association between the EU and Norway has led to a high degree of integration that, at least in substantive terms, brings Norway close to EU membership. Viewed as an effective tool for EU norm-projection and a vector of generous external support for the Union policies at a relatively modest institutional cost, the specific EU Norway formula of integration without membership, with the EEA as its cornerstone, is often referred to by the Union as a template for the development of its neighborhood policy. Several factors have, however, led the Union to review that formula, with a view to crafting a new “comprehensive approach”. This article locates the specific EU-Norway arrangement in the broader context of the Union's relations with its European neighbors. [R, abr.]
62.2297 HOOGHE, Liesbet —
How do Commission officials conceive the Commission's role in the EU? Should the Commission be the government of Europe or the servant of
Member States? Is there a third possibility — that of institutional pragmatism, whereby Commission and Member States share authority? This article lays out jurisdictional options and role conceptions adopted by Commission officials, and estimates their relative incidence using a 2008 large-scale survey among Commission officials. There is a plurality of views, though within relatively narrow parameters. In explaining variation, national background shapes views more than professional background. [R]
62.2298 HORN, Laura —
This article emphasizes the essentially political nature of corporate governance regulation and argues that the transformation of corporate governance regulation is part of a broader political project of economic restructuring and market-making in the EU. The analysis first focuses on the transformation of company law and corporate governance in the last decade, illustrating how company law has become increasingly focused on the rights of shareholders, while worker rights have been relegated to the area of social policies and labor law. The second section then reflects on the current developments in corporate governance regulation in the context of financial and economic crisis. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Financial market regulation and economic governance,” edited and introduced pp. 1–5, by Francis SNYDER. See also Abstr. 62.2295]
62.2299 IRRERA, Daniela —
Even though currently included in the political agenda on a global level and often associated with transnational terrorism and security issues, organized crime is not an exclusive policy priority. The differences in position among the most important political actors — the US, the EU, the EU member states and the UN — are significant and confused. The EU, in particular, has developed an advanced strategy based either on single member states' experience or on shared principles and perceptions. The main assumption here is that in the broader context of multilateralism and by respecting the leading global actors' view (that of the UN and the US), the EU has built its own strategy, which constitutes an added value to the global struggle against TOC [Transnational organized crime]. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2300 JACOB, Antoine —
Northern Europe is doing well, despite the crisis. Sweden has logged particularly brilliant results in terms of growth and balancing its budget. In Finland and Denmark the recovery is slower, but forecasts are still optimistic. Norway continues to rely on its vast oil resources to overcome its difficulties. Under these conditions, would the Nordic countries not be well advised to join forces in order to make themselves heard internationally and to protect their common interests? The question is being addressed by the Nordic Council — the main forum for regional cooperation. In November 2010, its publication of a book, calling for the formation of a Nordic Federal State, started the debate. Supporters and opponents of this “realistic utopia” are girding their loins for battle. In the final analysis, however, this beautiful idea may well be smashed by the rise of a nationalistic and xenophobic current in all of these countries, which tends to favor circling the wagons instead of defending common values. [R]
62.2301 JENSEN, Thomas; WINZEN, Thomas —
In order to capitalize on its increasing legislative powers, the European Parliament (EP) has had to specialize internally. The scholarly literature has predominantly studied the structural manifestations of specialization, such as the allocation of committee seats among parliamentarians. This article sheds light on a second selection process: participation in legislative negotiations. For every given legislative dossier, parliamentarians have to decide whether and how strongly to participate in the negotiations. The literature on office allocation contains assumptions about the role of office-holders in negotiations. The first aim of this article is to test the validity of these assumptions. The second aim is to apply theories used in studies on office allocation to negotiations and gain insight into the following questions: Are actors with extreme preferences more active than others? What is the role of experts? How do party politics play out? Although we find effects of preferences and expertise on negotiations, the evidence is most compatible with the view that negotiations serve EP party groups to form and exchange policy positions. [R]
62.2302 JEPSEN, Henrik —
Issue-linkage occurs when issues are negotiated simultaneously for joint settlement. On the one hand, it allows parties to reach large agreements through mutual exchange of concessions across issues. On the other hand, it entails a risk that an impasse on a single issue will block progress on other issues. My analysis shows that in the recent climate-change negotiations, issue-linkage has facilitated agreement on technology, deforestation, adaptation and financing, but only to a small extent, agreement on greenhouse gas emissions reductions. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Climate on a free wheel? Global warming and climate policy,” introduced by Karin Hilmer PEDERSEN and Gert Ting-gaard SVENDSEN. See also Abstr. 62.1342, 1525, 1538, 1563]
62.2303 JETSCHKE, Anja; MURRAY, Philomena —
Given its distinctive structure and norms, is ASEAN's recent institution-alisation an instance of diffusion from the EU to ASEAN? Or do we observe adaptation to changes in the external and domestic environments of ASEAN states that are unrelated to, or independent of, the EU? Or is there some combination of both at work here – diffusion and adaptation to changes that do not relate to the EU? This article argues that ASEAN members have started to adopt EU-style institutions, e.g., the EU's Committee of Permanent Representatives and economic integration processes. This process can be conceived as both lesson-drawing and normative emulation from the EU. This is not a comprehensive and systematic copying of EU institutions by ASEAN. Rather, member states have acted selectively in line with their “cognitive priors” about state sovereignty. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2304 JOACHIM, Jutta; DEMBINSKI, Matthias —
We use a governance lens to assess the possibilities for political participation of NGOs in the European CFSP. We illustrate their engagement in the case of the European Code of Conduct/Common Position on Arms Export. We show that, while processes related to the emergence of the Code fit the description of intergovernmental approaches, developments since then, however, more closely resemble governance. With the growing institutionalization of the CFSP in general, and that related to the Code in particular, access points for NGOs became increasingly available. Through information and symbolic politics as well as rhetorical entrapment, civil society organizations contributed not only to the tightening and widening of the Code's provisions, but also to the increasing willingness of governments to provide information to each other as well as their own publics about arms exports. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2368]
62.2305 JONG Kim Hyung; PING Lee Poh —
ASEAN's dialogue mechanism has been evolving from consensus-seeking to strategic means, to use the J. Habermas distinction. This consensus norm was maintained during the Cold War because of rapport among ASEAN leaders and the presence of an external threat. However, ASEAN expansion to 10 countries, the emergence of non-traditional threats to security, and democratization have weakened this norm. [R]
62.2306 JUNCOS, Ana E.; POMORSKA, Karolina —
The role of officials from the working groups and the Council Secretariat dealing with EU external relations has grown in recent years as a result of the increase in the thematic and geographic scope of EU foreign policy and, in particular, the development of the EU's capabilities in crisis-management. The increase in competences of Brussels-based bodies has occurred in parallel to a transformation of the policy-making process that challenges intergovernmentalist assumptions about the extent of the control exercised by the member states over foreign policy-making. This contribution tracks the impact of Brusselization and socialization processes on Council officials and national representatives, which has resulted in these actors playing a role beyond that foreseen in the original delegation mandate. This inevitably raises questions of accountability in EU foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2368]
62.2307 KALAMKARJAN, Ruben Amajakovič —
The UN's main judicial body, the International Court of Justice, guarantees peaceful conflict resolution between states and affirms the dominance of constitutional law in international relations. The Court's history, structure, operational mechanisms, and recent activity demonstrate that it not only applies all international law original principles, but that it is also responsible for the creation as well as the establishment of new norms through its decisions. The International Court of Justice thus plays a crucial role in the international legal institutions' progress. Nevertheless, the question of whether to accept the General Assembly's law-making acts as international conventions still stands.
62.2308 KANIOK, Petr —
The article focuses on the legitimacy of the EU, namely on the relation between the current conceptualization of Euroskepticism and the EU's ability to operate as a credible actor. It is based on the analytical premise that the EU is a dynamic political system. The current definition of Euroskepticism, however, is based on the notion of the EU having a static nature and the existence of the finality of European integration process, which significantly affects the EU political system's ability to perform the basic functions of a functioning political system — in particular the function of evaluation and (re)formulation of policy objectives. The most important consequence of this approach is the inability of the EU to receive any critical feedback and work with it as a relevant political input. [R, abr.]
62.2309 KAUNERT, Christian; LÉONARD, Sarah —
This special issue is based on a broad understanding of security. We consider that security concerns are increasingly triggered by challenges such as terrorism, climate-change, mass migration flows and many other “non-traditional” security issues. The articles presented all testify to the breadth of the EU security agenda as they all try to capture some aspects of the EU's fast-changing security policies following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty on 1 December 2009. Several common themes stem from a combined reading of the various articles in this special issue. One theme that emerges particularly strongly from the analyses is the existence of a complex relationship between values and security at the heart of several EU policies, particularly in relation to its neighborhood. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.2241, 2252, 2260, 2299, 2317, 2338, 2365, 2396]
62.2310 KELEMEN, R. Daniel —
This contribution explores the political foundations of judicial independence in the EU and asks to what degree the ECJ is insulated against court-curbing mechanisms that might threaten judicial independence. The contribution reviews the major court-curbing mechanisms identified in the literature on American law and politics and assesses the extent to which these mechanisms might be applied in restraining the ECJ. The evidence and analysis suggests that the ECJ is remarkably well insulated against each of the major court-curbing mechanisms identified in the literature. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2361]
62.2311a KICKER, Renate; MÖSTL, Markus; LANTSCHNER, Emma —
By comparatively reviewing the monitoring procedures of the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and the European Committee of Social Rights, this article identifies common deficits and achievements in the working methods of human rights monitoring bodies established within the framework of the Council of Europe. It is argued that limitations remain with regard to (1) the information available to the monitoring bodies, (2) the extended intervals in between the monitoring cycles, (3) the human resources, and (4) publicity and transparency of the supervisory systems. [R, abr.]
62.2311b KLÜVER, Heike —
Why are some interest groups able to lobby political decisions successfully whereas others are not? This article suggests that the issue-context is an important source of variation because it can facilitate or hamper the ability of interest groups to lobby decision-makers successfully. In order to test the effect of issue characteristics, this article draws on a new, unprecedented data-set of interest group lobbying in the EU. Using quantitative text-analysis to analyze Commission consultations, this article studies lobbying success across 2,696 interest groups and 56 policy issues. The findings indicate that lobbying success indeed varies with the issue-context, depending on the relative size of lobbying coalitions and the salience of policy issues, whereas individual group characteristics do not exhibit any systematic effect. [R]
62.2312 KOBZOVA, Jana; POPESCU, Nicu; WILSON, Andrew —
The EU has long used the prospect of membership to bring about political reform in its near abroad, but EU accession is no longer a goal in itself for the states of Eastern Europe. In order to reverse the trend toward political authoritarianism, the EU must make its offer more appealing and its demands more stringent. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2243]
62.2313 KOIVULA, Tommi; SIPILÄ, Joonas —
One of the key themes in recent discussions about the EU's foreign and security policy has been the question of Europeanization. This article investigates the way in which a single EU military crisis-management operation, the EUFOR Chad/CAR, has been perceived and debated on a national parliamentary arena in two member states, Sweden and Finland. The results suggest that a marked discontinuity prevailed between these nations' policies in the context of the CSDP/ESDP and the discourse on CSDP/ESDP in the respective parliaments. While highlighting the need to pay more attention to the domestic dimension of Europeanization, these findings also call into question some of the basic premises of the discussion on Europeanization. [R]
62.2314 KUMLIN, Staffan —
A framing experiment on the Europeanization of health care supports two assumptions derived from the “blame-avoidance” literature. The constrained-perceptions assumption states that performance evaluations at different political levels have “zero-sum” implications for each other. Empirically, those receiving positive integration frames become not only more positive about the EU level, but also more negative about domestic performance (even though frames about such a performance were not provided). The opposite is found for negative frames. Further, the negative-bias assumption implies that zero-sum adjustments are best triggered by negative blame frames rather than by positive “credit” frames. Finally, in contrast to standard blame-avoidance assumptions, the experiment mimics the realistic situation in which the opposition attacks integration and the government defends it. [R, abr.]
62.2315 KURKI, Milja —
The European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) is often considered the “jewel in the crown” of the EU's democracy-promotion. Its mandate encompasses the funding of democratizing civil society organizations and thus the facilitation of democratization “from below”. If we apply Foucaultian governmentality tools to the analysis of the workings of the EIDHR, we can see that, despite the pluralistic rhetoric that guides it, the Instrument's objectives and management structures facilitate particular kinds of democratic visions. Neoliberal governmentality may be hidden deep within the expectations set for EU-funded civil society “democratizers”. This has important consequences for how we understand the model of democracy that the EU promotes and the power relations of the EU's “locally owned” democracy-promotion. [R]
62.2316 LATIMER, Amanda —
The trajectory of trade negotiations between the EU and the Comunidad Andina de Naciones can be seen as an expression of the contemporary character of dependency between the two regions and of the conflict between competing strategies of integration within the Andean region itself. The first strategy reinforces current patterns of accumulation in the area of three “strategic openings” (primary and raw materials, services, and the state), the expansion of rights for Northern investors, and the state violence that has accompanied the internationalization of Colombian and Peruvian capital over the past few years. The second strategy, while mired in the class-based constraints that accompanied earlier experiments with “inward-looking development,” positions regional integration as an alternative to neoliberalism and integration with Northern blocs dominated by imperialist interests. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2162]
62.2317 LAVALLÉE, Chantal —
Due to its indirect role in the CFSP, the European Commission seems to be a marginal actor in European security governance. As a result, there is little analysis of its role in this field. This approach is somewhat misleading because the EU policy-making process is more complex than it appears. The interdependence between the EU's external policies has increased the interaction between supranational institutions and national governments. Moreover, developments in security and defense at the EU level have opened up a window of opportunity for several actors. This paper shows that the structuring of the European field of security and defense is the result of interaction among various actors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2318 LAY, Jann —
This article reviews the effectiveness and efficiency of key policy instruments for MDG (Millennium Development Goals) achievement, focusing on the role of demand- and supply-side factors in education and health-service utilization. It comes to the following conclusions. First, specific policy interventions can have a considerable impact on social-service utilization. Second, demand-side policies have proved extremely effective in the education sector, but may need more consideration in the health sector. Third, policy-effectiveness and efficiency are highly dependent on initial conditions and the specificities of the respective policy. Fourth, complementarities between MDG targets are likely to be very important. [R]
62.2319 LEFEBVRE, Maxime —
The European crisis is primarily a crisis of governance: the enlarged EU has no effective or legitimate institutional structure. It also raises the question of European identity, one that seems to present itself less and less often in national discussions. In addition, the crisis seriously affects the European morale: the European project as a whole seems worn out. This project will not bounce back until it redefines its notions of politicization, subsidiarity, solidarity, and differentiation. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2353]
62.2320 LENZ, Tobias —
This article analyzes the EU's influence on regional institutional change in Mercosur and the Southern African Development Community from a diffusion perspective. Focusing on market-building objectives and dispute-settlement mechanisms, it addresses the puzzle that policy-makers in both regions have, over time, increasingly adopted EU-style institutional arrangements even though alternative institutional models more suitable to their preferences for “pragmatic,” sovereignty-preserving cooperation have been available at various critical junctures of institutional evolution. The article suggests that EU influence has affected outcomes in several specific ways that are quite different from mainstream functional accounts of economic regionalism. Second, it contends that the diffusion of EU institutional templates can be understood as a process of spurred emulation, when regional policy-makers emulate EU institutional models promoted by EU-oriented domestic actors as well as the EU's direct involvement in the process. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2321 LEPAGE, Henri —
Europe entered a deflationary spiral this summer, ruining its countries' hopes of implementing ordered debt reduction strategies. But the moment of truth is fast approaching. Europeans will soon be paying the bill for the errors their leaders committed at the creation of the monetary union and the euro, based on a top-down ideological model which paid little heed to real constraints. Europe is undoubtedly facing a massive economic crisis or even a depression, coupled with higher taxes and a significant fall in the standard of living. The best one can hope for is that the main institutional achievement of the European project-the single market-will not bend to the political headwinds that are sure to blow, and that the ordeal will be as short as it will be violent, clearing the way to a rapid return to a healthier growth path. [R]
62.2322 LEPOIVRE, Marc; KELLER-NOËLLET, Jacques; VERFIELST, Stijn, eds. —
Editors' introduction, pp. 7–9. Articles by Jacques KELLER-NOËLLET, “Economic governance: ambitions and ambiguities,” pp. 11–26; Stijn VERHELST, “Governance by norms: caught between smart and simple rules,” pp. 27–40; Jim CLOOS, “'Incentive' governance: a key component of a future European economic government,” pp. 41–54; Jean-Victor LOUIS, “The ‘enforcement’ of economic governance,” pp. 55–68; Petr
BLIZKOVSKY, “Economic governance and solidarity: a complex relationship,” pp. 69–84; Maria João RODRIGUES, “Global economic governance and the EU's external action,” pp. 85–100. Editors' conclusion, pp. 101–105.
62.2323 LINDROTH, Marjo —
In the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PF), indigenous political subjectivities take shape in the power relations that not only make indigenous peoples subjects but also subjugate them. This article discusses the process and the possibilities of resistance that open up for indigenous peoples within it. The approach taken acknowledges the limiting political environment of the UN for indigenous peoples, because it is a non-indigenous political system based on state sovereignty. Yet, it does not view the situation of those peoples in the PF as totally determined by the states and their dominant discourse. The theoretical framework of the article draws on the work of M. Foucault and his conceptions on power, resistance, subjectification, technologies of domination and of the self. [R, abr.]
62.2324 LONGO, Michael; MURRAY, Philomena —
This article analyzes the EU's lack of legitimacy for European citizens. It examines the expanding credibility gap of the EU since the Treaty of Lisbon Irish referendums in 2008 and 2009. Although there are various reasons for the EU's lack of legitimacy, this article proposes the failure of the EU to penetrate the domestic public or social spheres and the dearth of opportunities for citizen participation in EU governance as primary factors. The article then considers risks associated with the current euro crisis, drawing lessons from the largely ignored sociological and political factors that impact on its resolution. [R]
62.2325 LORD, Christopher —
This contribution develops normative arguments for the democratic and parliamentary control of the CSDP. However, on the Kantian assumption that “ought implies can,” it also makes a case for parliamentary control in the face of skepticism about parliamentary politics in general, the capacities of the European Parliament and national parliaments to exercise satisfactory levels of public control over Union decisions, and the participation of parliaments in security decisions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2368]
62.2326 MAGEN, Amichai —
This article explores the degree, conditions, and pathways by which instances of institutional change in Israel can be traced back to the EU, either through direct influence mechanisms or indirectly, through emulation. It examines the processes and mechanisms by which EU diffusion into the Israeli domestic system might occur, and identifies the main factors that facilitate and hamper receptivity to EU influence. Israelis emerge as highly selective, sophisticated emulators of EU institutions — adapting and implementing EU standards in specific policy realms, typically as the result of competition and lesson-drawing. The article demonstrates the possibility of variable pathways of diffusion of EU rules, standards, and norms beyond Europe, and advances existing knowledge of the conditions and pathways of emulation — the least understood mechanism of diffusion. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2327 MALECKI, Michael —
A considerable body of scholarly work has asserted that the ECJ's institutional independence has implied behavioral independence: in short, that the ECJ has pursued a pro-integration agenda perhaps at odds with national governments' preferences. But, inside the black box of the court's collective decisions, do judges share a common preference for expanding the authority of the Court and EU generally? While individual behavior is not directly observable, the ECJ's system of chambers provides a potentially valuable window on the impact of individual decisions by subsets of the judges. I develop a statistical model, extending the item-response model to account for selective participation in decisions, to find evidence of individual behavior in the collective judgments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2361]
62.2328 MANCINI, Francesco —
Due to the proliferation of actors involved, the expansion in mandated tasks, and the general complexity of conflict dynamics, partnerships are increasingly a fact of life for UN peace operations. However, partnership creates additional challenges — strategic ambiguity, an over-emphasis on process, weakened command and control and unequal burden-sharing — that cannot be eliminated, but rather need to be managed. This article suggests a framework to help guide the UN towards applying specific approaches — power, management, leadership or culture — depending on the varying level of agreement between two partners, with the goal of making partnership more manageable. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1531]
62.2329 MATTELAER, Alexander —
Despite the doom and gloom about the Afghanistan campaign, in political and military terms NATO may yet emerge as a leaner and more effective organization. [R]
62.2330 MESSMER, William B.; YORDAN, Carlos L. —
Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, the UN Security Council passed Resolutions 1368 and 1373 and thereby created the basis of a global counterterrorism system. At the heart of this system lies a partnership between the Security Council and the UN member states — a partnership in which states have been given considerable, independent, operational responsibility. Unfortunately, this system has often been criticized and viewed pessimistically by scholars, who tend to focus primarily on UN bodies and offer little discussion of the key role of states. This article presents a different conceptualization of this counterterrorism system and suggests, through case studies, that it has attained some important objectives in the global struggle against terrorism. [R]
62.2331 MILLER, Rory —
European leaders feel they have a right and a duty to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Perhaps — but they are just not up to the task. Europe should focus instead on what it does best: helping the Palestinians build a state. [R]
62.2332 MISTRAL, Jacques —
Faced with the Greek debt crisis, the Monetary Union has taken decisive steps: agreement to a collective settlement, establishment of a sustainable financial plan, involvement of the private sector in the handling of debt, and the tightening of political solidarity around a common currency. What remains is to go beyond these advances with new institutional breakthroughs towards federalism. The debate has begun in Germany; we must now be prepared in France. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2353]
62.2333 MORIJN, John —
Discussions on the necessity to reform UN human rights treaty monitoring have witnessed a new dynamism over the last five years. After extensive consultation about ways to strengthen human rights treaty monitoring the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is expected to propose a new set of reform measures in 2012. This article structures and analyzes the different implemented and tabled streamlining and enhancement measures. [R, abr.]
62.2334 MUZAKA, Valbona —
Intellectual property rights (IPRs) ultimately delineate the way in which knowledge is created, owned, controlled and diffused, domestically and now globally. They have always been contested because knowledge is both a form of capital and a public good, but these contests have become more acute since the WTO TRIPs Agreement came into force in 1995. As a result of new frames and linkages propelled by various actors between IPRs and other issue-areas, the current intellectual property regime has become complex and somewhat inconsistent. This article [examines] the concrete mechanisms and processes through which various global regimes come to overlap with each other in the area of IPRs, of the actors that are involved in these processes, [and] of the consequences of such developments for the governance of IPRs and global governance more generally. [R, abr.]
62.2335 NABLI, Béligh —
The EU is a source of basic questions for constitutional law. European integration involves its morphology, i.e., its categories, concepts, classifications, etc. The disquiet than can result is all the more obvious since the Union's law causes positive constitutional law to be normatively insecure: not only does European integration challenge the normative prevalence of the national constitution, it also causes the regular revising of our fundamental law. Beyond the apparent competition by the Union's law and constitutional law, their encounter translates in a rebirth — not a crisis — of constitutional science. The EU comes through as a legitimate constitutional object and opens new prospects for constitutional science, whose traditionally state-centered borders — structured by the triple aspect: state/sovereignty/nation — is reset to the measure of a non-state item without a specific people. [R]
62.2336 NEYER, Jürgen —
The EU is supplementing but not substituting the member states' democracies. Its most important limitation is its structural incapability of becoming a democratic entity. All proposals to develop it into a United States of Europe are established on a deep misunderstanding of its foundational logic and structural limitations. More adequate for critically analyzing the EU is an approach based on the right to justification. [R]
62.2337 NICOLL, Alexander —
What happened over the past two years was the imposition of fiscal union by the force of the markets. The crisis has changed the Eurozone, and the EU, forever. [R]
62.2338 NITOIU, Cristian —
Although the EU is yet to develop a common policy towards Russia, “cooperation” with Russia stems from a pattern of enhanced bilateral relations with Moscow that most member states have sought to develop. These relations are characterized by strong economic and energy security ties modeled on the approaches of Germany and France. Moreover, such approaches have impeded any solid practical promotion of the EU's norms and values both in Russia and its Eastern Neighborhood — or any coherent CSDP actions, for that matter. This has happened although, rhetorically, states such as France and Germany present a highly normative discourse about the EU's role in its Eastern Neighborhood. This paper evaluates [how] this pattern of “cooperation” impacts on the EU's policy towards its Eastern Neighborhood and on the geopolitics of the region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2339 NIVET, Bastien —
Like most international actors, the EU was taken by surprise by the Arab spring. Its difficulties in this context, as well as its half-hearted efforts to become a player in it, provide useful insights into the ability of the Union to adapt to international change. [R]
62.2340 NIVET, Bastien —
Often analyzed in a split way, the development in several countries of the EU of political movements qualified as populists begins to be more globally approached as the signal of joint political, economic and social discontent in several European states. In this context, Europeanists having questioned the link between these populist dynamics and their object of study — the EU — contented themselves for the moment with a relatively descriptive and victimhood posture, noticing the simultaneous development of the same pathology in several member states and an inclination of these political movements to take for target, along with elites and foreigners, the EU. It is today necessary to think of the way the European space, by some of its defects and by drifts in the way the national governments practise and built it, regrettably provide a fertile ground to the expansion of populist political movements. [R]
62.2341 NOUTCHEVA, Gergana; AYDIN-DÜZGIT, Senem —
The article analyzes the EU's impact on the rule of law in the Western Balkans and Turkey. It inquires into the reasons behind the patchy record of rule-of-law reforms in Turkey, Croatia and Albania by examining judicial reforms in response to the EU accession requirements. It argues that a credible EU accession perspective and an adequate degree of state capacity are necessary but not sufficient conditions for explaining the fluctuations in the rule-of-law standards in EU accession countries. The genuine, partial or non-alignment of the ruling elites' domestic incentives with the EU incentives is a key determinant of rule-of-law trends in the Western Balkans and Turkey. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2342 ORBIE, Jan; WETZEL, Anne —
This article explains the research question central to this special issue: What is the democratic substance that the EU furthers in third countries? (1) We review the literature: existing studies have mainly focused on the impact and strategies of EU democracy-promotion without sufficiently analyzing the very substance it furthers in third countries and regions. (2) We develop a conceptual framework in order to “map” the substance of EU democracy-promotion. Starting from a liberal conception of democracy and based on an adaptation of the model of “embedded democracy,” different components, types and agendas of democracy-promotion are identified. (3) We formulate a number of expectations on the substance of democracy advanced by the EU, focusing in particular on the distinction between a “one-size-fits-all” and a differentiation scenario. This article summarizes the different contributions to the special issue. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The substance of EU democracy promotion,” edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.2246, 2253, 2259, 2288, 2343, 2352, 2354, 2360, 2374]
62.2343 ORBIE, Jan; WETZEL, Anne
This article presents the conclusions from the contributions to this issue, summarized in a table that includes values for the components of the embedded democracy framework across the various countries and regions that were examined. Although some variation can be discerned within the embedded democracy framework and across the different countries and regions, the EU's policies remain firmly entrenched within the notion of embedded liberal democracy. In addition, three common observations can be discerned: (1) the focus on elections has been more limited than expected, (2) the EU has largely focused on the external context conditions, and (3) the links between the latter and the partial regimes of democracy are under-specified. Thus, while the EU's democracy-promotion policies suggest that one model suits all, it is not assumed that one size should fit all. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2344 PANKE, Diana —
Most of EU secondary law is created in working parties of the Council of Ministers and the Committee of Permanent Representatives. Yet, not all states participate equally in these settings. A survey shows that the average frequency [with] which states use negotiation strategies (e.g. arguing, bargaining, lobbying) varies considerably. There are activists and rather passive fence-sitters. This is puzzling, since the active usage of negotiation strategies is essential for negotiation success. Thus, this paper tests a series of capacity and willingness hypotheses to explain differences in the activity levels between states. It shows that states are the more frequently using negotiation strategies, the higher the political effectiveness, the longer they are members of the EU and the more preferences they have at stake. [R, abr.]
62.2345 PANKE, Diana —
In governance arrangements on the local, state, regional and international levels, lobbying as a strategy to gain influence on policy outcomes via informal channels takes place. While most studies focus on how individuals, companies, interest groups or non-governmental organizations try to exert influence via state actors, we know much less about whether and how frequently states themselves engage in lobbying. How effectively do state actors seek to further their own preferences informally in lobbying institutional key actors in governance arrangements beyond the nation-state? To shed light on these blind spots, this article draws on the example of the EU and analyzes the conditions under which states are especially inclined to use this informal influence strategy as well as the conditions for lobbying success. [R, abr.]
62.2346 PANKE, Diana —
This article introduces a new concept to negotiation research in political science: negotiation effectiveness. Prominent research focuses on negotiation success, capturing the extent to which a country's initial preferences are reflected in the final outcome. By contrast, focusing on the effectiveness of negotiation strategies allows examining the process by which congruence between initial positions and final negotiation outcomes can be achieved. Negotiation effectiveness measures how effectively a negotiator changes the elements of a policy for which her country developed positions on the basis of its preferences by applying negotiation strategies and by using negotiation capacities. On the basis of an analysis of the EU's day-to-day negotiations, the article maps the differences in the negotiation effectiveness between states. [R, abr.]
62.2347 PEAKE, Gordon —
Although the concept of partnership offers little substantively new to the theory and practice of peace operations, it provides a useful political frame to advance reform efforts in UN policing. In the last few years, several improvements have been made in doctrine, training and increasing the pace of deployment. However, the case of Timor-Leste suggests that these efforts have not resulted in obvious improvements in the abilities of the UN Police (UNPOL) to carry out their mandated functions. Solutions offered by the New Horizon agenda do not address the political dimensions of the problems encountered in field missions. In Timor-Leste, the host government is not interested in engaging in a partnership with UNPOL. Problems with international policing may be so deep, complex and subject to politics that even substantial process-oriented solutions will not achieve significant results. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1531]
62.2348 PELLISTRANDI, Jérôme —
The Afghan adventure has marked NATO deeply, and weighs heavily on its post-2014 future. Will the Alliance be in a position to re-invent itself with a new mission, perhaps the anti-missile defense antidote to the nuclear necessity? Will NATO learn to co-exist with the new Russia, the new Turkey, and a EU which is simultaneously disarming itself and uncertain of its future? [R]
62.2349 POYRAZ, Yasin —
Until the dissolution of the USSR, the Caspian Sea was within the exclusive domain of the two riparian states: Iran and the USSR. The situation has fundamentally changed since 1991. Riparian States now number five (Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russian Federation and Turkmenistan) with the increase in interest and legal claims on the Caspian Sea and its resources, especially oil and gas. The current legal regime of the Caspian does not lie with certainty in the law of the sea, nor in law international lakes. However, its legal regime has always [been] sui generis. This study reveals the general view of the existing legal regime of the Caspian Sea and draws attention to the peaceful settlement of disputes among to the five littoral states. [R, abr.]
62.2350 RASMUSSEN, Anders Fogh —
NATO's success in Libya shows how important and effective the alliance remains, writes its secretary-general. But with Europe rocked by the economic crisis and slashing military budgets, future missions will be imperiled unless NATO members get smarter about what and how they spend.[R]
62.2351 RÉKA, Friedery —
The study analyzes the type of relations between a EU institution with decades-long history and a EU office with a [briefer] history. The specific relationship between the European Ombudsman and the EP has several levels and these levels, connecting and complementing each other, create its special nature and can be approached or characterized from several sides. The study reflects the complex nature of the relation: the EP is present almost at every moment of the Office's life. The Office can be regarded as the extended arm of the EP, a complement of its control mechanism. [R, abr.]
62.2352 REYNAERT, Vicky —
This article investigates the substance of the EU's democracy-promotion towards its southern neighbors within the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP)/the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) and the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Taking the distinction between core elements of democracy and supporting external conditions as a point of departure, this article concentrates on the latter and analyzes the EU's view on the relation between the state, the market, and the civil society. The main objective of the EU's policy towards its southern Mediterranean neighbors is economic liberalization; promotion of the civil society, the functioning of the state, and the core elements of democracy are oriented to the promotion of a market-based economy. Moreover, the EU's preoccupation with the market has affected the establishment of democracies in the southern Mediterranean region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2353 RICHARD, Alain —
The European crisis is primarily the result of economic difficulties and their social effects. The public now views the European project of increased and shared prosperity with distrust. Moreover, the current governance is highly unclear following a decade of enlargement. A European collective spirit can be reborn, but this revitalization will depend heavily on media and political elites, as well as on the new generations of European citizens. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Europe's deconstruction?”. See also Abstr. 62.2089, 2237, 2292, 2319, 2332]
62.2354 RIDDER, Eline De; KOCHENOV, Dimitry —
This article addresses the promotion of democracy in the enlargement process of the central and eastern European countries (CEECs). We outline EU democracy-promotion during accession, with a particular focus on political conditionality. Subsequently, we argue that the European Commission did not make a clear substantive distinction between the concepts of rule of law and democracy. In addition, various drawbacks are identified, which demonstrate the vagueness and inconsistencies that characterize the EU's application of democratic conditionality. A final part illustrates these points by focusing on the EU's democratic conditionality towards the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The conclusion reads that the EU did not have a well-defined view and approach to the promotion of democracy and the rule of law in the eastern enlargement. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2355 RIDDERVOLD, Marianne —
This article contributes to the further development of deliberative theory — to make it more applicable to research on EU integration — by establishing alternative and more concise micro-mechanisms to those of the rationalist bargaining perspectives. The micro-mechanism through which deliberation has an effect on outcomes is what is termed argument-based learning, which means that an actor accepts the validity of a presented argument so that (s)he acts upon it. Moreover, the article differentiates between three types of argument-based learning considered relevant in the EU context; it suggests a two-step analytical approach for studies of EU decision-making processes. The empirical relevance of the framework is applied to EU coordination towards the Maritime Labour Convention (MLC). The framework proved helpful in accounting for agreements that are puzzling from a rationalist perspective. [R, abr.]
62.2356 RJABČUK, Mykola —
The conviction of former Ukrainian Prime Minister Y. Tymošenko should not surprise the EU. Brussels accepted as reform every façade constructed by the Ukrainian government. The regime of V. Yanukovych has reached the conclusion that the EU accepts political repression. If Brussels wants to prevent the consolidation of another authoritarian regime on its eastern border, tough steps are needed now. [R]
62.2357 ROALD, Vebjørn; SANGOLT, Linda —
Three debates in the EP, concerning global climate change, are analyzed by way of two different methods: an exploratory measure, the textual Emotional Index (TFI), and the Discourse Quality Index (DQI) which focuses on various variables related to J. Habermas's ideal of deliberative democracy. TFI measures which emotions one can trace textually in a debate. The results indicate (1) that three preponderant emotions — disappointment, fear and hope — are linked to the climate-change context: fear concerning the future of our planet, disappointment over failed policies and hope for better ones is repeatedly underlined. (2) The debates proved to be deliberative in the sense that they uphold the deliberative standards of DQI. [R, abr.]
62.2358 SAATÇIOĞLU, Beken —
Credible EU conditionality is theorized as a central mechanism for bringing EU candidates to comply with the political membership criteria. The literature on conditionality's domestic impact does not sufficiently explore the possibility of democratic reforms in the absence of credible conditionality. This paper tests this alternative hypothesis by studying Turkey under the rule of the AKP (2002–2009). It is argued that notwithstanding the falling credibility of the conditional membership perspective for the ruling actors after 2004, Turkish compliance persisted because it promised political benefits to the government. This finding highlights that domestic governments' belief in conditionality is not a necessary condition of compliance with the EU. [R]
62.2359 SCHARPF, Fritz W. —
At the most general level, the perpetual momentum of “integration through law” is driven by the substantive dynamics of legal doctrines extending the protection of individual interests and by procedural conditions facilitating the use of European law to challenge the institutional regimes of EU member states. Given the supremacy and direct effect of European law, and the decision rules of EU policy-making, this momentum could not be halted through political or judicial intervention. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2361]
62.2360 SCHIMMELFENNIG, Frank —
These concluding reflections deal with three arguments that could be put forward against the research agenda of this special issue: that substance is either trivial or non-existent or not consequential. The article argues that, whereas substance has clearly been shown to be non-trivial, the “substance of substance” and its effects are open issues. It also suggests areas for further research: subtypes of liberal democracy and alternative templates such as democratic governance, the inputs and processes that generate the substance of democracy-promotion, and the link between substance and instruments. By disentangling the broad notion of democracy according to several partial regimes and by studying the content of EU democracy-promotion at the level of regions and even individual countries, the contributors provide a nuanced and differentiated picture of what the EU promotes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2361 SCHMIDT, Susanne K. —
The role that the ECJ plays in European integration has been much discussed by political scientists. Less is known about how case law develops. I give a historical-institutionalist account and argue that path dependence explains the course that case law takes. Litigants provide positive feedback in this process, aiming to strengthen their rights by transferring legal arguments from one area to the next, leading to a convergent interpretation of the fundamental freedoms. The contribution traces this development, analyzing how legal arguments were transferred from goods markets to the free movement of workers and citizenship as a result of positive feedback to a distinct legal interpretation. I discard alternative explanations that explain case law by drawing on the preferences of member states or judges. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Perpetual momentum? Reconsidering the power of the European Court of Justice,” edited and introduced, pp. 1–7, by R. Daniel KELEMEN and Susanne K. SCHMIDT. See also Abstr. 62.1705, 1734, 1883, 2262, 2310, 2327, 2359]
62.2362 SCHOUT, Adriaan —
Irrespective of the level of government, public officials increasingly face the challenge of evaluating and making choices between more instruments. Agencies are intended to be a new and different type of governance instrument offering prospects for stronger input from experts, greater transparency and depoliticized decisions. Using “legitimacy” as the framework, this study compares an agency (European Aviation Safety Agency) to comitology and its predecessor (a sui generis intergovernmental regulatory network). Although EASA is often heralded as a major change, the conclusions here are that its predecessor was quite effective and that comitology has been greatly improved and could have been explored as alternative instrument. Therefore, the agency solution was neither unavoidable nor necessarily better. [R]
62.2363 SCOTT, David —
After a distinctly cool relationship throughout most of the post-war period and following the end of the Cold War, India and NATO are now gradually moving towards each other. Indeed, during the past decade, NATO's “out-of-area” operations have taken it eastwards from the Mediterranean, while India's “extended neighborhood” framework has brought it westwards from the Indian subcontinent. This has created a geopolitical overlap between these two actors, most notably in Afghanistan but also elsewhere in the Indian Ocean. Common advocacy of liberal democracy and overt concerns over jihadist destabilization have brought these two actors together. In NATO's post-Cold War search for relevance and India's post-Soviet search for partners, they have found each other. Unstated potential concerns over China are also a feature in this strategic convergence. [R, abr.]
62.2364 SEDELMEIER, Ulrich —
Is the impact of EU accession conditionality sustainable after target states achieve EU membership? Although accession changes the incentive structure for compliance, this article suggests that a lock-in of pre-accession institutional changes can contribute to their persistence even after the EU's sanctioning power weakens. A case-study of gender equality institutions in five new member states suggests that a combination of government partisan preferences and veto-players explains whether such lock-in occurs. If institutional change no longer fits government preferences, the key condition is the presence of veto-players who can lock in institutional change. Rather than impairing Europeanization, as the literature often assumes, domestic veto-players can thus foster it. However, veto-players can lock in non-compliance too if conditionality was unsuccessful, and it appears easier to reverse earlier institutional change than to redress the lack of it. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2365 SERVENT, Ariadna Ripoll; MacKENZIE, Alex —
With the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, the EP gained, among other things, consent over most international agreements. Whereas the EP was relatively powerless in previous international agreements concerned with data-protection, the EU-US SWIFT Agreement allowed the EP, for the first time, to flex its muscles. Even so, the EP appears to have disappointed the proponents of data-protection by consenting to the second (permanent) SWIFT Agreement. We demonstrate that although the EP's previous stance was one of advocacy of strong data-protection controls, it could afford to prioritize this without a concern for how such preferences would affect the EU member states. However, now that the EP has the burden of legal powers granted to it by the Treaty of Lisbon, it must be [responsive] to the member states' security concerns. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
62.2366 SILES-BRÜGGE, Gabriel —
In 2006, the European Commission announced its Global Europe strategy, which proposed pursuing a series of ambitious Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) premised on exchanging the EU's remaining “pockets of protection” for market access. The first of these agreements was signed with South Korea in October 2010. This article asks how the Commission's Directorate-General (DG) for Trade could successfully conclude this agreement in the aftermath of the Financial Crisis. Given a strong mobilization of protectionists with access to policy-makers, this liberal policy outcome cannot be explained purely in terms of institutional insulation, as in much of the literature on EU trade policy, nor be simply “read off” from the material interests of societal actors. This article, therefore, develops a constructivist framework which broadens our understanding of the power of strategically invoked economic discourses. [R, abr.]
62.2367 ŠIMON, Ondřej —
The case-study deals with the EU as an actor in international relations. While based on an analysis of the first common EU naval military mission, EU NAVFOR Somalia, code-named Atalanta, the article [examines] how the EU paves the way to getting recognized as an international actor. The author assumes that the EU aims at facilitating the process in two key dimensions: the virtual (i.e., material) and the intersubjective (i.e., ideological) dimension. The consultation contributes to the epistemo-methodological debate about the essence and origins of the international recognition of the EU. [R]
62.2368 SJURSEN, Helene —
The status of democracy in European foreign and security policy is increasingly questioned. An analytical scheme that makes it possible to identify whether there has been a move beyond intergovernmentalism, and its putative democratic implications is developed. Four constituent pillars of intergovernmentalism are identified and discussed. These pertain to actors, decision-making procedures, the scope of delegated powers and the raison d'être of the intergovernmental endeavor. These pillars constitute necessary requirements if intergovernmentalism is to be democratic. Developments within the CFSP are assessed with reference to this analytical scheme, with a view to identify whether, when and where a move beyond intergovernmentalism has created a democratic dilemma. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy: the quest for democracy,” edited and introduced, pp. 1069–1077, by the author. See also Abstr. 62.2245, 2280, 2304, 2306, 2325, 2569]
62.2369 SOLANKE, lyiola —
This article uses a disaggregated approach to study the role of the Advocate General in the ECJ. It presents original empirical material based upon interviews with Advocates General (AsG) and referendaires at the ECJ to assess the question of activism at the Court. Using answers to specific questions, I conclude that while the AsG are entrepreneurs, neither they nor the Court can be described as “activist” per se. [R]
62.2370 SPENDZHAROVA, Aneta B.; VACHUDOVA, Milada Anna —
This article investigates the most important determinants of domestic institutional change in combating corruption and reforming the judiciary in Bulgaria and Romania since EU accession in 2007. It explores how EU and domestic incentives trigger domestic institutional change, and how the two interact with one another. It argues that political leaders and parties will only continue and deepen reforms in response to the twin forces of EU and domestic influence. The EU incentives that shape elite choices stem primarily from public monitoring by the European Commission of government performance and the possibility of sanctions by the EU. The domestic incentives center on winning elections and holding power, with substantial variation explained in part by diverging sources of domestic support. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2371 SPOERRI, Marlene —
A third direction, along which EU conditionality significantly expanded beyond the scope of conditions required of future member states during the most recent rounds of enlargement, was the requirement to cooperate with the ICTY. After some US conditionality linking ICTY cooperation to US funding — as in the case of the arrest and extradition of S. Milosević in 2001 — the EU became the prime institution penalizing countries for non-cooperation by delaying the accession process. This form of conditionality has been successful if measured in terms of the arrest and surrender of indictees to the ICTY. There is little doubt that few of those on trial would have been arrested without EU conditionality; however, this success has been a source of weakness at the same time. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1701]
62.2372 STAHL, Anna Katharina —
The African continent has traditionally been considered as Europe's “backyard”. Yet, perceptions of Africa are gradually changing, with emerging powers such as China increasing their engagement on the continent. While it has been widely acknowledged that the growing Chinese activities in Africa have various implications for the EU, this article revisits the prevailing argument that the Chinese (re)involvement on the African continent poses a threat to the EU's geopolitical reach in the region by challenging its norms and practices. On the contrary, this article takes the view that the alternative presented by China has encouraged the EU to act as a more coherent and consistent international actor and to start redefining the nature of its partnership with Africa. [R, abr.]
62.2373 STAHL, Bernhard —
The accession strategy based on the conditionality principle has turned out to be the EU's most successful external governance tool. It provides the civilian power EU with the means to Europeanize the continent: to project her identity beyond the borders, making acceding countries similar to herself. Yet, the South-East European (SEE) enlargement currently suffers from defections, fake compliance, and blockades. The case of Serbia is particularly interesting, since Serbia holds the key to providing peace and stability to the entire region. To what extent has the EU's conditionality strategy been effective in the Serbian case? The theoretical argument is based on identity theory. In this perspective, the EU's (problematic) behavior vis-à-vis Serbia stems from her uneasiness to come to terms with the “near other” of the Western Balkans. [R, abr.]
62.2374 STEWART, Susan —
The article sketches the EU approach to democracy-promotion in the Eastern Neighborhood, including the six countries involved in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) and Russia. A comparison of the relevant documents reveals that issues of democratic development are much more present in the EU approach towards the six EaP partners than in its dealings with Russia. The article [then] presents a detailed account of EU democracy-promotion efforts in Russia and Ukraine. The interactions with Russia in the realm of democracy-promotion are found to be superficial and unsystematic, concentrating on individual cases without much depth or consistency. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2342]
62.2375 STRATENSCHULTE, E. D.; PRIESMEYER-TKOCZ, W. —
The September 2011 Eastern Partnership summit in Warsaw was a sad affair. No amount of summit rhetoric can gloss over the fact. The EU is dissatisfied with the partner states. And the partner states are disappointed in the EU. The Neighborhood Policy has reached an impasse. It is time for a reassessment. The Eastern Partnership should concentrate on those states that have a real interest in Europeanization: Moldova and Georgia. And the EU should pursue only a few very specific projects with them. [R]
62.2376 TANNAM, Etain —
This article examines the EU's actual and potential role in fostering British-Irish and Greek-Turkish cooperation as well as its policies to Northern Ireland and Cyprus themselves. Domestic bureaucratic capacity and institutional design are put forward as explanations for the success of the British-Irish relationship rather than EU membership per se. In the case of Cyprus, the article suggests that increased bilateral cooperation with respect to disputed territory is unlikely to occur in the absence of faster bureaucratic change in both Greece and Turkey. EU membership is not a causal factor in the evolution of cooperation and conflict-resolution. [R]
62.2377 TEH, Benny Cheng Guan —
Although economically interdependent, political rivalry between Japan and China has [blocked] the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) process [from] transforming itself into an East Asia Summit (EAS) as originally envisioned. The existence of the APT and the EAS as two separate entities not only reflected the politico-security rivalry between the two neighbors but more importantly affected the direction and progress of East Asian regionalism as a whole. Aiming to provide a historical account of the EAS process and examine Japan's role in the development of the EAS framework, this paper argues that Japan has put greater attention on the EAS and made numerous unilateral initiatives to develop it. [R, abr.]
62.2378 THAROOR, Shashi —
Even though it has been more than a year since I left the service of the UN, the one question people have not stopped asking me here in India is when our country, with 1.2 billion people and a booming economy, is going to become a permanent member of the Security Council. The short answer is “not this year, and probably not the next”. But there are so many misconceptions about this issue that a longer answer is clearly necessary. [R]
62.2379 THÖRN, Håkan —
This article provides a case study of overseas development assistance for AIDS to South African civil society; it analyzes how power is exercised as well as resisted in the context of international aid. While governance theory tends to underestimate power inequalities in the context of policy networks, this case is instead related to the theoretical debate regarding whether current global power structures can be analyzed in terms of a (US-led) neoliberalism, or whether they should rather be understood in terms of post-imperialist power constellations based on “regulation of self-regulation” through market mechanisms, and with an emphasis on “civil society participation”. [R, abr.]
62.2380 THYM, Daniel —
This contribution explains the persisting distinctiveness of the legal regime for CFSP and CSDP as the manifestation of intergovernmental executive power. The inspection of the new rules in the light of institutional practice supports the identification of their executive character. Such a counter-intuitive reading of the treaty articles accepts that foreign, security and defense policies are not about law-making, but are typified by political, administrative and operational activities. The analysis illustrates that the EU Treaty maintains distinct institutional rules and constitutional characteristics which I analyze under the label of “legal inter-governmentalism” — a distinct decision-making procedures of foreign, security and defense coordination and designate their legal effects in relation to supranational Union law. On this basis, the constitutional peculiarity of CFSP and CSDP as an expression of intergovernmental executive power takes place. [R, abr.]
62.2381 TOCCI, Nathalie; VOLTOLINI, Benedetta —
Israel-Palestine has been a constant agenda item in EU foreign policy. Yet there is one dimension of the conflict that EU policy has largely sidelined: the Arab minority in Israel. The EU is aware of the problems of the Arab citizens of Israel, [but not created] an EU policy towards the minority. Conditionality has never been considered an adequate policy mechanism with which to influence the situation of the Arab minority. More surprisingly, the EU has tended to focus only marginally on the minority through its declaratory diplomacy and its dialogue with and assistance to Israel. Stemming from this analysis, this article explores the reasons why the EU has tended not to focus on this issue in the context of its multifaceted relationship with Israel. The reasons are both context-specific and general. [R, abr.]
62.2382 TOW, Shannon R. —
There is an assumption in IR literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the US. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this “diplomatic formula” supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the G. Whitlam, R. Hawke, and J. Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition. [R]
62.2383 TRONDAL, Jarle, et al. —
The strengthening of administrative powers is comprehensively documented within national governments. This article asks to what extent center-formation also happens within international bureaucracies. Based on a large body of data within three international bureaucracies, this study adds two new observations: (1) administrative center-formation is primarily observed inside the European Commission and only marginally within other international bureaucracies — such as the OECD and WTO Secretariats. Concomitantly, administrative center-formation, when observed, does not seem to penetrate and transform international bureaucracies writ large. (2) Variation in center-formation both across and within international bureaucracies is associated with two often neglected variables in comparative government literature: (1) the accumulation of relevant organizational capacities at the executive center, and (2) the vertical and horizontal specialization of international bureaucracies. [R, abr.]
62.2384 USHER, Graham —
The Palestinian Authority's application to become a full member state at the UN represents the latest stage in its “alternative peace strategy” born of the collapse of the US-sponsored Oslo peace process. But the new strategy remains overly dependent on diplomacy and uncertain Palestinian allies like the EU. If it is to achieve a balance of power for future negotiations more favorable to the Palestinians, however, it will need to be anchored in a greater national consensus at home and in the diaspora, and allied more closely to the emerging democratic forces in the region. [R]
62.2385 VAN DER PIJL, Kees —
This article argues that the corridor that runs from the Balkans, via the Caucasus to Central Asia, has constituted a major axis of Western expansion for at least two decades, intimately connected but not reducible to energy pipeline issues. It interprets NATO as a structure through which the Atlantic, English-speaking heartland has sought to create a wider “West” through military integration. This integration always had to contest with the legacy of rivalries dating from the epoch prior to it. From France in the Long 18th c. to China today, contender states developing a state-led alternative to Anglophone liberalism have been/are such rivals. All along, frictions accompanying integration into the expanding West have complicated liberal-capitalist expansion, while the breakdown of contender state control over their societies has laid bare structural fault-lines causing endemic instability. [R, abr.]
62.2386 VAN HÜLLEN, Vera —
The Arab spring has highlighted once more the EU's failure to bring about democratic change in the Middle East and North Africa through its Mediterranean democracy-promotion policy. However, Arab authoritarian countries engage to different degrees in cooperation on democracy-promotion, giving the EU more or less influence on domestic institutional change related to political participation, respect for human rights, and the rule of law. A comparison of domestic change and cooperation in Morocco and Tunisia in 2000–2010 shows that the EU has been instrumental in supporting and potentially reinforcing domestic reform initiatives. Yet the EU cannot trigger domestic institutional change in the first place. The degree of political liberalization determines the fit between the domestic political agenda and external demands for reforms. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1710]
62.2387 VAN SCHAIK, Louise; SCHUNZ, Simon —
This contribution examines the driving factors behind the EU's activism in global climate politics since the mid-1990s. Two alternatives are considered: norms and interests. Norms underlying the EU's stance include its belief in multilateralism, sustainable development and the precautionary principle. Interests comprise economic opportunities and the climate change-security nexus. It is argued here that the normative orientation has dominated the EU's “leading by example” strategy in global negotiations. In Copenhagen, it yielded little influence as it was insufficiently geared towards the context of the negotiations. This challenges the notion of “normative power” Europe and makes a review of the Union's external climate policy necessary. [R]
62.2388 VANDEMOORTELE, Jan —
With the deadline drawing closer, many question whether the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) can be met. Some even question their relevance, especially given the financial crisis. The global scorecard shows that half of the road has been covered so far but it has taken three quarters of the time. Thus, are the MDGs a noble but unrealistic aspiration? Not quite. After some false dawns and missed opportunities, it is natural for some to dismiss the MDGs as targets that are “easily set but never met”. However, it would be too early and too pessimistic to consider the MDGs as “mission impossible”. After exposing the two most pervasive misconceptions about the MDGs, the paper shows that addressing the growing disparities within countries offers the best hope for achieving the MDGs. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2264]
62.2389 VEEBEL, Viljar —
This paper analyzes the transparency, impartiality and objectiveness of the EU's pre-accession assessment procedure. It tests and analyzes whether the EU follows official and objective criteria in its progress reports or if is it dominated by institutional and national interests. What were the main motivators of the EU's independent closed assessment system for the pre-accession process and what influence did this have on the accession process during the years 2004–2006? To answer these questions, the paper compares the European Commission's progress reports on selected candidate countries with the assessments of six other respected research centers: the IMF, the World Bank, Freedom House, the Bertelsmann Foundation, Transparency International, Fraser Institute and the Heritage Foundation. [R, abr.]
62.2390 VLASSIS, Antonios —
The Convention on the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (CDCE), adopted in 2005 and entered into force in 2007, is an international mechanism to regulate the interface “trade-culture”. The construction of the CDCE does not stop with the ratification of the treaty, since the CDCE should face reality through the application of provisions, compliance with requirements, as well as the existence of means allowing its concretization. Assuming that there is a gap between the standards prescribed by international instruments and their concrete results, we offer a cartography of the issue “trade-culture” devoted to the legal and political issues of the CDCE's implementation. We examine the changes caused by the CDCE within the practices of those involved. [R]
62.2391 WAGNSSON, Charlotte —
This article argues that traditional Westphalian powers are increasingly pressured to move beyond Westphalia towards institutionalization of security cooperation and a broader definition of referent objects of security. Focusing on the case of NATO, it notes that the Alliance is severely torn between traditional constructions of “the self” and a need for change. Exploring how NATO handles this dilemma, the article examines how the Alliance articulated its constitutive story during the Strategic Concept process of 2009–2010. Four roles are crystallized from the reading of the narrative: the fire-fighter, the watchdog, the good neighbor and the seminar leader. I argue that NATO will be able to meet the exigencies of the post-Westphalian world more or less effectively depending on how it develops in each of these roles. [R, abr.]
62.2392 WARNTJEN, Andreas —
To describe and explain legislative politics in the EU and to assess its democratic quality we need to measure the political importance (salience) of legislative proposals. The existing literature uses several indicators to measure salience. This article compares measures of salience based on three types of data source (expert interviews, text analysis and media coverage) using a large number of legislative proposals that cover a variety of policy fields and types of proposal. Different measures of salience often do not yield similar values. [R]
62.2393 WELCH, Claude E., Jr.; WATKINS, Ashley F. —
With judges chosen, cases under way, and judgments rendered, the ICC has officially begun operations. As the Court has proceeded with its activities, its potential has become enhanced. The creation of the Court through the 1998 Rome Statute came through cooperation of an exceptionally broad coalition of NGOs with like-minded states. This article examines the historical background to the Court's establishment, exploring why seemingly favorable conditions after the World Wars failed to result in a permanent judicial institution. Even post-1948 genocides in Southeast Asia, Central Africa, and elsewhere did not lead to international steps. Unexpected events, including the end of the Cold War and special tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, reopened the possibility for action. [R, abr.]
62.2394 YORDANOVA, Nikoleta —
The legislative organization of the EP has far-reaching implications for its ability to solve the democratic-deficit problem of the EU. Recognizing that, this article reviews the literature on the EP organization with a view to consolidating existing knowledge and identifying outstanding research gaps. It calls for a new generation of research to go beyond the congressional theoretical literature and develop theoretical accounts of the EP's internal organizational adaptation in response to its rising legislative powers and the development of true EU bicameralism. Generalizing such accounts can add to broader theories of legislative organization, which have hitherto failed to explicitly incorporate the effect of external (institutional) developments in their predictions. [R]
62.2395 ZHOU Weifeng —
Through the launching of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), the EU sought to strengthen interregional cooperation and dialogue with East Asia on economic, political and cultural pillars. This paper explores the driving forces of the EU's interregional approach towards East Asia and [examines] the importance of ASEM in a European perspective. We argue first that the EU seeks to protect and advance Europe's commercial interests. Second, the EU seeks to set a normative agenda through the ASEM to promote human rights and democracy in the Asian region, strengthening Europe's profile as a normative power, [and] further expanding its influence as a global actor. Third, the EU [seeks] to foster a multipolar world order, and to establish an effective multilateral governance system. [R, abr.]
62.2396 ZWOLSKI, Kamil —
This article assesses the role of the EU as an actor in the area of non-proliferation of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) weapons, materials and know-how. It focuses primarily on the Russian Federation. Russia's extensive CBRN programs, combined with bad economy, weak security and high unemployment among CBRN scientists, have become a major source of concern for the international community following the end of the Cold War and after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. The EU is the only non-state actor that got involved in addressing this threat at the beginning of the 1990s, renewing its commitments after 9/11 [2001]. This article revisits the concept of “actor-ness” in order to examine the role of the EU in preventing the proliferation of CBRN capabilities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2309]
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
62.2397 ABOVILLE, Benoît d' —
The economic and financial crisis is accelerating the recasting of the international strategic scene: the central elements are those of European strength relative to Asia and the US, and the risk of European marginalization. The result is some new challenges for our country. Many of the statements in the [French] 2008 Livre Blanc remain relevant but need to be supplemented, notably those which define the respective roles of the EU and NATO. Both organizations are at the crossroads. [R]
62.2398 ACHARYA, Alka —
Nearly a decade and a half of confidence-building measures between India and China has transpired during which a comprehensive set of mechanisms and procedures have been laid down to address their boundary dispute. This paper asserts that the core issue of contention between India and China has moved into a qualitatively different post-conflictual stage, if current trends continue, force is unlikely to be used to settle the ongoing dispute. This article argues that the Agreements of 2003 and 2005 were a fundamental departure from the earlier approaches adopted by the two countries and a conscious attempt at charting a new way out of a tangled historical legacy riddled with contradictions and complexities. It examines the origins of this shift, the politics that underlay this vital “course-correction” by both sides and its hopefully far-reaching implications. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2514]
62.2399 AHARONI, Sarai —
Unlike earlier attempts to theorize Israeli women's peace activism in civil society, this article examines the involvement of women in backstage roles of formal negotiations during the Oslo Process. On the basis of a qualitative analysis of the organizational structure and gender division of labor in Israeli negotiating bodies, I find that women were placed as midlevel negotiators and professional and legal advisors, and also served as spokeswomen and secretaries. [R, abr.]
62.2400 AKINER, Shirin —
In 1991, when Kazakhstan gained its independence, it had virtually no direct links with the world beyond the Soviet frontier. The basic physical infrastructure for such contacts had to be set in place at the same time that the new state was developing the necessary human resources for conducting foreign relations. Kazakhstan made rapid progress in both areas and by the mid-1990s, it had established reciprocal trade and diplomatic ties with over one hundred foreign countries. It also acceded to a wide range of regional and international organizations. Today, Kazakhstan has a highly nuanced foreign policy, based on strong bilateral relations as well as active participation in multilateral structures. [R, abr.]
62.2401 AI-AZM, Sadik J. —
This article deals with the impact on the political forces in the Arab World in general and in Syria in particular of the free, democratic and peaceful accession to power of the Justice and Development Party [AKP] in Turkey. It further examines how Syrian political movements, especially political Islam, are trying to make sense out of these recent “revolutionary” political developments in Turkey and how they can be applied to the Syrian case. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2402 ALAGAPPA, Muthiah —
Asia has experienced dramatic changes over the last six decades. It has transitioned from war to peace, from conflict to cooperation, and from economic stagnation and impoverishment to dynamic growth and prosperity. Concurrently, regional order in Asia has evolved from a purely instrumental order to one with important normative-contractual features. This article identifies key changes in Asia and explores the following questions: What explains war and peace in post-1945 Asia? Will a changing Asia become more war-prone or will peace continue? What explains the type of cooperation and order in Asia and how these have evolved? The main argument is that contestations, advances, and setbacks in making states and nations along with changes in state capacity have been the primary drivers of war, peace, cooperation, and order in post-1945 Asia. [R, abr.]
62.2403 ALDEN, Edward; ROBERTS, Bryan —
Washington claims that the country's borders are more secure than ever, but the truth is that no one knows for sure. The US government has never defined what border security actually means or how to measure it — both of which are essential prerequisites to keeping the country safe. [R]
62.2404 ALGHASI, Sharam —
The article discusses aspects of the Iranian diaspora in the Norwegian socio-cultural and political landscape. [It examines] the ongoing public debate on multiculturalism and foreign policy in Norway. The particular secular and, at times, anti-religious, anti-Islamic position taken, may on the one hand challenge the static and mechanical ideas we may have about “us” and “them,” and [may] lead to renewed understandings of ourselves. On the other hand, the position could lead to the reproduction of dominant discourses in the debate on multiculturalism, and thus enhance the already deep divisions within the management of diversity in Norwegian society. Considering Norwegian foreign policy, the Iranian-Norwegian positions and the paradoxes these positions reveal may be mirrored in the ways Norway considers and shapes its relationship towards the Iranian regime. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2521]
62.2405 ALTUNIŞIK, Meliha B.; MARTIN, Lenore G. —
Employing the four categories of change defined by Ch. Hermann [“Changing course: when governments choose to redirect foreign policy,” International Studies Quarterly 34(1) March 1990: 3–21; Abstr. 40.2277] and the insight of W. Carlsnaes [“The agency-structure problem in foreign policy analysis,” International Studies Quarterly 36, April 1992: 245–270] structure and agency causally condition each [other] over time, the article conceptualizes change in Turkish foreign policy under the AKP. This theoretical analysis of Turkey's foreign policy allows for the examination of the interplay of domestic actors with the regional and international systems including their economic, identity and security components. It also explores the impact Turkey's activism in the area has had in Turkey and among the people of the region. Finally, it raises key questions as to the future of Turkish foreign policy as the outcomes of the Arab Spring develop. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Turkey and the Middle East,” edited and introduced by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.2401, 2409, 2412, 2438, 2451, 2471, 2483, 2508, 2573, 2600]
62.2406 AMIRI, Reza Ekhtiari; SAMSU, Ku Hasnita Binti Ku; FEREIDOUNI, Hassan Gholipour —
The hajj has always been affected either directly or indirectly by Iranian foreign policy. This article examines the impact of the Iranian Islamic regime's foreign policy, specifically with regard to Iranian-Saudi interaction on the hajj, from its establishment in 1979 until 2010. Given the ideological approach dominating Iran's foreign policy, this article illustrates how the relationship of Iran and Saudi Arabia has been especially [frictional] during the hajj. However, with Iran attempting to pursue a more moderate and less confrontational foreign policy in the region and internationally, its relationship with Saudi Arabia has become cordial and peaceful of late, even during the pilgrimage. [R]
62.2407 ARAN, Amnon —
Since the early 1990s, a stimulating debate on globalization laid the foundations for globalization theory (GT), providing the tools for an empirical examination of the globalization of multiple activities. However, examination of works on globalization reveals that foreign policy has been virtually excluded from GT. In this context, based on what is described here as a synergistic transformationalist approach (STA) to globalization, I provide a critique of GT. The critique is geared towards examining why foreign policy hitherto has been overlooked by contemporary GT. I expose the problems this generates and address them by exploring how STA enables GT to incorporate foreign policy. I use the case of Israel heuristically to elicit how incorporating foreign policy into GT may provide a better understanding of the relationship between foreign policy and globalization. [R, abr.]
62.2408 ATMACA, Aye Ömür —
This article analyzes the Turkish-American relationship from a critical perspective. Critical geopolitics is used to examine the US policy-makers' discourses over representations of Turkey. The historical evolution of the concept of geopolitics since the end of the 19th c. is outlined in order to reveal the limits of classical geopolitical understanding, and to provide a theoretical framework against which the modern geopolitical imagination of the US has been formulated. Drawing on the theoretical literature, this article takes geopolitics as a deeply ideological concept and analyzes the ways in which the US geopolitical discourse has shaped the Turkish-American relationship overtime. [R, abr.]
62.2409 AYTÜRK, Iker —
Turkish-Israeli relations, which had reached the level of strategic cooperation by the end of the 1990s, started to decline after 2000 and Turkey's approach to Israel has changed considerably as a result of huge transformations in international, regional, and Turkish domestic politics. The Israeli Operation “Cast Lead” in December 2008-January 2009 and the “One Minute” incident at Davos in January 2009, however, initiated a continuous crisis situation, which reached its peak in the May-June 2010 Mavi Marmara crisis. This article analyzes the causes of change in the Turkish perception of Israel by focusing on three key factors: Justice and Development Party ideology and actors, power vacuum in the Middle East, and Turkish foreign policy discourse of grandeur. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2410 BA, Alice —
This article introduces the South China Sea dispute, as well as the themes and challenges highlighted by articles in this special issue. It draws attention to the complexity of a dispute that is no longer just about territory but also broader maritime rights, an evolving maritime regime, resources, and increasingly, the role of China as a rising power in East Asia vis-à-vis the US as the status quo power. It especially highlights how the intersection of US-China issues with what has historically been a regional dispute has significantly raised the stakes for all concerned. Contributing authors conclude that mismanagement of the South China Sea will carry high, even unacceptable, costs. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The South China Sea dispute,” edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.2456, 2462, 2566, 2584]
62.2411 BALCI, Ali —
The major argument of this article that analyzes Turkish-Israel relations in the post-1990 period is that there is no sharp distinction between foreign and domestic politics. In this framework, this article addresses the question of how Turkish foreign policy towards Israel affected domestic power relations. (1) How has foreign policy towards Israel during the 1990s created a privileged position to military bureaucracy in the power relations is questioned? (2) How in the 2000s civilian politics tried to expand its power relations through foreign policy towards Israel is discussed. [R]
62.2412 BARKEY, Henri J. —
Turkish-Iraqi relations have undergone a dramatic turnaround since 2007. The change in Turkish Iraq policy was driven by both domestic factors, primarily Turkey's Kurdish question and the ruling Justice and Development Party's, (AKP), desire to become a global player and an influential force in its neighboring regions. Underlying these ambitions is the burgeoning Turkish economy's need to deepen commercial links with everyone and find new export markets. Post-Saddam Iraq offered new opportunities for the AKP to seize. The Turkish government abandoned its policy of undermining the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq and instead opted to work closely with both the central government in Baghdad and the KRG. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2413 BASRUR, Rajesh —
India's disarmament policy has often been regarded as long on rhetoric and short on delivery. But its approach to arms stability and reduction has been consistent, maintaining that non-proliferation and universal disarmament are mutually dependent. India has developed a minimalist nuclear posture that offers deterrence stability at low numbers, and could be a model for other nuclear powers seeking to reduce their arsenal. [R]
62.2414 BEESON, Mark; LI Fujian —
China has rapidly re-emerged as a major regional power in East Asia. The ability of China's political elites to reassure nervous neighbors about the implications of its rise will be a major test of its evolving and increasingly sophisticated foreign policies. We focus primarily on China's regional engagement strategies, detailing the way such initiatives are understood in China, and the way they are received elsewhere. We focus primarily on the political and economic impacts of China's policies, and briefly consider their reception in Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. We highlight the different dynamics and issues that China's policymakers must consider in each area, and suggest that despite some difficulties and tensions, on balance, China's policies are proving surprisingly effective. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2516]
62.2415 BEESON, Mark; SOKO, Mills; YONG Wang —
The material transformation of the Chinese economy is forcing a concomitant process of political adjustment — and not just in China. Other states are being forced to accommodate the “rise of China”. In this context, this article first presents a comparative analysis of China's impact on two countries, Australia and South Africa, which have little in common other than a wealth of natural resources and a possible status as middle powers; this is a particularly useful exercise because these states are geographically distant and have very different political structures and general developmental histories. Second, the authors consider how China's bilateral ties look from a Chinese perspective in these two very different relationships. Such an analysis serves as a reminder that resource-dependency is a two-way street. [R, abr.]
62.2416 BELLAMY, Paul —
New Zealand and North Korea relations are very challenging, and are likely to remain so into the future. relations are restricted by Korean peninsula tensions along with the North' nuclear and missile development, abuse of human rights and illegal business activities. Such possible future scenarios as North Korean instability, reunification and conflict should also be considered. Helping achieve stability and peace on the peninsula is vital for New Zealand's interests. Although New Zealand's influence is limited and there are serious practical issues, there may be opportunities for greater involvement in achieving these goals in the future.[R]
62.2417 BENWELL, Matthew C.; DODDS, Klaus —
This paper is concerned with expressions of Argentine territorial nationalism, focusing on the Malvinas/Falklands dispute. M. Billig's [Banal Nationalism, London, 1995] notion of nationalism [shows how] national identities are learned and reproduced by the populace, through a multitude of “mundane” representations. Billig's thesis has been critiqued for its inability to take account of the different ways these nationalisms are produced and received within and outside of the nation-state. We argue that research into territorial nationalism should not ignore the wider temporal, spatial, political and everyday contexts in which such discourses emerge and are consumed. We contend that territorial nationalism — specifically, the attention placed on the Malvinas dispute by the Argentine government — has varied in its intensity, depending on wider political events and agendas in the South West Atlantic and Latin American regions. [R, abr.]
62.2418 BERGEN, Peter; TIEDEMANN, Katherine —
Since taking office, the B. Obama administration has greatly increased the number and accuracy of US drone strikes against terrorist targets in Pakistan. But unless the program becomes more transparent and is transferred from CIZ to military control, drones won't help the US win the larger war. [R]
62.2419 BESWICK, Danielle —
This article explores the relationship between the UK and Rwanda, using the lens of the UK Department for International Development's integrated approach to state-building and peace-building in fragile and conflict-affected states. It identifies a number of priorities for UK aid under such a framework, but shows that in the case of Rwanda these have not been foregrounded in the bilateral aid relationship. The article suggests a number of reasons for this, arguing that, by refusing to acknowledge or address Rwanda's deviations from what was considered a positive development trajectory, the UK is becoming internationally isolated in its support for the RPF regime. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1503]
62.2420 BISLEY, Nick —
This article examines the recent growth in multilateral security processes, the efforts to forge a “security architecture,” and focuses particularly on the role that China's rise has played in this process. It sketches out growth in Asian security cooperation and the efforts to forge a new security architecture. It then considers the question of China as a cause of this increase in security cooperation as well as China's own motives in actively engaging with this process. The final section then reflects on the contribution that security cooperation currently makes to the regional order. The article argues that China's rise has been an important prompt to the efforts to devise new security arrangements, but has not been the only source of this trend. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2516]
62.2421 BLANK, Stephen J. —
Russia seeks to reintegrate Central Asia around its power and authority and to that end deploys all the instruments of power available to it. However, it also faces several challenges in Central Asia. Some challenges stem from the possibility of terrorism or a Taliban victory in Afghanistan. Others come from the prospect of potential domestically generated instability in Central Asia. Another set of challenges come from other major actors like China and the US who have important if not vital interests in Central Asia and who can block Russian ambitions there. At the same time Central Asian states can either resist Russia on their own or can form tactical alliances with governments like China or the US. This essay investigates those challenges to Russia and their implications for Central Asian security. [R]
62.2422 BOBER, Andrzej —
The relations between Poland and the [North] Korea have been considered “good” for years. Today, Poland has diplomatic representation in Pyongyang as well as in Seoul, but this was not always the case. The author [examines] a few aspects of cooperation between Warsaw-Pyongyang on the basis of well-known press information, but also talks with Polish diplomats and experts on North Korea. Many Poles, when asked whether Poland should maintain diplomatic relations with North Korea, resent the relations and call it scandalous to keep ties with the country which is commonly regarded as the oppressor of many thousand of its citizens. [R, abr.]
62.2423 BOYER, Yves —
Globalization seems to have taken Europe by surprise: its countries have been tardy in appreciating some of its effects (notably that of scale) which have rendered previous geopolitical frameworks obsolete. If they are to overcome the effects of strategic surprise and the abstention which these arouse, they need to demonstrate more creativity, and be ready to seize their opportunities in a form of globalization which demands a real capability of waiting for the main change, and a real predilection for action. [R]
62.2424 BRISSET, Jean-Vincent —
China's armed forces and the level of their technology are not easy to categorize. The maritime dimension of China's strategic ambitions is increasingly evident however, and a preoccupation with aircraft carriers forms a large part of it. The Chinese strategic posture remains colored by uneven achievements in non-military sectors. [R]
62.2425 BROWN, Deborah A.; CHENG Tun-jen —
This study of Buddhist, Taoist, and Christian relations across the Taiwan Strait elicits three observations: (1) officials on both sides of the Strait are permitting increased cross-Strait religious interaction, but each side has different calculations for doing so; (2) each side uses religion as “soft power” to obtain its political objectives, but these low-key approaches are limited-for different reasons; and (3) even though cross-Strait religious ties are defined by the governments and religious organizations in Taiwan and China in cultural terms, they have significant political implications. [R]
62.2426 BROWNLEE, Jason —
The author assesses the foundations of the contemporary US-Egyptian alliance, which was consolidated in 1979 by the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty. He concludes that the bold diplomacy of Egyptian President A. Sadat was matched by fierce repression at home. Moreover, Egypt's foreign interlocutors presupposed that authoritarianism inside Egypt would help guarantee the country's new foreign policy alignment. [R]
62.2427 BRÜCK, Tilman; DE GROOT, Olaf J.; SCHNEIDER, Friedrich —
We estimate the total costs of the German participation in the Afghanistan war, both past and future. This is a hugely complex and uncertain calculation, which depends on several important assumptions. These assumptions pertain to the different cost channels and the shares of these channels that can be attributed to the German participation in the war. By calculating the costs of the German participation, we provide a framework for other researchers to do the same with respect to other countries. The article can function as a roadmap for researchers focusing on this topic. [R, abr.]
62.2428 BURRON, Neil —
US democracy-promotion programs in Bolivia in the early 2000s originally sought to stabilize the neoliberal state through “soft” tactics whose origins were rooted in the “inclusive” neoliberal project of G. Sánchez de Lozada's first presidency. As left indigenous social forces tipped the balance of power away from US political allies, these programs were reconfigured to undermine the rise of E. Morales's Movement toward Socialism (MAS) through “hard” tactics including support for the right-wing departments of the western part of the country, where autonomist forces mobilized to destabilize the MAS after Morales won the presidential elections in December 2005. US programs also continued to channel support to moderate civil society organizations and NGOs that sought to confine the popular revolt within a liberal-institutional framework. Soft and hard tactics combined to promote neoliberal polyarchy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2162]
62.2429 CAVANAGH, Matt —
The [2010] SDSR was a chance to lay the groundwork for serious defense reform, but it was little more than a rushed spending review. Its failure is both a missed opportunity, and a threat to the ability of the government's other defense reforms to have a serious impact. The Ministry of Defense must overcome its chronic failure to prioritize and be more realistic in its specifications — and the government must bring the SDSR up to date with post-Libya foreign policy. [R]
62.2430 CHANG, Felix K. —
Over the last fifteen years, the steady rise of China's naval capabilities has received a level of attention unmatched since the Soviet navy's expansion following the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet much of that attention has focused on what that rise has meant for Taiwan's security or a possible contest with the US. But Beijing's seaward territorial concerns also reach far into the South China Sea. And it is there that the military balance has most swiftly swung in China's favor as a result of its modernization program. This article examines not only how the military balance has shifted, but also what Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam and the Philippines, could do to best preserve their territorial interests in response to that shift. [R]
62.2431 CHANG, Simon T. —
Since the takeover of Tibet by China in 1951, two opposing stances of Tibet's standing vis-à-vis China have dominated academic and popular sources. One [significant] topic is nonetheless “sovereignty,” by no means a self-evident concept for Tibet and Imperial China. While statecraft in the West is deeply embedded in and accordingly judged by this “realist” thinking, China and Tibet were not “sovereign” as many Chinese and Tibetans have been taught to assume. This study briefly examines the evolution of the so-called Sino-Tibetan “benefactor-priest relations” (Mchodyon) since the end of the 19th c. and how the UK and US selectively applied/compromised the script of sovereignty to suit themselves. The results show that major powers outside this region (mainly the UK and the US) were the major beneficiaries of this hypocritical “scripting”. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Tibetan studies in comparative perspective”. See also Abstr. 62.2778, and Claude ARPI, “Tibet studies,” pp. 235–248]
62.2432 CHIANG Min-Hua —
The recently signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement between Taiwan and China is a result of the intensifying economic relationship across the Strait, [and] further secures the connection between the two sides. Taiwan enjoys short-term economic benefits but ECFA favors China's political intentions in the longer term. Taiwan is likely to join the current wave of “China-centered” regionalization. China's gravity in regional economic integration has been greatly enhanced subsequent to the recently signed trade agreements with Southeast Asian countries, Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan. China's expansion of power in East Asia could pose a challenge to the status quo in the region and American interests in particular. How the US responds to China's increasing dominance in the regional economy is critical for the future development of economic integration in East Asia. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2564]
62.2433 ÇIFTCI, Sabri; ERTUGAY, Fatih —
With the transformation of Turkish foreign policy into multi-dimensionalism, public opinion has emerged as a significant new parameter. After providing a brief survey of the Turkish foreign policy choices, especially in the Middle East, the paper examines youth attitudes toward foreign policy. A survey carried on 800 university students is used to demonstrate empirically the youth perceptions of foreign policy. The results show that as the most dynamic section of the public, the educated Turkish youth have favorable views of multi-dimensional foreign policy. Furthermore the educated youth appear to prioritize the Turkic World and EU over the Middle East and Islamic World. [R]
62.2434 CLEGG, Jenny —
This article considers China's participation in two key areas of international affairs, climate-change and nuclear non-proliferation, taking as its focus the high-profile global summits of 2009 and 2010, with a view to examining how it seeks to operationalize its foreign policy goals. Drawing on Cox's critical view of multilateralism as a “terrain of struggle” between a conservative developed North and a transformative developing South, the discussion examines the agendas of the US as the world's leading power, on the one hand, and the developing countries and China on the other, the conference contexts, processes and outcomes. Neither simply acquiescent nor seeking to forge an “adversarial anti-hegemonic front,” China's role is seen as one of bridge-builder between developed and developing nations, using both resistance and compliance to deflect US power plays and gain leverage. [R, abr.]
62.2435 COHEN, Herman J. —
At the end of the Cold War, the US launched a policy of actively promoting democracy around the world. Africa became a major target. The [early] 1990s saw the creation of multiparty systems in most African countries, with considerable opening of the political process. On the other hand, the creation of many competing political parties and the holding of “free and fair” elections did not result in much real democracy. It was clear by 1995 that the growth of democracy is a long-term process requiring cultural evolution. Clean elections do not equal democracy. US policy began to shift away from support to democratization in Africa toward the promotion of “good governance,” the main element of our “democratization” programs. [R, abr.]
62.2436 COLLINS-DOGRUL, Julie —
Governance research suggests that transnational networks are the key to developing and implementing cooperative public policy across borders. I examine this claim through analyzing how the US-Mexico Border Health Commission, a policy instrument designed to enhance transnational public health cooperation, developed from idea to law in Mexico and the US. Despite a long-standing transnational network, the policy process took over ten years and was contentious, politicized by domestic policy-making in the US. I show how transnational networked governance intersects with domestic politics and find that the structure of overlap between the two are places where actors promoting state and transnational interests struggle with each other to define public problems in an attempt to shape policy outcomes. [R]
62.2437 CONDRA, Luke N.; SHAPIRO, Jacob N. —
Can civilians caught in civil wars reward and punish armed actors for their behavior? If so, do armed actors reap strategic benefits from treating civilians well and pay for treating them poorly? Using precise geo-coded data on violence in Iraq from 2004 through 2009, we show that both sides are punished for the collateral damage they inflict. Coalition killings of civilians predict higher levels of insurgent violence and insurgent killings predict less violence in subsequent periods. This symmetric reaction is tempered by preexisting political preferences; the anti-insurgent reaction is not present in Sunni areas, where the insurgency was most popular, and the anti-Coalition reaction is not present in mixed areas. Our findings have strong policy implications, provide support for the argument that information civilians share with government forces and their allies is a key constraint on insurgent violence, and suggest theories of intrastate violence must account for civilian agency. [R]
62.2438 COOK, Steven A. —
The article situates Turkey's approach to the Middle East in a broader historical context, demonstrating that there is more continuity in Ankara's approach to the region than observers tend to believe. It also argues that specific domestic political, economic, and global patterns of politics are likely to produce a divergence between the US and Turkey on critical Middle Eastern issues, notably the Israeli-Palestinian problem and Iran's drive for regional influence. In an unintended way, however, the Arab awakening may drive a greater confluence of interests between Washington and Ankara. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2439 COURMONT, Barthélémy —
China has been, for the past few years, increasingly involved in the Middle East, both economically and politically. The recent political changes in this region have been carefully analyzed in Beijing, but at the same time have generated a diplomatic offensive, notably in the countries that faced regime changes. Oscillating between caution and opportunism, the Chinese Middle-eastern policy has been revealed during the Arab spring. [R]
62.2440 CRUZ DE CASTRO, Renato —
This article examines the clashing images of an emergent China among American China-watchers. In the early years of the 21st c., these American China-watchers dismissed the image of China as a military threat to the US, observing that China uses its growing economic resources and multilateral diplomacy to enhance its relations with the ASEAN member-states. They depicted China as pervasively influential and applying soft-power to engage the US in a zero-sum game in the region. However, this image is negated by a contrasting view that accentuates the limits of Chinese diplomatic gambit. The article links these clashing claiming images to Beijing's foreign policy objectives in Southeast Asia, and Washington's strategy of hedging against any challenge that an emergent China poses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2564]
62.2441 CUMMING, Gordon D. —
Against the background of conflict in the Great Lakes Region, the UK and France promised, at their 1998 Saint-Malo summit, to set aside rivalries and cooperate on Africa. In subsequent Anglo-French gatherings, they singled out the DRC and pledged to work together there to promote peace and tackle poverty. This article asks whether this coordination took place and whether it involved a “deconflictualization” of approaches, “coincidental” cooperation, or “sustained and reciprocal” collaboration. It looks for evidence of institutionalisation of UK-French ties and policy cooperation in the fields of peace-building and poverty-reduction. It then identifies the pressures for, and barriers to, collaboration, focusing particularly on the role of interests, foreign policy norms, institutional factors and resource constraints. It sets out the wider implications of UK-French cooperation and the limited prospects of closer future collaboration. [R]
62.2442 DANNREUTHER, Roland —
China has grown increasingly dependent on imports of oil and, as a consequence, has become a major and very visible player in the international energy markets. For a country which has traditionally been strongly committed to the principle of self-reliance, this dependence on foreign oil has been a source of vulnerability and anxiety. But it has also been a strategic opportunity for China to chart its own ambitions and objectives as a global economic and political actor. This article addresses the various ways in which China has incorporated its energy import needs within its foreign policy. [R, abr.]
62.2443 DEATH, Carl —
Global environmental politics is emerging as a key field for South African diplomacy and foreign policy, in which Pretoria is endeavoring to lead by example. Environmental summits and conferences such as Johannesburg (2002) and Copenhagen (2009) have been crucial stages for the performance of this role as an environmental leader, and in December 2011 Durban will host the 17th Conference of the Parties (COP17) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. There are also signs from within policy-making circles that “the environment” is seen as a field in which some of the luster of South Africa's post-1994 international high moral standing could be recovered. However, tensions remain between South Africa's performance and rhetoric on the global stage, and domestic development paths which continue to be environmentally unsustainable. [R, abr.]
62.2444 DESPORTES, Vincent —
The author claims that indifference and ignorance are the two major dangers that threaten [France's] security. He adds that it is important to ask serious questions about rapid technological change and its cost, and about the key role of the armed forces in safeguarding national territory. He concludes by asking for a free and open debate on what the French feel about defense and the nuclear posture of their country. [R]
62.2445 DIERINGER, Jürgen; TÓTH, Ákos —
Hungary has always been an integral part of Europe. Since 2004, it has been a member of the EU. Among the general population, awareness of being citizens of Europe is weak; within the political class, there is a lack of expertise and readiness to focus intensively on European politics. The executive, however, successfully organized Hungary's EU presidency in the first half of 2011. The results are ambivalent: the Roma strategy is positive. But among the European public, the presidency was a debacle. The dispute over the media law and the new constitution cast a shadow on the presidency. Indeed, the path Hungary pursues in domestic policy will decide its future position in the EU as well. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2731]
62.2446 DOBBINS, James —
The West has focused on how to prevent Tehran from acquiring nuclear weapons, or what to do after it does. What we lack is a framework for dealing with Iran before, while and after it crosses the threshold. [R]
62.2447 DREVET, Jean-François —
In the current context of the “Arab Spring” and the victory of the Islamist Ennahda Party in the elections held in late October 2011 in Tunisia, the situation in Turkey is attracting increasingly interest. Located at the boundary between East and West, secular and democratic and yet led by an Islamic government that has enjoyed broad popular support for almost ten years, Turkey is currently claiming its diplomatic independence and acquiring unprecedented regional and international importance. Does that mean that Turkey is turning its back on Europe and looking toward the east? That seems highly unlikely. The new Turkish foreign policy however has, and will have, important consequences for the relations between Turkey and the EU, and perhaps on its prospects of accession to the EU. Apart from the longstanding difficulties posed by the Cyprus problem, the Turkish determination to give a religious Islamic dimension to its foreign policy could raise a new obstacle on the path to accession, as could the difficulties Ankara is experiencing in its attempt to eliminate all problems from its relations with its neighbors (particularly, Israel, Greece and Armenia). [R, abr.]
62.2448 DREZNER, Daniel W. —
In uncertain times, grand strategies are important because they help others interpret a country's behavior. despite some missteps, the B. Obama administration has in fact developed such a strategy, and a good one. But it has done a terrible job explaining it, which defeats the whole purpose of the exercise. [R]
62.2449 EFE, Haydar —
This article examines Turkey's aim to become a global energy hub and its impact on the stability of the South Caucasus. Turkey imports gas from Russia and oil from the Middle East on a large scale. It wants to decrease this dependence, but its dependence on foreign energy suppliers is continuously increasing. It shares borders with landlocked energy-producers in the Caspian Sea region, [with] some of the world's greatest known oil and gas reserves. Turkey's energy-corridor role, particularly with respect to the potential of the Caspian basin, is also considered. Turkey is becoming a focal point in terms of energy due to its geopolitical position and its efforts to break Russia's monopoly on the transport of energy supplies in this region, by creating new pipeline routes to transport these supplies. [R, abr.]
62.2450 EGRETEAU, Renaud —
Since the 1990s, India has faced heavy criticism for its realist approach to Burmese affairs. Geopolitical imperatives indeed drove Delhi towards a closer partnership with its military-ruled neighbor. India, however, claims it plays a key role in fostering development in Burma; therefore, consolidating long-term democratization prospects there. This article challenges this view. Using the literature on development and democracy, as well as interviews with Indian policy-makers, it explores India's recent engagement with the Burmese socio-economic landscape, and assesses its democratizing impact. Despite an evident discourse-shift since cyclone Nargis in 2008, India's development and infrastructure projects remain low-key and peripheral, its education and health assistance marginal and its transnational connections with the emerging Burmese civil society absent. [R, abr.]
62.2451 EHTESHAMI, Anoushiravan; ELIK, Süleyman —
During the Cold War, Turkey's Middle East policy was not viewed as friendly toward the Middle East while there was a strong security ties with Iran, especially in the Central Treaty Organization. However, Turkey followed a more aggressive and coercive entrance strategy toward the region by the end of the Cold War. The Justice and Development Party [AKP] has made a shift and attempted to exercise soft power policies to normalize its relations with Arab nations and Iran by improving societal and economic interdependence relations. In order to understand the new activism in Turkish-Iranian relations, it is necessary to provide a historical context of the changing dynamic of regional politics by analyzing threat perceptions and security alignments from the perspective of developing Turkish-Iran relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2452 ENCEL, Frédéric —
For many observers, recent developments in the Middle East are nothing but bad news for Israel. The Arab Spring might see the rise to power in several neighboring countries of extremists who are violently hostile to Israel; Palestine's bid for state recognition has isolated Israel on the international stage; Turkey has turned its back on Israel; Iran is becoming increasingly powerful; and the social protests in Israel are weakening the country from the inside. But the reality is actually not so dark. In fact, the democratic wave that has broken across Arab countries may be good news for Israel, because democracies don't declare war on each other. Furthermore, the Palestinians' legal maneuverings at the U.N. carry little weight against the United States' unwavering support, while Turkey's about-face is counterbalanced by new alliances. Iran is still a long way from deploying a nuclear bomb, and the protesters in Israel only want economic change, and are not challenging the founding principles of the Israeli state. In the final analysis, Israel may in fact be stronger today than it was a year ago… [R]
62.2453 ERTOSUN, Erkan —
This study analyzes the relationship between Turkey's Palestinian policy and the US and EU approaches to the Palestinian problem. For the US, Israel is a strategic ally in the Middle East. Together with the sympathy of the American public opinion towards Israel and the impact of the Jewish Lobby on US foreign policy, Israel's security is a leading American foreign policy objective in the region. The EU, having deep-rooted historical, cultural and economic ties with the Middle East, follows a Palestinian policy which covers arguments more Arabian than the US. However, the EU's contribution to the solution of the problem remains at the “civil-power” level. The US and EU different positions on the Palestinian issue lead Turkey to a dilemma. The principles of Turkey's Palestinian policy are generally in line with the EU's. [R, abr.]
62.2454 ETZIONI, Amitai —
The US-Pakistan relationship is in crisis. Yet strategic imperatives keep the nations together. The problem is that Pakistan cannot bend to US demands as much as America wants because it is pulled in other directions by its strategic fear of India. If India-Pakistan tensions could be eased, the dynamics of the US-Pakistan alliance could change. That should be the starting point for Washington's efforts to deal with Islamabad. [R]
62.2455 FILIJOVIĆ, Marko —
Climate changes have caused ice melting in the Arctic, thus creating new conditions in the region. Apart from making access to its rich hydrocarbon deposits, new ways of transportation have appeared. In summer, the region is almost completely accessible, thus making the routes between America and Asia much shorter. This has drawn attention not only of Arctic states, but also of others, especially big exporters of consumer goods, such as China and Japan. The paper analyzes the position of China with regard to other countries interested in exploiting the Arctic region, with a focus on transport. [R, abr.]
62.2456 FRAVEL, M. Taylor —
This article examines China's behavior in the South China Sea disputes through the lens of its strategy for managing its claims. Since the mid-1990s, China has pursued a strategy of delaying the resolution of the dispute. Its goal is to consolidate Chinas claims, especially to maritime rights or jurisdiction over these waters, and to deter other states from strengthening their own claims at China's expense, including resource-development projects that exclude China. Since the mid-2000s, the pace of Chinas efforts to consolidate its claims and deter others has increased through diplomatic, administrative and military means. China's strategy threatens weaker states in the dispute and is inherently destabilizing. As a result, the delaying strategy includes efforts to prevent the escalation of tensions while nevertheless seeking to consolidate China's claims. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2410]
62.2457 GARDNER, Lloyd; SEWELL, Bevan —
This essay examines the way that US secretary of defense Rumsfeld sought to apply one of the central lessons of the Vietnam War to the G.W. Bush administration's War on Terror after 9/11 [2001]. Following the disastrous withdrawal from Vietnam, Rumsfeld had argued that one of the major lessons to be taken forward was that, in future conflicts, the US needed to ensure that the war was portrayed to the public in a way that would ensure ongoing success. The way to do this, Rumsfeld subsequently averred, was to convey a message of perpetual, unstoppable, but not too rapid, progress; victory was at hand, but it would take some time to achieve. [R, abr.]
62.2458 GARVER, John —
This paper posits that China's insistence on the “return” to China of the territory constituting Arunachal Pradesh, and even China's insistence on Indian cession of a salient of territory in the Tawang area of that region, is a form of Chinese deterrence of what Beijing takes to be potentially dangerous “anti-China” behavior by India. Deep divergence of Chinese and Indian perceptions of Tibet, plus the history of Indian support for unarmed and armed Tibetan resistance to Chinese Communist rule of Tibet, makes Beijing fearful that India might again, someday, work to undermine Chinese rule in Tibet. An open territorial dispute serves as a standing threat to “teach India a lesson,” underlining for New Delhi the need for great circumspection in dealing with China. Indian strategic alignment with the US exacerbates Chinese fears. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2514]
62.2459 GÉRÉ, François —
Any analysis of the dangers and new challenges to security must consider a combination of legal and judicial aspects, to which actions of the armed forces are closely linked, while conducting their highly specialized missions. Neither technical issues nor financial tension are likely to call into question the nuclear guarantee. The [French] presidential debate will be fueled by the recent emergence of a geopolitical framework whose major outline is clearly identifiable. [R]
62.2460 GODZIMIRSKI, Jakub M. —
The article discusses the relationship between diasporas and foreign policy more generally, and explores this issue in a Norwegian context. Key concepts, insight into how diaspora-related issues are discussed in a foreign policy context and have become an issue on the Norwegian political agenda are explained. In addition, the article maps the Norwegian diaspora landscape, looking at the most important developments in Norway and at the emergence of ethnic diasporas in the country. The final section examines potential challenges in the field, with a focus on how individual diasporic groups in Norway may influence Norwegian foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2521]
62.2461 GODZIMIRSKI, Jakub M. —
EU enlargement, the implementation of EEA rules and lack of manpower in the Norwegian labor market have resulted in a rapid inflow of Polish labor migrants to Norway. In 2007, Poles became the largest immigrant group in Norway. Today, nearly 60,000 Polish citizens live in the country and this is having consequences not only for Norwegian immigration and integration policies, but also for Norwegian foreign policy. The article looks at why and how the rapid growth of the Polish diaspora in Norway has taken place and the implications it may have for Norwegian foreign policy. As this social phenomenon is strongly connected with European integration processes, developments can affect not only bilateral relations between Norway and Poland, but also Norway's relations with the EU and EEA. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2521]
62.2462 GOLDSTEIN, Lyle —
This survey of official and quasi-official Chinese-language naval literature provides some new insights regarding Beijing's evolving strategy in the South China Sea. Most importantly — and contrary to conventional wisdom — a surprising diversity of viewpoint is evident in Chinese naval circles that likely reflects the wider debate among Chinese strategists more generally. Thus, a major theme in many of these writings is the need for Beijing to adopt a cautious and compromising policy. Other themes revealed in this literature include a distinct threat perception, as well as concern that China could be cut out of the resource benefits of the South China Sea. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2410]
62.2463 GREENER, B. K. —
International policing is a phenomenon on the rise. Encompassing a range of activities such as transnational police liaison, response to disasters and post-conflict peace-building, such seemingly technical practices can have significant political implications. A consideration of New Zealand's recent experiences provides an opportunity to examine some of the sites of promise and difficulty at play in the practice of international policing. Focusing on how international policing activities contribute to New Zealand's national foreign policy objectives, this article also provides a useful lens through which to consider some of the broader sites of contention in this field. [R]
62.2464 GRIES, Peter H.; CROWSON, H. Michael; CAI Huajian —
What impact does ideology have on American attitudes and policy preferences toward China? Based on two large-N surveys, we first utilize exploratory factor analysis to uncover six distinct American ideological dimensions and two distinct dimensions of attitudes toward China that distinguish between its government and its people. We then utilize structural equation-modeling to explore how attitudes toward the Chinese people (i.e., prejudice) and attitudes toward the Chinese government differentially mediate relationships between ideological beliefs, on the one hand, and Americans' China policy preferences, on the other. Results suggest both direct and indirect effects of ideology on policy preferences, with the latter effects being differentially mediated by prejudice and attitudes toward the Chinese government. [R]
62.2465 GUBRUD, Mark A. —
A number of gaps divide reality from perception concerning the kinetic energy ballistic missile defense and anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons developed, tested, and possessed by the US and China. This article explains the equivalence of these supposedly distinct classes of weaponry, and reviews the diplomatic history surrounding recent Chinese and US tests of them, particularly in the light of recent WikiLeaks revelations. The inadequacy of arms-control proposals that would address only the testing or use of these weapons as ASATs is discussed, and a more substantive proposal is offered that emerged in a recent meeting between Chinese and US arms-control analysts. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1415]
62.2466 GÜRCAN, Metin —
A vast literature has emerged on the counterinsurgency (COIN) efforts of Coalition Forces (CF) in Afghanistan at the strategic level for almost nine years. A great portion of the literature available addresses the insurgency in Afghanistan as an integral part of the struggle against al-Qaeda-led global extremism. Nonetheless, to see Afghanistan as a “front” in the struggle against global extremism leads us not to see other underlying causes of the current turmoil of Afghanistan. The excessive focus on enemy-centric COIN approaches in fact exacerbates the insurgency. Afghanistan, in contrast, has been highly in need of population-centric COIN approaches to drain the swamp which breeds the extremism. This article presents the contemporary history of Afghanistan and her geostrategic features as two primary underlying causes of the insurgency in Afghanistan. [R, abr.]
62.2467 GVOSDEV, Nikolas K.; TAKEYH, Ray —
Nine months after a US diplomat called Libya a “strategic ally,” America sent its military after that country's strongman dictator, M. Qaddafi, leading to his overthrow and death. No US national interest was cited as a rationale; the action was justified exclusively on humanitarian grounds. This marks a fundamental break with past US policy prescriptions for such military interventions around the world. [R]
62.2468 HAACKE, Juergen —
Recent research has focused increasingly on the strategies that Southeast Asian countries have adopted vis-à-vis a rising China. This article contributes to the literature by discussing Myanmar's alignment posture towards China under the post-September 1988 military regime. In particular, the purpose is to specify and explain the nature and management of this alignment. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2276]
62.2469 HALPERIN, Sandra —
This article relates the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq to fundamental aspects of Anglo-American political-economy, including the increasing integration of the British and US economies, and the largely Anglo-American-led project of global economic re-structuring currently taking place. Part I discusses the political-economy of UK-US relations and the evolution of an Anglo-America military-industrial conglomerate. Part II links the Anglo-American relations and interests detailed in the first part of the paper to an on-going project of global reconstruction. With this as a context, Part III of the paper views the history of British and US foreign policies towards Iraq and the culmination of these policies in the invasion and take-over of the country. The conclusions draw implications for the overall nature and direction of current trends of change. [R]
62.2470 HAN, Ahmet K. —
Analyses on Afghanistan often assume the importance of this country as given or prefer not to deal with the geopolitical, geostrategic aspect of the issue. This study analyzes this widely-accepted importance of Afghanistan within a geopolitical framework and [examines] Afghanistan's role and impact on the international system. It analyzes the two superpower interventions, the Soviet invasion (1979) and 11 September and the US and NATO intervention (2001) and examines both of these interventions regarding the international context, the priorities of the actors, regional responses and the impact of the interventions on the international system. To understand Afghanistan's geopolitical location, this article takes into account factors such as the country's geostrategy, political culture and demography. [R, abr.]
62.2471 HAN, Ahmet K. —
This article examines Turkey's energy relations with the Middle East from a perspective of opportunities and limitations brought about by the structure of Turkey's general energy relations. As Turkish foreign policy and energy strategy become increasingly integrated, Turkish-Middle East energy relations offer a solid test case on the soundness and applicability of not only Turkey's energy strategy, but also for the success of Turkey's foreign policy during the last decade. Analyzing Middle East energy and the structure of Turkey's energy (im)balances, the article explores Turkey's energy relations with individual Middle East countries and questions the results achieved. It also evaluates Turkey's energy strategy within the context of Turkish foreign policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2472 HE Baogang —
In the context of the rise of China, Southeast Asian countries and Australia have begun shifting towards an accommodation policy. The scholarship has, however, narrowly focused on and overestimated the role of security. Through a study of the origin, process, structural conditions and impacts of accommodation policy, this paper broadens the concept of accommodation to capture its multiple meanings and practices. It finds that a selective accommodation policy and strategy toward the rise of China developed in Australia is a sign of the changing power relations under which the mainstream paradigms of containment and engagement, hard balancing or bandwagoning, have proved inadequate to the task of dealing with China, and that economic interdependence has driven the politics of accommodation in Australia and several Asian countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2516]
62.2473 HELFONT, Samuel; HELFONT, Tally —
The Arab Spring has fundamentally shifted the strategic balance in the Middle East. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has emerged as a key battleground between those who would like to see a more democratic region, and those who would like to maintain economic stability. On one side of this debate is the Gulf Cooperation Council, led by Saudi Arabia, that views democratic reform as a threat to economic stability. On the other side are the forces of the Arab Spring, which have called for political reform in states such as Egypt, Syria, and Libya, even if these reforms come at the expense of stability. This article examines the various forces, both domestic and international, that are attempting to influence Jordan, and through it, the balance of power in the Arab World. [R, abr.]
62.2474 HOLLAND, Jack —
In December 2009, T. Blair indicated that he would have pursued a policy of intervention in Iraq regardless of Saddam Hussein's possession of weapons of mass destruction. In this situation, he would merely have had to employ alternative arguments. Such a statement should come as little surprise. Blair's language throughout his prime ministership was highly strategic; it was framed to achieve support from his primary target audience, “Middle England”. Two key tropes — rationality and leadership — were repeatedly deployed in order to sell Blair's wars to the British public. This article demonstrates how Blair's strategically framed language was politically enabling in three analytical moments, helping to craft a conceivable, coercive and communicable British foreign policy discourse. [R]
62.2475 HOLLIS, Rosemary —
In the 1990s, the EU demonstrated initiative and vision in its dealings with the Middle East and North Africa, including building a free trade area in the Mediterranean, engagement with Iran, dialogue with the GCC, and economic support to the Palestinians in the Middle East peace process. Today, by contrast, the EU has expanded in size but retreated in ambition, resorting to ever more policy pronouncements in place of decisive action. Through an analysis of the changes in EU policies over fifteen years, this paper reveals the extent to which the EU has fallen short of realizing its potential as a formative power and counterweight to the US in the Middle East. [R]
62.2476 HOMOLAR, Alexandra —
This article examines how the foundations of the “rogue states” security narrative in the US developed prior to the declaration of the G.W. Bush administration's “Global War on Terror” and President Bush's representation of Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an “axis of evil”. The puzzle of how US post-Cold War foreign and defense policy came to be focused on “irrational” — but militarily inferior — adversaries can be understood through analyzing how actors within the US defense community discursively constructed discrete international crises as the trigger for a major shift in US threat scenarios. This is developed through an examination of two crucial episodes in the construction of post-Cold War US national security interests: the crisis in the Persian Gulf in 1990–2001 and the North Korean nuclear crisis in 1993–1994. [R, abr.]
62.2477 HYMANS, Jacques E. C. —
The basic insight of the “veto-players” literature from comparative politics — the more veto-players, the more policy rigidity — has been nearly absent from the study of nuclear proliferation. Yet, when states need mutual agreement among a large number of veto-players, this greatly lengthens the odds against radical nuclear policy-change. The veto-players perspective helps to explain the historical resilience of Japan's fifty-year pursuit of a complete nuclear fuel cycle for exclusively peaceful purposes. Although a long line of Japan observers have focused on statements by Japanese politicians suggesting the possibility of redirecting some of the country's large nuclear estate toward military ends, Japan's traditional nuclear policy has in fact become increasingly entrenched over the years, given the rising number of institutionalized veto-players in its nuclear policy-making arena. [R, abr.]
62.2478 IM Hyug-Baeg; CHOI Yu-Jeong —
This article examines why, although the two Koreas have had many talks and reached many agreements, economic cooperation and exchanges have met setbacks, stalemate, spillback, and not spillover. It also explores why the two Chinas have made a relatively successful case of functionalist cooperation and exchanges but have failed to make economic cooperation spill over into political cooperation in a neo-functionalist “package deal”. [R]
62.2479 ISRAELJAN, Evgenija Viktorovna —
National values frame Canada's foreign and domestic policy. Canada's national values are close to those of other advanced democracies with similar status, economic potential, political and cultural context. There are differences in the values of the Canadians and Americans, but they are getting smaller. [R]
62.2480 JACOB, Jabin T. —
This paper argues that more than their boundary dispute, it is the place of Tibet in the Sino-lndian relationship that is at the core of the continuing mistrust between the two countries. For China, pushing economic development as a panacea to ethnic grievances has been an insufficient strategy. To ensure sustainable political stability in Tibet, it is necessary to give India greater space in Tibet in the form of improved economic, tourist and religious exchanges as a way of relieving the sense of cultural siege that ethnic Tibetans suffer from. India meanwhile, having accepted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, will have to reciprocate with a new “forward policy” of its own allowing for greater Chinese access to its own markets and the removal of other discriminatory restrictions on Chinese travelling to India. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2514]
62.2481 JASPAL, Zafar Nawaz —
[US] President B. Obama's expressed desire about a nuclear-weapon-free world seems unattainable in the prevailing global strategic environment. India and Pakistan have adopted an apathetic approach towards the concept of Nuclear Zero, because the intellectual and political movements in favor of a nuclear-weapons-free South Asia suffer from unconvincing rationales, inherent contradictions and unrealistic expectations. New Delhi and Islamabad have failed to negotiate and execute a bilateral arms-control agreement or treaty, which would prevent a nuclear arms race and decrease the mistrust between them. Thus, they are continuing to produce fissile material and are manufacturing, testing and adding dual-capable ballistic/cruise missiles to their arsenals. [R, abr.]
62.2482 JOHANNSEN, Margret —
This article looks at the use of ultra-short-range rockets by Palestinian militant factions in the Gaza Strip as part of the overall dynamic of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and as a tool employed within internal Palestinian rivalries. Against the background of the gross military asymmetry between the parties to the conflict, it assesses the strategic utility of the rockets, including their psychological value as an “equalizer” to Israeli attacks. The article scrutinizes Israel's options to counter the rocket threat and identifies steps toward containing violence in Gaza. The article focuses on Hamas because, due to its leadership role in the Gaza Strip, a solution for the rocket issue will not be found without factoring in and providing a role for the Islamic organization. [R, abr.]
62.2483 KAHRAMAN, Sevilay —
Focusing on the Turkish Middle Eastern foreign policy from the perspective of EU-Turkey relations, this paper argues that Turkey's recent activism and attractiveness in the region is attributable to its dual reform and accession process both of which are tied to the EU's anchoring role and leverage over the country. Turkey has self-consciously taken advantage of its domestic transformation by emulating the EU in its own neighborhood policy. However, to the current stagnation of the accession process and the deepening of Turkey's domestic crisis is now added the new context of the Arab revolutionary movements. This paper [argues], however, that Turkish foreign policy and rising actorness in the Middle East should not be solely driven by an interest-driven pragmatism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2484 KALTENBORN, Markus —
The concept of right is still highly controversial: the Non-Aligned Movement, for example, has already proposed the elaboration of a convention on the right to development, whereas most developed countries are still quite reluctant to accept a legally binding text. In particular, the administration of the US is (mostly) not willing to vote in favor of resolutions supporting this right in the UN Human Rights bodies or even in the
General Assembly because they suspect that otherwise new customary rules regarding obligatory foreign assistance could come into existence. The article gives an overview of the recent history of the right to development and discusses the US position in this part of the international human rights debate. [R, abr.]
62.2485 KAMRAVA, Mehran —
The author contends that the Arab Spring has provided an opening for the Gulf Cooperation Council as a group and for Saudi Arabia as a longtime aspiring leader of the Arab world to try to expand their regional influence and global profile. An already weakened Arab state system has been once again weakened by the sweeping wave of rebellion. [R]
62.2486 KATAYAMA, Kazuyuki —
Since the normalization of diplomatic relations in 1972, Japan-China relations experienced three periods: a peace and friendship era; a politically cold, economically hot era; and era of mutually beneficial relations based on common strategic interests. Japan and China are perpetual neighbors, neither of which can simply relocate, and cannot but seek a win-win situation. Japan's relationship with the US and China has determined Japan's destiny [since] the early 20th c. Japan's diplomatic option is not “US or China,” but “US and China”. The US remains the most important partner for Japan, while Japan should and can cooperate with China on a bilateral, regional and global basis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2564]
62.2487 KATSUMATA, Hiro —
This article enhances our understanding of an East Asian community by focusing on its cultural aspect. The specific focus of analysis is Japanese popular culture, whose elements include J-pop music, TV dramas, movies, manga (comic books), and anime (animations). This article sheds light on the progress of community-building in the cultural sphere by demonstrating that Japanese popular culture has been favored by the people in the East Asian region. By so doing, it modifies our common beliefs about the characteristics of an East Asian community and our conventional expectations of the nature of an East Asian regional identity. [R]
62.2488 KECK, Michelle —
While NGOs reflect private initiative and voluntary action, they have increasingly become the primary vehicles through which many states deliver humanitarian aid. This study examines the relationship between state-funded NGOs and states, using the US as a case study. Does the relationship between the US and US funded NGOs result from pressure from NGOs on US foreign policymakers to address the humanitarian consequences of civil wars? Or does the relationship reflect one in which US funded NGOs activities in civil wars reflect strategic purposes in order for the US to achieve its foreign policy objectives? [R, abr.]
62.2489 KELINE-BROCKHOFF, Thomas; MAULL, Hanns W. —
As the Eurozone faces economic crisis, European countries are looking to Germany to save the day, and find themselves disappointed with the results. Many have overestimated German power. Without a rethinking of its economic and foreign policies, Berlin risks losing influence on the world stage. [R] [First of a series of articles “Of might and meekness”. See also Abstr. 62.2505, 2510, 2561]
62.2490 KELLY, Robert E. —
In 2009, Korea and the EU signed a free trade agreement. Using a traditional list of state goals in foreign policy — national security, economic growth, prestige-seeking, and values-promotion — I examine the prospects for cooperation and integration in the future. I find that deeper engagement is unlikely. Most importantly, neither side is relevant to the basic security issues of the other. Specifically, the EU cannot assist Korea in its acute security dilemma, and “sovereignist” Korea does not share EU preferences for soft power, regionalization, and multilateral collective security. However, Korea is likely to pursue the relationship for cost-free prestige-taking. And the EU will understand this “Asian bridge” as a success for the promotion of liberal-democratic values in a non-European context. [R, abr.]
62.2491 KENNEDY, Andrew
India's “nuclear odyssey” can be understood as a function of Indian leaders' ability to secure their country through nonmilitary means. In the 1960–1970s, India was relatively successful in this regard as it sought and received implicit support from the superpowers against China. This success, in turn, made acquiring the bomb a less pressing question. At the end of the Cold War, however, nonmilitary measures ceased to be viable for India. In the late 1980s, waning Soviet support and the failure of Rajiv Gandhi's diplomatic initiatives led to the creation of India's de facto nuclear arsenal. In the 1990s, India developed a more overt capability, not simply because the pro-bomb Bharatiya Janata Party came to power, but also because its external backing had vanished and because its efforts to improve its security through diplomacy proved unsuccessful. [R, abr.]
62.2492 KENNEDY, Geoff —
Early American republican discourse represents a significant innovation on the traditional republican antagonism to “empire”. While no consensus was established as to kind of international strategies that would be adopted by the new state in order to enhance its greatness, a significant number of American leaders sought the creation of a “Republican Empire,” or an “Empire of Liberty”. While these “imperial projects” assumed different positions in regard to territorial expansion — Jefferson — and commercial expansion — Hamilton — they each represented a conceptual reconciliation between the politics of empire and the politics of liberty. This discursive innovation can be explained in terms of the specific political and socio-economic processes of state formation in the 18th c. [R, abr.]
62.2493 KHAN, Feroz Hassan —
For Pakistan, nuclear capability is an instrument of war-prevention and insurance against invasion. Its nuclear doctrine is heavily influenced by India's conventional superiority, making it difficult for Pakistan to eschew first use, something that sets Pakistan's deterrence policy apart from India's. [R]
62.2494 KHOKHLOV, Igor' Igorevič —
Pakistan's political instability, ethnic conflicts, economic backwardness, and strong anti-Western disposition form a dangerous situation when combined with the country's considerable nuclear arsenal. Recent security measures adapted by nuclear energy state authorities represent an effort to control military and civilian sites as well as production of materials. Legal regulation of nuclear energy is examined in the context of a variety of international organizations' evaluations. The spread of radical Islam may increase the danger of terrorists gaining access to nuclear materials due to weak points in its nuclear program. Among the numerous destabilizing factors is NATO's presence in the region, the political elite's instability, and the army's and the civilian population's solidarity with radical Islamists. Considered in the context of global security measures, Pakistan's actions are far from being sufficient due to a number of factor that increase the danger of radical Islamists gaining access to nuclear weapons.
62.2495 KIM Taekyoon —
By reviewing the historical evolution of US-China strategic relations in line with food aid and adopting a game model to verify historical findings, this article addresses two significant observations. (1) The North Korean food-aid dynamics were constructed and crystallized by donors' strategic interactions, rather than humanitarian intention to save the famine-stricken North Korea. (2) Any multilateral cooperation for delivering food aid to North Korea dooms to failure, despite the potential of aid-coordination among donor states. Donors' competition for the primacy in the region of Northeast Asia hampered policy coordination for institutionalizing aid networks. The [US and China] were bound to strategize food aid as a logical outgrowth of their own interests in the wake of North Korea's humanitarian disasters. [R, abr.]
62.2496 KLEIMAN, Mark —
Current drug policies in Mexico and the US are obviously not working — and none of the standard alternatives offers much hope. It is time to get real about what can — and cannot — be done to end the 40-year-long drug war and to focus on changing the incentives for both dealers and users.[R]
62.2497 KLOSE, Hans-Ulrich; POLENZ, Ruprecht —
“Continuity” is the label Germany's foreign policy has worn for decades. Integrated into NATO and the EU, it has remained a reliable partner to the West —that was the common shorthand. But doubt is growing in the international community about whether Germany's self-image is still accurate. It is a devastating development. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2243]
62.2498 KOBER, Avi —
This article addresses the following question: how can one explain the neglect of the intellectual aspects of the profession on the part of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)? The explanations offered for that neglect are a mixture of cultural and societal factors. The cultural explanation focuses on Israeli strategic culture; the traditional Israeli perception of the combination of rich experience and experience-based intuition as a winning ticket; the tendency to extol improvisation; a cult of material strength; and a strong belief in technology. The social explanation stresses the declining attractiveness of a military career for qualitative young Israelis. The article contends that change can take place only if the IDF undergoes a process of institutional intellectualism — if not willingly then one imposed by the political echelon. [R]
62.2499 KOMKOVA, Elena Gennadievna —
After an enthusiastic start in February 2009, when the new American president paid his first foreign visit to Canada, Canadian-American relations seem to have reached a plateau. The nadir was reached in March 2011 when Secretary of State H. Clinton publicly criticized Canada for organizing an Arctic conference that did not include all the countries of the region and criticized the Conservative government's policy on maternal health in the third world. [R]
62.2500 KONYŠEV, Valerij Nikolaevič; SERGUNIN, Aleksandr Anatol'evič —
B. Obama's national security strategy is examined. It is compared with corresponding G. Bush, Jr. documents. Some innovations notwithstanding, the [National Security] Strategy 2010 follows the course of previous administrations and reflects Washington's aspiration to provide the idea of American leadership with a more attractive image for consumption of foreign partners and find new outlets for US world domination. [R]
62.2501 KOPPITERS [COPPITERS], Bruno —
Russia's politics of recognition of breakaway regions, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia, can be analyzed using the cases of Taiwan and Kosovo as models of conflict resolution. Political models are useful in terms of their capacity to mobilize authorities towards the application of certain methods of conflict resolution as well as to inspire a better understanding of the conflict's defining characteristics through comparative analysis. Both models are applicable to Russia's and Georgia's approaches to conflict resolution. Two basic types of “conflict transformation,” positive and negative, help to distinguish different levels of compatibility between the opposing sides' positions.
62.2502 KREMENJUK, Viktor Aleksandrovič —
The article focuses on President B. Obama's foreign policy-making in the conditions of a dual crisis: (1) the domestic one connected with both financial matters and related policy problems; (2) the global crisis associated with both financial difficulties and far-reaching changes in the global roles of China, Russia, India and other nations. [R]
62.2503 KUCHINS, Andrew C.; ZEVELEV, Igor A. —
The return of V. Putin as president will not significantly alter the course of Moscow's foreign policy. There are deeper structural reasons involving debates among Russian elites about foreign policy and Russia's place in the world that are more important. [R]
62.2504 KUNDNANI, Hans —
European foreign policy takes shape as much by design as by a lack thereof: discordant member-state solo efforts or semi-coordinated non-feasance are part of the broader EU foreign policy picture. The European Council on Foreign Relations has taken on a grading of this wide field of EU action abroad. One conclusion: pay attention to your neighbors! [R] [See Abstr. 62.2243]
62.2505 KUNDNANI, Hans —
Berlin remains unwilling to project military force, even alongside allies. But it has become less hesitant to flex its economic muscles, especially in Europe. Traditionally thought of as a “civilian power,” Germany's foreign policy has become more assertive in pursuit of profits for its firms, even perhaps at the cost of its broader political interests. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2489]
62.2506 KURTH, James —
Many Western analysts argue that China's great power will cause it to become more like Western great powers. Others believe that China will continue to be like the China of the past few decades. An alternative interpretation, however, is that China's new power will enable it to become more like the traditional and imperial China that existed before the Western intrusions of the 19th c. This China was the “Central State” of a distinctive Chinese world order, operating with distinctive conceptions about diplomatic relations, military strategy, and economic exchange. However, the new China will be unlike the old China in at least two important ways. It will be a naval, and not just a land, power, and it will be a financial, and not just a trading, power. [R, abr.]
62.2507 KURTZER, Daniel —
President B. Obama can take credit for some serious foreign-policy triumphs — the killing of Osama bin Laden, the overthrow of Libya's Qaddafi, ending America's involvement in the Iraq War. But he has failed to revive the moribund Middle East peace process. Experts put forth many arguments for why it cannot be done or the timing is bad, but they all crumble against the imperative of American presidential leadership. [R]
62.2508 LARRABEE, F. Stephen —
In the last decade, the Gulf has emerged as an important focal point of Turkish foreign policy. The Arab Awakening, however, has unleashed powerful pressures for change throughout the Middle East and Gulf. The key question is what impact these pressures for change will have on Turkey's foreign policy toward the Gulf and the Middle East more broadly. Ankara's Gulf policy was predicated on the political status quo in the Gulf remaining largely intact. Can this policy still succeed? Or will it have to be redefined to deal with a new and highly dynamic strategic landscape? [R] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2509 LEKSJUTINA, Yana Valer'evna —
The article discusses the recently intensified tensions in US-China relations over the South China Sea, over the issues that comprise both the problem of freedom of navigation and the increasing US efforts to foster multilateral approach for resolving the South China Sea territorial disputes. [R]
62.2510 LINDLEY-FRENCH, Julian —
As one of Europe's major powers, Germany has both the capability and the responsibility to contribute to Europe's hard-pressed defense effort. But Berlin has consistently neglected its commitment to the Common Security and Defense policy, exemplified by the newest plans for cuts to the Bundeswehr. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2489]
62.2511 LINDLEY-FRENCH, Julian —
The crisis of the euro, together with the economic convergence of the countries of the Eurozone, is profoundly disquieting to the UK; it indicates potential threats both to a European free-trade area, and to the vital national interest represented by the London financial market. Are its only alternatives the Commonwealth and the English-speaking world? There are strong British objections to continental Franco-German convergence. [R]
62.2512 LIU Xuecheng —
Since the 1950s, the Chinese and Indian governments have attempted to resolve the border dispute through diplomatic negotiations which have generated several meaningful documents. But the basic position of both the countries on the border dispute remains unchanged. Both sides have agreed to press ahead with the frame-work negotiations in accordance with the agreed political parameters and guiding principles so as to seek a fair and reasonable solution acceptable to them. Prior to that, both sides have agreed to work together to maintain peace and tranquility in the border areas. While we are cautiously optimistic, we are increasingly concerned about the consequences of their geopolitical rhetoric and strategic suspicion originating primarily from the unresolved border dispute. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2514]
62.2513 LU Xing —
By using the theoretical frameworks of rhetorical traditions of both cultures, and realism and post-realism on foreign policy rhetoric, this article examines the dynamics of US-China relations from 1940 to 1990s in historical, political, ideological, and economic contexts as facilitated by media and the discourse of national leaders. It explores the rhetorical construction of US-China relations evolving from “military allies” to “ideological enemies,” and from “moral adversaries” to “strategic partners” in responding to international environment and domestic needs. The author contends that rhetoric on US-China relations is largely shaped by the cultural orientations and national interest of each country. [R, abr.]
62.2514 MAXWELL, Neville —
In its dying days, the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognized to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China's protests. The PRC government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalization of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the J. Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to submit the claim to negotiation. Persistent Indian attempts to implement its territorial claims by armed force led to the 1962 border war. The Indian defeat did not lead to any change of policy; both the claims and the refusal to negotiate were maintained. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue, “Revisiting the China-India border dispute,” edited and introduced, pp. 65–69, by Dibyesh ANAND. See also Abstr. 62.2398, 2458, 2480, 2512, 2554, 2570]
62.2515 McCULLY, Murray —
The Arab Spring has overturned the landscape of the Arab world. It has demonstrated widespread support for genuine democratic and economic reform. But big uncertainties remain. What will the new order be? How will the transition process play out? How will the changes affect the seemingly intractable Palestine-Israel problem? The outcome will be of immense consequence to New Zealand — strategically, politically, economically and socially. We must continue to express their democratic voices and by promoting real economic reform and sustainable development. We must also manage the significance inherent risks. [R]
62.2516 McDOUGALL, Derek —
While the strategic response to “rising China” in the broader East Asian region has been varied, the strongest emphasis has been on “soft balancing”. This approach is clearly evident in the strategies pursued by the most significant of the major powers, the US, Japan and India, as well as by other powers such as Australia, Indonesia and Vietnam. However, other responses such as accommodation and hedging have also featured for various states within the region. Frequently the response of a particular state will involve a number of elements. Soft balancing is most prominent in relation to the security dimension. Economic interaction encourages other kinds of responses. Whatever the overall approach adopted, a key factor is domestic politics, particularly the perceptions of the relevant elites. [R] [First of a series of articles on “The rise of China and the regional responses in the Asia-Pacific,” edited by HE Baogang. See also Abstr. 62.2414, 2420, 2472, 2539]
62.2517 MIYAGI, Yukiko —
This article looks at the trends in Japan's Middle East policy on politico-security issues since the beginning of the 1970s. It observes that Japanese policy started with a stance sympathetic to the Palestinians and the Arab and Islamic states but shifted towards neutral and then towards more pro-US positions over time. This trend can be explained by international structural change and power-shift, from a period of relatively cohesive Arab and Islamic states that had more weight vis-à-vis the US and the West towards one which saw a decline of Arab unity and the oil weapon, and a shift towards US hegemony. The paper also points out a gradual change in Japan's main policy tool towards the Middle East, from non-military approaches overtime. [R, abr.]
62.2518 MOORE, Gregory J. —
This article brings an international relations perspective to the discussion of the science and policy of avoiding a Sino-US arms race in space. A blind adherence to realist and space nationalist assumptions, without considering alternative approaches such as the policy options offered here, will likely doom China and the US to a long, expensive, and potentially dangerous arms race in space for decades to come. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1415]
62.2519 MUKHERJEE, Anit —
In July 2011, India appointed the Naresh Chandra Committee to re-visit the issue of defense reform. Addressing such fundamental problems as poor institutional knowledge, confused civil-military relations and a lack of inter-service and interagency co-ordination will help India to realize its ambitions on the world stage. However, the committee may find it difficult to define reforms that are acceptable to all of the principal actors: the military, politicians and civilian bureaucracy. [R]
62.2520 NARLIKAR, Amrita —
To what extent does rising responsibility accompany rising power in international relations? This article focuses on India to address the question: is a responsible great power in the making? Following a brief theoretical discussion on the notion of responsibility and its relationship to rising power, the article offers an empirical overview of India's achievements thus far, and also the international and domestic challenges that it faces today. Despite the attempts by observers to thrust greatness upon India, the country is yet to achieve greatness. The article further illustrates that India's record of assuming global responsibility has been lackluster at best. The article argues that India's reluctance to share the burden of providing global public goods is inseparably bound with the nature of its rise to power. [R]
62.2521 NEUMANN, Iver B. —
Norwegian diasporas are, first, small groups in Norway, notably Jews and Roma [Gypsies]. Second, they are large groups of Norwegians and people who consider themselves as descending from Norwegians, first and foremost in the US, but also in Canada, Argentina and elsewhere in the new world. Today's diasporas are colonies of Norwegians settled abroad, primarily in Spain, but also in Thailand and elsewhere. Politically, the most important issue would be the diasporas within Norway. The article suggests a classification of foreign policy-related strategies that may be followed by these groups, ranging from op-ed writing via demonstrations, lobbying and party-political activity to violent action. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a series of articles on Norwegian diasporas. See also Abstr. 62.2404, 2460, 2461]
62.2522 NIKSCH, Larry A. —
Current talk of new US-North Korean official contacts and possible resumption of six-party nuclear negotiations ignore a more likely development over the next two to four years: North Korean success in producing nuclear warheads that it would mount on its short- and intermediate-range missiles and possibly later on longer-range missiles. North Korean success would transform Pyongyang into a genuine nuclear-weapons state. It would end the value of denuclearization negotiations: North Korea never will give up such a success. The US and its allies will need to formulate new strategies to deal with North Korea. These should include stepped up measures of military containment, a strategy to manage nuclear crises with North Korea, and a focus on other issues on which Pyongyang might be more vulnerable to outside influence. [R]
62.2523 NYGÅRD, Jakob Riiskjær; RASMUSSEN, Søren Mollerup —
The Russian-Ukrainian gas dispute of 2009 has sent ripples through European energy policy debates. Does dependence on Russian gas represent a threat to European energy security via politically motivated supply interruptions? Or was the conflict simply a dispute over the right price of a good? Rather than focusing on the outcomes of or motives behind the conflict, we conduct a neoclassical realist analysis of Russian foreign energy policy in order to assess Russia's ability to use gas as a political instrument of coercion. Our analysis shows that structural conditions promote an increasing emphasis on gas. This shift translates into Russian foreign policy elite consensus about using gas as a foreign policy instrument; this consensus is facilitated by an increase in state cohesion since V. Putin [became] president in 2000. [R, abr.]
62.2524 O'BRIEN, Terence —
Tempting as it is to view the so-called Arab Spring as a single convulsive movement, the patterns and social dynamics of various Middle Eastern countries differ widely. They are, moreover, imbued with the consequences of longstanding intervention in the affairs of the region by a succession of outside powers intent upon imposing their versions of order. How far outside powers can or should strive to influence events of the Arab Spring will have direct bearing upon relationships between the West and Islam, and the prospects for authentic Middle Eastern peace. New Zealand needs to retain independent judgment. [R]
62.2525 O'MALLEY, Kate —
This article looks at the diplomatic relations between Ireland and India in the post-World War II era, and seeks to explain why Ireland delayed establishing an embassy in India until 1964. In examining relations between the two countries, this research introduces the concept of “third-country diplomacy,” whereby Indian and Irish representatives in other countries liaised and worked together in the absence of bilateral relations. The usefulness of Commonwealth ties in advance of the Irish decision to repeal the External Relations Act and leave the Commonwealth is of note in this regard, as there was a brief but fruitful flourish of inter-Commonwealth diplomacy at work between Ireland and India in the mid-1940s. [R]
62.2526 O'NEIL, Andrew —
A number of commentators have claimed that the strategic relevance of extended nuclear deterrence is declining in the 21st c. This claim is based on three key arguments: (1) that the positive effects of extended nuclear deterrence have been exaggerated by its proponents; (2) that the rational-actor logic underpinning extended nuclear deterrence is increasingly redundant; and (3) that extended deterrence using conventional weapons is equally, if not more, effective as extended nuclear deterrence. This article applies these arguments to East Asia, a region where nuclear weapons continue to loom large in states' security equations. [R, abr.]
62.2527 O'REILLY, Jessica —
At the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings, an Indian delegate proposed a new research base located within an environmental protection area, because it is where India and Antarctica were connected on the 125-million-year-old continent of Gondwana. How did this claim come to be successful for the Indian Antarctic program? In the production of documents within international governing bodies, policy-makers enroll allies, emphasizing particular aspects of their plans to members of diverse epistemic communities. Instead of trying to make nationally oriented ideas work through uniform procedural rules, international policy-makers reshape the contours of acceptable policy-making procedure and the political possibilities of international governance. [R]
62.2528 PAKIN-ALBAYRAKOĞLU, Esra —
Being strategic partners as of 1980s against the common threat of Iran, the US and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have diverged in time as regards how to treat this country. The GCC has sought to protect their interests and cultivated dialogue with Iran, while trying not to break relations with Washington. The Council insists on reintegrating Iran into the system through diplomatic means. However, the ability of the GCC to influence Iranian and US policies are limited. At a time when multidimensional security issues render the GCC dependent upon US defense capabilities, the US, GCC and Iran face difficulties in reaching a common ground. [R]
62.2529 PANT, Harsh V. —
The risks to global security from a failure in Afghanistan are great. Abandoning the goal of establishing both a functioning Afghan state and a moderate Pakistan places greater pressure on Indian security. Pakistani intelligence would be emboldened to escalate terrorist attacks against India once it is satisfied that the Taliban would provide it strategic depth in Afghanistan. This would surely force retaliation from India. [R]
62.2530 PANT, Harsh V. —
Although some are calling for Washington and/or New Delhi to partner with Beijing to restore stability in Pakistan, Islamabad's utility for Beijing is only likely to increase, resulting in a further tightening of the Sino-Pakistan entente cordiale. [R]
62.2531 PEDERSEN, Rasmus Brun —
In recent years “activism” has been a defining character of Danish foreign policy. The article argues that there is more activism rather than a new form of active adaptation, as suggested in the Danish foreign policy literature. The argument is that different versions of activism have gradually replaced the reactive adaptation often associated with Danish foreign policy during the Cold War. Activism is not a well described concept in the Danish foreign policy tradition, however. The article argues that activism as a foreign policy strategy has some basic defining features but also that activism has developed through different phases after the end of the Cold War. [R]
62.2532 PERTHES, Volker —
As the Middle East undergoes upheaval and transformation, Europe has an interest and a responsibility to expand its cooperation with the region's states. [R]
62.2533 PICARELLA, Lucia —
This article analyzes the delicate connection between domestic and foreign policy on the one hand and public opinion on the other, through an excursus of main events which have taken place in Spain from the time of Fr. Franco to the second legislature of [Rodriguez] Zapatero. Through historical and political reconstruction, using supporting data, a reflection is formulated on a system that has undergone deep transformations. The changes have placed Spain in the same league as other European powers in a relatively short period, enabling it to attain the status of a regional power. The question remains as to whether Spanish public opinion has always accepted the foreign policy choices of its leaders. [R]
62.2534 POMPER, Miles A.; DOVER, Michelle E. —
President B. Obama emerged early in his presidency as champion of a cause to which few had paid much attention — securing vulnerable nuclear materials. Two years after Obama's Washington summit on this arcane but important matter, fifty or so national leaders soon will descend on Seoul, South Korea, to track progress since the last summit and fashion goals and commitments for the future. Their efforts merit attention. [R]
62.2535 PORTER, Patrick —
As the US became a world power, journalist and intellectual W. Lippmann feared that it would become its own worst enemy. During and after World War II, he tried to steer the country towards coherent statecraft, to define the national interest and the limits of power, and give geopolitical expression to the US's role as the core of an Atlantic strategic system. But in response to world war, the Truman Doctrine, and the Korean War, he became pessimistic about the country's ability to conduct strategy effectively, believing that a fatal symbiosis between America's growing strength and domestic politics led it towards crisis. Lippmann's concept of strategy deserves attention for its dialogue between power and identity, for its questioning of “ends” as well as means, and for its focus on the danger of self-defeating behavior. [R, abr.]
62.2536 PRETORIUS, Joelien —
Africa is largely seen as a uranium supplier rather than nuclear power producer in the world nuclear order. The position that African states take towards Africa-India nuclear cooperation, uranium supply to India in particular, is informed by two seemingly contrasting factors: economic and political pragmatism, and non-proliferation imperatives and norms. The African Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty, also referred to as the Pelindaba Treaty, prohibits uranium and nuclear-related exports to states without comprehensive safeguards of their nuclear facilities, but the case of India is still open for interpretation. Africa and India's shared post-colonial consciousness, manifesting in their historical ties, membership of the Non-Aligned Movement and South-South cooperation, is often regarded as another factor facilitating Africa-India nuclear relations. [R, abr.]
62.2537 RAHIMI, Babak —
Iran's influence over Iraq has less to do with the formation of a Shi'a alliance than with Tehran's ability to manage Iraq's internal divisions. In part because of post-2009 Iranian and post-2010 Iraqi politics, Tehran has to date failed to orchestrate these intricacies in its favor. [R]
62.2538 RAHMAN, Syed Ashrafur —
Though Japan is one of the richest countries in the world, South Asia has become important to it because of its geo-strategic location. Since the end of the Cold War Japan has played a very important traditional and human security role in South Asia. This article discusses Japan's South Asian policy and its traditional and human security role in South Asia. [A]
62.2539 REILLY, James —
As China expands its development assistance in Southeast Asia, is Chinese aid beginning to emulate international norms and practices or sustaining its own distinct approach to development assistance? This essay argues that China's socialization into international norms varies with the thickness of the institutional environment. In Laos and Cambodia, China's enhanced collaboration with international consortia, improved transparency, and project diversity point to nascent socialization. China's aid to Myanmar, however, remains opaque and largely self-interested. At the regional level, Beijing is bolstering its influence over the norms and practices of regional developmental institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2516]
62.2540 RENARD, Thomas; STRUYE DE SWIELANDE, Tanguy, eds. —
Editors' introduction, pp. 3–5. Articles by Tanguy STRUYE DE SWIELANDE, “China and the South China Sea: a new security dilemma?,” pp. 7–20; Bruni HELLENDORFF, “Australia rising to the Chinese challenge,” pp. 21–34; Shada ISLAM, “Indonesia's changing regional role: relations with ASEAN and China,” pp. 35–52; Sico VAN DER MEER, “Geopolitics and nuclear weapons: North Korean provocations as a tool for regime survival,” pp. 53–66; Frans-Paul VAN DER PUTTEN, “The sustainability of the US military presence in East Asia,” pp. 67–78; CHEN Lurong, Philippe DE LOMBAERDE and Nishalini NAIR, “The changing roles of Japan and China towards ASEAN's economy,” pp. 79–94; Michito TSURUOKA, “Defining Europe's strategic interest in Asia: state of things and challenges ahead,” pp. 95–108; Bertrand DE CROMBRUGGHE, “The value of the Asia-Europe Meeting,” pp. 109–127.
62.2541 RISKEDAHL, Diane —
The debate over sovereignty in Lebanon involves a battle among distinct and varying political imaginaries. This struggle is evident in the negotiation of the Syrian presence within Lebanon prior to the withdrawal of the Syrian military in the spring of 2005. I focus here on the early public call for change made by the Maronite Patriarch that preceded the broader national movement for Syrian withdrawal. I argue that this statement challenged previously entrenched concepts regarding the relationship between Syria and Lebanon and contributed to redefining Lebanese discourses of sovereignty. Specifically, I look at the metaphor of kin relations: aspects of a sibling relationship that embed Lebanon in a script of reciprocal obligations are contrasted with a more individuated notion of state rights. [R, abr.]
62.2542 ROBERTS, Geoffrey —
J. Haslam's Russia's Cold War [New Haven, 2011] is the latest effort by a western scholar to synthesize new research and findings on the Soviet role in the Cold War. Citing an array of published Russian archival material, Haslam seeks to resuscitate the traditional western Cold War view that the conflict was the inevitable result of communist expansionism. However, the material cited by Haslam does not support such a conclusion and he ignores conflicting evidence and views. The Cold War was a war of choice, not necessity, the result of distorted perceptions and calculations by both sides, aided and abetted by generations of ideologically aligned historians. [R]
62.2543 RODRIGUEZ, David M. —
The Afghans will indeed be ready to take over their own security by 2014. The size and quality of Afghanistan's armed services have increased drastically over the last few years, and the US decision to focus on good local governance, especially in key areas, has pacified the most important parts of the country. [R]
62.2544 ROMER, Jean-Christophe —
Russia's strategic relationship with France, and more generally with Europe and the Atlantic Alliance, is unlikely to change significantly following the many elections in the near future. The Afghan question, energy security and the relationship with China will remain determining, and underline the importance of anchoring Russia to the West. [R]
62.2545 ROSATO, Sebastian; SCHUESSLER, John —
What kind of policy can the US pursue that ensures its security while minimizing the likelihood of war? We describe and defend a realist theory of foreign policy to guide American decision-makers: if they want to ensure their security, great powers such as the US should balance against other great powers. They should also take a relaxed view toward developments involving minor powers and, at most, should balance against hostile minor powers that inhabit strategically important regions of the world. We then show that had the great powers followed our theory's prescriptions, some of the most important wars of the past century might have been averted. In other words, realism as we conceive it offers the prospect of security without war. [R, abr.]
62.2546 ROWDYBUSH, Brinton; CHAMOREL, Patrick —
No matter who is elected this spring, Paris is unlikely to abandon its global efforts to lead. But with more limited resources available to carry out its global vision and goals, can the next French president maintain the diplomatic and military means to influence international events? [R]
62.2547 RUSSELL, Roberto; TOKATLIAN, Juan Gabriel —
This essay explores the possibility that Latin America may deploy new strategic options in its relations with Washington at the beginning of the 21st c. It evaluates what have been the five major foreign policy models of the region with regard to Washington since the end of the Cold War. It evaluates the recent dynamics of Latin American insertion into world affairs. Then it introduces three new alternatives for handling US-Latin American relations in the coming years. It points out the importance of understanding the scope of the hemispheric challenges for both the region and Washington. [R]
62.2548 RYAN, Maria —
This article examines the development of two distinct theories of American internationalism in the 1990s —the political humanitarianism of the liberal hawks and the unipolarism of the neoconservatives — and the fundamentally different and opposing grounds on which these two groups supported the 2003 Iraq War. The liberal hawks, however, failed almost completely to examine the motivations of the neoconservative architects of the “war on terror”. Instead, they imposed their own normative schema on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and campaigned for them as wars of liberation. Their almost total failure to engage with the intellectual origins of the war led them to accept uncritically the idealistic rhetoric of the President and to assume that the Bush administration and the neoconservatives were motivated by the same idealism and world view as they were themselves. [R, abr.]
62.2549 RYWKIN, Michael —
Central Asia is significant to Russia, China, and the Muslim Middle East, but it is not given sufficient attention by Washington despite appeals by many American experts in the field. For strategic reasons, Moscow cannot permit the region to fall under Chinese, American, or Islamist domination. The region also supplies Russia with much needed cheap labor, [and] is increasingly valuable to Beijing as a nearby source of energy and minerals and to the Muslim world as its recently recovered Northward extension. The article summarizes key goals of US policy in the area: preventing Russia from regaining exclusive influence, controlling the spread of weapons of mass destruction, preventing any single power from acquiring a monopoly of oil and gas pipelines, support for democratization and human rights, and stopping terrorism and narcotraffic from gaining a foothold. [R, abr.]
62.2550 SCHEINMANN, Gabriel M.; COHEN, Raphael S. —
“Securing the global commons” has multiple and often contradictory meanings, misleading and misinforming a crucial strategic debate about US role in the world. Redefined in concrete terms, Washington can pursue a global commons strategy that is manageable, beneficial, and necessary. [R]
62.2551 SFEIR, Antoine, ed. —
Contributions by Hadjar AOUARDJI (USA-Egypt); Elizabeth STEPHENS (USA-Israel); Sohrab AHMARI (USA-Iran); Christian CHESNOT (USA-Middle East); Dorothée SCHMID (USA-Turkey).
62.2552 SHEN, Dingli —
China and the US have developed a complex relationship. Facing common threats such as missile proliferation and regional instability, they tend to collaborate for mutual benefit. However, the two countries have hedged against each other for their respective national interests, often acting so as to reinforce each other's negative security perceptions. Their security dynamism in missile defense and anti-satellite (ASAT) operations has furthered their mutual distrust. This article addresses their security dilemmas by suggesting that China and the US take a more trusting view of each other's missile defense program, whether at the research and development stage or at deployment. They must develop such systems in an approach of mutual reassurance, allowing a degree of reciprocal vulnerability in order to avoid an arms race. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1415]
62.2553 SHEN Hongfang —
The ASEAN-China Declaration of the Conduct of Parties (DOC) signed by China and the ASEAN countries in 2002 has not reached its purpose of promoting a peaceful, friendly and harmonious environment in the South China Sea. Instead, the past decade has witnessed numerous clashes between the sovereignty-claimants. Hence, the South Sea has actually become a potential “battlefield” if consultations or negotiations among the parties concerned have not been effectively or well handled. This paper describes the current overlapping sovereignty claims of related parties around the South China Sea, introduces the mainstream opinions in mainland China toward this critical sovereignty issue, and discusses the evolving academic viewpoints of the Chinese scholars on the South China Sea's territorial disputes, and seeks an alternative approach to handle these complicated sovereignty disputes and raises some proposals for this purpose. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2564]
62.2554 SINGH, Zorawar Daulet —
In 1976, India and China resumed their diplomatic interactions, which had been interrupted by the 1962 War. For the ensuing three decades both sides [sought] a process that can identify the contours of a solution to the boundary question. The orthodox historiography of the post-1976 phase portrays India as a relatively intransigent actor still clinging to the past (pre-1962) and unwilling to explore a solution. India is also painted as an unimaginative interlocutor, unable to offer proposals or counterproposals; China is supposed to have steered India toward a common position. This paper offers a nuanced corrective. India was not the only unyielding actor in this dyad; China too, despite its oft-expressed intent for a comprehensive settlement, has been less than enthusiastic in translating its principles toward concrete proposals. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2514]
62.2555 SINIVER, Asaf —
This article presents the case for arbitrating the territorial dispute over the West Bank between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. After nearly two decades of intense intermediary activity but with still no signs of progress, and against the inability of the parties themselves to move towards reconciliation, the article argues that as a method of conflict-resolution, mediation has exhausted its primary objective — the establishing of direct channels of communication between the disputants — and it is now time to examine alternative methods to conflict-resolution. The article debunks the myths surrounding the success of American mediation in the conflict, and uses the historical case of the Taba arbitration between Israel and Egypt to demonstrate under what terms the arbitration of the West Bank dispute might be presented. [R, abr.]
62.2556 SINIVER, Asaf —
Despite the promise of “change” in President B. Obama's early dealings with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, White House policy was in fact commensurate with those of preceding administrations. Rather than heralding a new direction for American engagement with the conflict, the Obama Administration has displayed more patterns of continuity than change in its dealings with both parties. Specifically, by continuing to act as “Israel's attorney” during negotiations, the Obama team had in effect negated the president's early pledges to act as an honest broker in the conflict. In assessing the (in)effectiveness of the Administration's management of the Israeli-Palestinian issue, it seems that on-going mediation efforts to revive the moribund peace process have exhausted their potential. Arbitration may be explored as a more effective method to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian territorial dispute. [R]
62.2557 ŞIRIYEV, Zaur —
When the power balance across the Caucasus shifted following the Russian-Georgian war of 2008, Azerbaijan used its economic success to increase its military capacity, which in turn strengthened its argument for the right to use force under the UN Charter. The developments in the military sector led to increased tension between the conflict parties, and greater risk of war. With Azerbaijan's recent to the UN Security Council as a non-permanent member, Baku will be able to bring a UNSC resolution on Nagorno-Karabakh to the global agenda once again. Similarly, the attempts to mobilize the Azerbaijani community of Nagorno-Karabakh will increase Azerbaijan's diplomatic clout in the international arena. The article describes developments within the framework of Azerbaijan's policies and strategic vision for conflict-resolution. [R, abr.]
62.2558 SMIRNOV, Aleksej Nikolaevič —
Much depends on Russia's capacity to identify itself not only with the Western countries, but also with the Muslim world since questions of foreign policy interweave considerably with the country's interior security needs. Moscow's joining the Organization of the Islamic Conference as an observer in June 2005 is a key event which determines the nature of post-Soviet Russia's partnership with the contemporary Muslim world. Do Russian Muslim minorities represent a significant enough factor for Moscow's rapprochement with the Muslim world or is Russia's mostly Orthodox population posing certain limitations on foreign policy? Recent socio-political debates demonstrate the dilemma's relevance as well as Russia's problematic relationship with the Muslim world, which in turn affects its interior unity.
62.2559 SMITH, Martin A. —
NATO has been a source of influence on British nuclear policy and strategy since the 1950s. The nature and extent of its influence has, however, been kept limited by successive British governments. This article considers how and why this has happened. It discusses evolving British attitudes towards NATO command and planning, and shows how these were reflected with regard to strategic nuclear issues from the late 1950s. The evolution of the key notion that the UK is a second center of nuclear decision within NATO is traced, and both its utility and contradictions are examined. Overall, both during and since the Cold War, NATO has neither been a central factor in shaping British nuclear strategy and policy, nor have British nuclear weapons been other than of limited importance and relevance for most NATO members. [R]
62.2560 SOLJANOVA, Marija Viktorovna —
Two topics for debates about the future world order are currently prominent in the US: the collapse of American dominance and a US leadership renewal. The article reviews the most clearly expressed positions of political scientists regarding the place and role of the US in the emerging international system. [R]
62.2561 SPECKMANN, Thomas —
Modernizing an army and simultaneously saving money requires setting strict priorities. But how? For Germany, future deployments will require a strong navy — an unsurprising truism since more than 80 percent of world trade occurs on the sea. When will Berlin finally start to think more about its maritime capabilities? [R] [See Abstr. 62.2489]
62.2562 TAKEYH, Ray; MALONEY, Suzanne —
Economic sanctions have often been considered an important tool for disciplining adversaries and compelling them to offer important concessions. History, however, suggests otherwise. Economic penalties rarely cause states to abandon important national assets. After decades of struggling under punitive financial measures, Iran has persisted with its objectionable policies ranging from terrorism to proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. All this suggests that ideological regimes that put a premium on their political priorities and which are seemingly insensitive to the mounting costs of their belligerence may not be suitable candidates for the type of cost-benefit analysis that sanctions diplomacy invites. [R]
62.2563 TEREBOV, Oleg Vladimirovič —
The article deals with the main principles of US policy with regard to the Arctic and its resources, as well as US military activities. The US objects both to other Arctic states' “excessive claims” and to the establishment of an international legal regime for the Arctic because it seeks to maintain maximum freedom of action. [R]
62.2564 THAYER, Carlyle A. —
During the first half of 2011, China began to aggressively assert its sovereignty claims in the South China Sea by interfering with the commercial operations of Philippine and Vietnamese oil-exploration vessels operating in their Exclusive Economic Zones. China also undertook to demonstrate its jurisdiction by enforcing a unilateral fishing ban and by deploying civilian vessels in disputed waters. This study examines the drivers behind Chinese assertiveness and highlights the importance of energy security and sovereignty. The article considers in detail the impact of Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea on its bilateral relations with Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam, and the responses by these claimant states, particularly in presentations to the Shangri-La Dialogue. The article explores the utility of multilateral diplomatic efforts towards reducing tensions through a regional code of conduct. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “South China Sea and China's foreign relations,” edited and introduced, pp. 551–553, by YEOH Emile Kok-Kheng. See also Abstr. 62.2432, 2440, 2486, 2553, 2587]
62.2565 THAYER, Carlyle A. —
This article reviews Chinese assertive behavior towards the Philippines and Vietnam over South China Sea issues in 2011. It compares and contrasts Chinese diplomatic behavior in the period before and after the adoption by ASEAN member states and China of Guidelines for the Implementation the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in July. In the first period China aggressively asserted its claims to sovereignty by interfering with commercial fishing and oil-exploration activities of vessels operating in the Exclusive Economic Zones of Vietnam and the Philippines. Both states resisted Chinese actions. In the second period all states moved to contain South China Sea tensions from affecting their larger bilateral relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2276]
62.2566 THAYER, Carlyle A. —
This article analyzes Vietnamese strategies to constrain China in the South China Sea. It tests B. Womack's theory of asymmetry [China and Vietnam: The Politics of Asymmetry, New York, 2006] as a framework for analyzing bilateral relations. Mature asymmetry exists when the weaker state gives deference to the more powerful state in return for the stronger state's recognition of the weaker state's autonomy. Vietnam [seeks] this balance through a process of “struggle and cooperation” with China on key issue areas. Vietnam pursues three strategies to manage its relations with China: codification of bilateral relations through high-level visits by party and state leaders; enmeshment of China in a web of cooperative relations including economic ties; and self-help, particularly military modernization. This article analyzes the bilateral mechanisms that structure political, economic and defense relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2410]
62.2567 TIBERGHIEN, Yves —
The world stands at a critical juncture. Global markets have expanded to unprecedented levels and now encompass an unprecedented number of actors. Global trade, global production networks, and global finance have now reached a scale, degree of complexity, and speech of change that they have become harder to model or predict. At the same time, global governance has become more difficult to achieve and less effective than at any time since World War II. The reason is simple. We are in the midst of a major underlying shift in global power or multipolarization. This paper focuses on one component of this larger problematique, namely the preferences and behavior of China, the most critical rising power, in the G20 game. it argues that China's behavior in the G20 is diverse and gradual, reflecting its fragmented governance process. China is trying to gain more voice in global governance and to contribute to the stabilization of the global system, while avoiding entanglement into thick institutions before it truly rises to prominence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1587]
62.2568 TIERNEY, Dominic —
When the US faces loss or defeat in war, it is often loath to negotiate, make concessions to its adversary, and cut its losses. But the presence of allies and international organizations in the US coalition can help to correct this bias against compromise through a combination of simple bargaining, complex bargaining, and political cover. The costs of multilateralism can be considered a premium that is paid when operations are successful, so that the US has an insurance policy to minimize loss in times of failure. The article contributes to a number of major debates over the costs and benefits of multilateralism and the impact of less powerful allies and international organizations on US foreign policy. [R]
62.2569 TONRA, Ben —
How can we better understand weaknesses in the democratic legitimacy underpinning EU Foreign, Security and Defense Policy? This weakness can in part be seen as a function of poor narrative-construction in Europe. The nascent European public space does not yet provide a solid foundation from which such narratives might be established, contested and developed and from which they might aspire to some hegemony. Instead, the Union remains reliant upon an unstable intersection of national foreign policy narratives and the weak instantiation of an élite European narrative based on exceptionalism. This fails to create a sense of ownership and legitimacy over the international actions of the Union, adversely impacting its effectiveness and credibility. The élite narrative has solid roots in policy, academic and specialist constituencies but is weakly disseminated and vigorously contested. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2368]
62.2570 TOPGYAL, Tsering —
In Beijing and New Delhi, the Tibet issue figures only as a bargaining chip to “regulate” their bilateral relations, not as an issue that has an independent bearing on the intractability or resolution of the Sino-lndian border dispute. Scholars of the Sino-lndian border dispute either dismiss the relevance of the Tibet issue or treat it as only a prop in their framing of the dispute in terms of security, nationalism and great power rivalry. This article argues that the Tibet issue is more central to the border dispute than official and scholarly circles have recognized so far. The article examines the historical roots of the border row, the centrality of Tibet in the boundary claims of both Beijing and New Delhi and concurrent historical developments in the border dispute and the Sino-Tibetan conflict. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2514]
62.2571 TROICKIJ, Mihail Alekseevič —
The US policy towards Russia and its neighbors, as designed and implemented by the Obama administration in 2009–2010, has been determined largely by global concerns. Focusing on non-proliferation, state-building in Afghanistan and conflict mediation in key parts of the world, Washington chose to downplay a number of region- and country-specific divergences with Moscow that had arisen over the past decade in Russia's adjacent regions. As a result, US-Russian security cooperation has gained a new momentum. [R]
62.2572 TRUŠ, Sergej Mihajlovič —
This article deals with current issues in US-China relations, growing economic interdependence and the various facets and contradictions of that interdependence. Special attention is given to the currency issue. Certain aspects of Russia's stance relevant to the dynamics of the US-China relations, such as the global world order, Russia's integration into the Asia Pacific region, the situation in Central Asia are analyzed. [R]
62.2573 TÜR, Özlem —
This article analyzes Turkey's economic relations with the Middle East during the 2000s. It argues that intensification of Turkey's economic relations with the region is due to the changes in the Turkish economy and the coming to power of the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP). It looks at the relationship between the AKP and the business communities and foreign trade in general and elaborates on the trade figures and relations with individual countries. It looks at the economic cooperation projects and the vision presented by the Turkish policy-makers. The article also looks at the drawbacks and possible future developments in the economic relations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2405]
62.2574 UZER, Umut —
The rapprochement between Turkey and Israel in the 1990s emerged as one of the most significant events in the Middle East. Both countries had been previously maintaining their bilateral relations on a low-intensity level following the establishment the state of Israel. However, in the 1990s, bilateral relations gained a string impetus, entailing deepened relations. When the Justice and Development Party [AKP] came to power in 2002, they attached importance to relations with Israel and thus maintained a balanced policy in the Palestine-Israel issue. However, both the Palestinian uprising in 2000 and the Gaza operation of Israel in 2008 had a negative impact on bilateral relations and led to a partial deterioration of bilateral relations. In this essay identity and interests in the Turkey-Israel relations are discussed in detail. [R]
62.2575 VAN BEEK, Ursula J. —
This article evaluates China's role in Africa, to determine the possible benefits and drawbacks for the continent of China's engagement, and to establish whether there might be wider global implications. The focus of inquiry falls on the specifics of the ways in which China does business on the continent. This is contrasted with the West, whose engagement with Africa has been vastly different both historically and in business practice. The aim is to [assess] which of the two approaches might hold more promise for Africa's development. In the wider context, of particular interest are the origin and the essence of the multilateral component of Chinese foreign policy, which holds the potential to effect a change in the global balance of power, especially in the context of the Great Recession. [R, abr.]
62.2576 VÉDRINE, Hubert —
The challenges which Westerners must face are not only security-based in nature but also strategic, and are linked to the reorganization of the world. Although they concern mainly the Americans, whose leadership is under threat, they also require an effort of will on the part of Europeans and that the two Atlantic partners agree on essentials, failing which the West will break up. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1450]
62.2577 VERSCHUUREN, Pim —
The end of the space-shuttle program and the financial crisis have weakened the American space policy, which, from now on, will be relying on Russian rockets for its human spaceflight program. This situation is further exacerbated by the fact that emerging countries enabled by their economic growth, also challenge the traditional space hierarchy. The article aims to analyze the new geopolitical trends currently shaping the international space landscape. A detailed look at the peculiarities of the space strategies of the US, China, India, Iran and Brazil is taken in order to establish the likeliness of a possible return to a new space race, 50 years after the first man-operated flight with Youri Gagarine and the early phases of the Soviet era space competition. [R]
62.2578 VIEIRA, Marco Antonio; ALDEN, Chris —
This article argues that the long-term sustainability of the trilateral partnership established in 2003 between India, Brazil, and South Africa (IBSA) rests on a more conscious engagement with their regional partners. The construction of a strong regional leadership role for IBSA based on its members' strategic positions in South Asia, South America, and southern Africa is the proper common ground to legitimize a diplomatic partnership between the IBSA states. This is even more pressing as China is actively competing for markets and influence with the IBSA trio within their respective regions, particularly in Africa. The paradox, though, is that while Northern powers have welcomed the regional leadership role of IBSA's members, most of their neighbors are not convinced of the actual intentions of New Delhi, Brasilia, and Pretoria. [R, abr.]
62.2579 WARNER, Geoffrey —
Some have suggested that R. Nixon's narrow victory in the US presidential election of November 1968 was due to his persuading the Government of South Vietnam (GVN) to boycott the Paris peace talks for the settlement of the Vietnam War between the US government, that of the North Vietnam (DRV) and the representatives of the communist guerrilla movement in South Vietnam. This seems doubtful. The new president had abandoned the hawkish stance he had adopted when vice-president in the Eisenhower administration and was anxious to bring the unpopular war to an end. The question was: how? The US employed a twin strategy: secret talks between H. Kissinger and senior DRV representatives in Paris, coupled with veiled threats of an escalation of the war if the communists acted unreasonably and occasional displays of military strength. [R, abr.]
62.2580 WENDLER, Frank —
This article explores how European integration is contested between political parties in debates of the German Bundestag. Distinguishing between “domestic” debates about the conduct of EU policy-making by the German government and “supranational” debates about the institutions and policies of the EU, the article asks for thematic objects and patterns of polarization between parties within these debates. Presenting empirical evidence from the manual coding of 23 plenary debates during the second “Grand Coalition” government, I show that the polarization between parliamentary parties differs greatly at both levels of discussion. Whereas the antagonism between government and opposition appears to determine the polarization of parties in “domestic” debates, more ambiguous and atypical position patterns emerge on behalf of supranational issues. [R, abr.]
62.2581 WILCOX, Mark R. —
Since M. Gorbachev's signing of the CFE Treaty in 1990, Moscow has viewed the agreement as a “cornerstone of European security”. V. Putin's announcement in 2007 that Russia would “suspend” implementation of the treaty appeared to signal a paradigm shift in Moscow's approach to conventional arms control. As the European security landscape changed in ways not always favorable to Russia, the Russians' view of the CFE Treaty evolved from cautious optimism through growing frustration to outright hostility. An examination of Russian official thinking at key points in the life of the treaty — as expressed in official journals and statements by government officials — points to a crisis that nevertheless remains short of a paradigm shift. [R]
62.2582 WINGERTER, Rex —
Whereas much attention is devoted to negotiating norms and formal agreements for the peaceful use of outer space, domestic factors that push for the development of space-based weapons receive minimal attention. Despite serious doubt about the effectiveness of missile defense and the technical feasibility of space-based weapons, the US has spent well over $130 billion on research and development of them, including at least $10 billion currently. This article examines four domestic drivers that may explain why such investment persists: the defense perspective and ideology of the Republican Party; the belief that US satellites may require space-based protective weapons; the huge investment of the military contractor corporations, including their efforts to influence legislation and cultivate contacts; and the private advocacy groups that support US military domination of space. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1415]
62.2583 WINKLER, Heinrich August —
It seems that the EU is stumbling for lack of a project around which it can orient itself. And Germany has lost its vision for Europe, and with it, its own foreign policy compass. But alliance with the West remains essential for Germany, and this means the longer-term goal of a European political vision. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2243]
62.2584 WOMACK, Brantly —
The South China Sea, and the Spratly Islands in particular, have become the focus of tension between the uncertain limits of China's rise and the discomfort of its Southeast Asian neighbors at the prospect of becoming China's backyard. The regional concerns of Southeast Asia overlap with the global concerns of the US. The tension has been reframed by the global crisis of economic uncertainty that began in 2008 and sharpened by rhetorical confrontations in 2010. Because of the limited utility and adverse consequences of decisive unilateral action by any party, the dispute is likely to continue as a symbol of discord until it is defused by multilateral guidelines. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2410]
62.2585 YOST, David S. —
NATO's nuclear deterrence posture has since the late 1950s involved risk- and responsibility-sharing arrangements based on the presence of US nuclear weapons in Europe. Since 1991 gravity bombs, deliverable by US and allied dual-capable aircraft, have been the only type of US nuclear weapons left in Europe. Although many other factors are involved in the alliance's deterrence posture and in US extended deterrence-including intercontinental forces, missile defenses, non-nuclear capabilities and declaratory policy-recent discussions in the US about NATO nuclear deterrence have focused on the future of the remaining US nuclear weapons in Europe. [R, abr.]
62.2586 ZEITZOFF, Thomas —
The lack of temporal disaggregation in conflict data has so far presented a strong obstacle to analyzing the short-term dynamics of military conflict. Using a novel data-set of hourly dyadic conflict intensity scores drawn from Twitter and other social media sources during the Gaza Conflict (2008–2009), the author attempts to fill a gap in existing studies. The author employs a vector autoregression (VAR) to measure changes in Israel's and Hamas's military response dynamics immediately following two important junctures in the conflict: the introduction of Israeli ground troops and the UN Security Council vote. [R, abr.]
62.2587 ZHOU Jinghao —
According to a Pew Global Attitudes survey (July 2011), most participants say that China either will replace or already has replaced the US as the world's superpower. US-China relations will profoundly impact the entire world. In order to promote global peace and development, while shifting the balance of world power, some questions need to be scrutinized: how do Americans view China's rise? Where is China heading? Will the US and China get along? How the US and China work together on urgent international issues? This paper looks into American perspectives on China's rise and China's expectation from various angles, finds the similarities and differences between American perspective and China's expectation in some major areas of economy, military, ideology, and foreign policy, and [seeks] a realistic way to improve China-US relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2564]
62.2588 ZIV, Guy —
Rationalist explanations of foreign policy change are underdetermined because they overlook the decision-makers themselves. Insight from cognitive psychology shows that individuals' cognitive structures provide a useful lens through which to understand why some people are more likely than others to change their core beliefs. Two related cognitive variables — cognitive openness and cognitive complexity — hold promise for enhancing extant explanations of foreign policy change. This article assesses the cognitive structure of the three leaders who dominated Israeli decision-making in the decade leading up to Israel's dramatic policy change vis-à-vis the PLO in 1993: Y. Shamir, Y. Rabin and S. Peres. Peres — the most cognitively open and complex — was quicker to embrace a dialogue with the PLO than Rabin, while Shamir — [with] the lowest levels of openness and complexity — rejected this move altogether. [R, abr.]