Abstract
62.5614 ABENSOUR, Miguel —
Since Hegel and Marx, the relationship between the state and democracy has been repeatedly critically examined. According to the theory of the “rebel democracy”, the state is in permanent conflict situation with democracy. A genuine democracy therefore requires rebellion and a politicization of civil society. Instead of considering emancipation as a social victory over politics, this kind of democracy leads to a polity against the state.
62.5615 ACUFF, Jonathan M. —
Much recent work on culture and identity in IR has emphasized the causal role of ideas and institutions. I articulate a broader socialization process for collective identities via material elements of identity construction. I argue that combined with rituals and linked to myths and symbols, material representations of culture such as monuments and architecture form the collective memories of polities in a similar manner to the socializing effects of educational institutions and vernacular literature. I illustrate these claims with a comparison of materiality and praxis elements of identity construction in imperial Rome and late-modern Austria-Hungary, with concluding analysis of the role of material culture in the future of “European” identity in the EU. [R]
62.5616 ADHIKARI, Prakash; HANSEN, Wendy L.; POWERS, Kathy L. —
In analyzing peace processes in post-conflict societies, scholars have primarily focused on the impact of prosecutions, truth-telling efforts, and reconciliation strategies, while overlooking the importance of individual demands for reparations. The authors argue that normative explanations of why reparations are granted in the aftermath of regime-change are useful in understanding a need for reconciliation, but inadequate for explaining victim demands for compensation. We extend this research to study civil war settlement. In the aftermath of civil war, when some form of reparation is offered giving individuals the opportunity to seek redress of grievances, what types of loss and political and socio-economic characteristics are likely to lead some individuals to apply for reparations but not others? Using primary data, collected through a public opinion survey in Nepal, we investigate individual-level demand for reparations. [R, abr.]
62.5617 ADUSEI-POKU, Nana; SHOOMAN, Yasemin —
Since the 1990s intersectionality is a major field in gender studies, aiming to describe the multiple identities of the individual to enable the analysis of the socio-economic dynamics it produces. This brings forward multidimensional experiences of discrimination and indicates an argumentative basis for discussion of various influences. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.5618 AHERN, Lee —
Important theories related to the social development of environmental concern and attitudes ascribe different roles to the media. R. Inglehart's materialist-postmaterialist value-shift thesis sees the development of a more advance media system as promoting pro-environmental values. G. Gerbner's cultivation theory, on the other hand, sees the media as promoting consumerist tendencies, which run counter to environmental concern. This study examines the effect of media-system development on postmaterialist values and environmental concern at the national and individual levels. Controlling for other factors known to impact the emergence of environmental concern, the overall effect of media-system development is largely negative. However, this result should be considered in light of interactions within and among other key variables. [R, abr.]
62.5619 ALBERT, Mathias, et al. —
In contrast to the traditional discussions about the desirability of a world state, new and more explicitly geo-historical questions about world political integration are being posed. Building on such diagnoses of existing forms of world statehood, the question arises about whether there are possible and likely, or even inevitable, futures in which the emergence of more “thick” forms of a world state, understood as a more tightly and substantially integrated expression of political community, could evolve. This possibility raises further questions about the legitimacy, viability and sustainability of such a state form. After a brief overview of these issues, the Introduction provides a preview of the following contributions of this special issue as well as the distinction between the “global” and the “world” as one possible future research trajectory in the present context. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.5664, 5677, 5768, 5848, 5912, 6418]
62.5620 ALBIN, Cecilia; DRUCKMAN, Daniel —
This article explores relationships between procedural justice (PJ) in the negotiation process, distributive justice (DJ) in the terms of negotiated agreements, and their durability in cases of civil war. Adherence to PJ principles correlates strongly with agreements based specifically on the DJ principle of equality. Agreements are more durable when based on equality, but not when based on other DJ principles. The equality principle accounted for the relationship between PJ and durability irrespective of differences between the parties in power. Further examination suggested that two types of equality in particular — equal treatment and equal shares — were associated with forward-looking agreements and high durability. The findings suggest that durability is served by including equality in the terms of agreements, and that PJ helps (but does not guarantee) achieving such agreements. [R]
62.5621 ALGER, Chadwick F. —
Increasing involvement of local governments in global governance is a result of changes in the missions of both global and local government organizations. For many years there have been global and global region organizations of local governments. Some local government organizations that cross state borders focus on specific issues such as peace, recycling and environment. Efforts are being made to coordinate these organizations through a World Association of Cities and Local Authorities Coordination (WACLAC). There is now a UN Advisory Committee on Local Authorities. The First World Conference on City Diplomacy was held in June 2008. This paper provides an overview of these, and other, developments and examines their potential for future global governance. [R, abr.]
62.5622 ALLMARK, Liam —
Despite various works suggesting the contrary, legislatures in nondemocratic states are overwhelmingly generalized as “rubber-stamps” that provide nothing other than latent legitimacy for those in power. Based on examination of legislatures in ten of the world's most undemocratic states this paper highlights their capacity to act in precisely the opposite manner, serving to empower citizens, strengthen opposition groups and weaken dictatorial regimes. While recognizing that legislatures can be manipulated and subjugated by such regimes, the article highlights the variations between legislatures and the need to take account of their true potential. [R]
62.5623 AMBLE, John Curtis —
Since the 1990s, jihadist terrorists have leveraged the power of the internet in more imaginative ways than state security services charged with countering them. Terrorist groups are now harnessing the unique characteristics of the new media environment that has taken shape in the past decade, while security services struggle to conceptualize this rapidly evolving virtual landscape. But new media offer unique opportunities to these services, particularly intelligence agencies, to confront the terrorist threat. Identifying and exploiting these opportunities, both strategic and tactical, will lend critical advantage to governments in their worldwide confrontation with global jihadists. [R]
62.5624 AMEGASHIE, J. Atsu; RUNKEL, Marco —
The authors consider a two-period game of conflict between two factions, which have a desire for revenge. In contrast to conventional wisdom, the desire for revenge need not lead to escalation of the conflict. The sub-game-perfect equilibrium is characterized by two effects: a value of revenge effect (i.e., the benefit of exacting revenge) and a self-deterrence effect (i.e., the fear of an opponent's desire to exact revenge). The authors construct examples where the equilibrium is such that the self-deterrence effect paradoxically outweighs the value effect and thereby decreases the factions’ aggregate effort below the level exerted in the no-revenge case. This paradox of revenge is more likely, the more elastically the benefit of revenge reacts to the destruction suffered in the past and the more asymmetric is the conflict. [R, abr.]
62.5625 AMILHAT SZARY, Anne-Laure —
Borders, conventional lines tracing the limits of political territories, work increasingly as network devices. There is a multiplication of material artifacts in these spaces, whose meaning is complex. We seek to understand both the closing up of border landscape by walls and the multiplication of works on and around these symbolic lines. The USA/Mexico landscape and “artscape” allows us to evidence the theoretical “visual turn” which this article explores. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6774]
62.5626 ANCELOVICI, Marcos —
The study of the transnational transfer of practices and institutions generally looks at the intermediary and final stages of this process, with much less attention devoted to its initial steps. In contrast, this paper theorizes the early part of the trajectory of transfer, conceptualized as the process through which local ideas and practices are turned into a “standard model”, what we call the process of standardization. Drawing upon the public policy and social movement literatures, we identify three potentially robust mechanisms as central to the process of standardization certification, decontextualization, and framing — and apply our framework to two cases; the transnational spread of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) and the increasing reliance on conditional cash transfers (CCTs) as a social policy instrument. We find that the key actors in shaping the content of these standards were neither the innovators not the early adopters but intermediary entrepreneurs located at the intersection of a complex mix of state and non-state networks. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6098]
62.5627 ANDERSON, Christopher J.; BERAMENDI, Pablo —
We develop a formal model of the incentives for left parties to mobilize lower-income voters. It posits that countries’ income distributions and competition on the left provide different incentives for left parties to mobilize lower-income voters. Competition on the left creates incentives for a dominant left party to mobilize lower-income voters, thus counteracting the negative impact of inequality on parties’ incentives to target them. As a consequence, the negative association between inequality and turnout at the aggregate level is muted by the presence of several parties on the left side of the political spectrum. Using aggregate data on elections in OECD countries between 1980 and 2002 and election surveys collected in the second wave of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project, we find strong and consistent support for their model. [R, abr.]
62.5628 ANDERSON, Christopher J.; JUST, Aida —
We argue that parties shape their supporters’ views about the political system via the messages they communicate about the desirability of the political system. Moreover, we contend that the effectiveness of such communication varies considerably across generations. Combining data from election surveys collected in 15 democracies as part of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) project with data on the policy positions of 116 political parties collected by the Comparative Manifestos Project, we find that supporters of parties that express positive positions toward the political system report systematically higher levels of political legitimacy than supporters of parties that communicate negative views. Moreover, this communication is particularly effective among older party identifiers whose partisan identification tends to be more pronounced. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6282]
62.5629 ANDERSON, Lisa —
This article argues that the technological structure of the modern world has reshaped drastically the role of political scientists as purveyors of information. Only a few decades ago, scholars were still central to the development, collection and dissemination of knowledge. But the transformation in the availability of data due to the proliferation of social media and research engines creates a new environment in which scholars can no longer claim to be the erudite carriers of hard-to-get facts. In order to play a constructive role in this quickly changing setting, political scientists need to invent a new identity for themselves as active practitioners engaged in a dynamic dialogue with students and policy-makers. [R]
62.5630 ARENA, Philip; WOLFORD, Scott —
How do states respond to uncertainty over their opponents’ military strength? We analyze a model of crisis bargaining in which, prior to negotiation, an uninformed state chooses how to allocate scarce resources across armaments and intelligence gathering. Arming improves military capabilities, while intelligence gathering improves estimates of the other state's military capabilities. Our model thus allows both the distribution of power and the level of uncertainty in the crisis to be determined endogenously. We derive some notable results. [R, abr.]
62.5631 ARIELY, Gal —
This article challenges the common wisdom that national identification always leads to xenophobic attitudes toward immigrants. Analyzing cross-national survey data from dozens of countries reveals how the relations between national identification and xenophobic attitudes toward immigrants vary according to country citizenship policy. The more inclusive the citizenship regime, the weaker the relations are between national identification and xenophobia. In fact, in countries with full jus soli law there are, on average, negative relations between national identification and xenophobia while in other countries there are positive relations between the two. These findings are used to discuss the ways conceptions of nationhood are institutionalized in citizenship policy from a socio-psychological perspective. [R]
62.5632 AROOPALA, Christy —
Mobilization of collective identities is a common tool in election campaigns and policy debates. Frames that target group identity can mobilize groups; however it is unclear when these group frames are likely to be successful. This project explores whether moderators, or factors that limit framing effects, can help predict whether individuals will respond to group mobilization attempts. Drawing on the rational choice approach, I assess whether the presence of thresholds (i.e., rules that determines how far the group is from attaining its goal) works as a moderator of framing effects. Using a voting game laboratory experiment, I analyze the impact of group frames when distance from a fixed threshold varies and when we account for differences in group identity strength. [R, abr.]
62.5633 AUQUE, François —
This article is dealing with the major issues currently at the heart of thinking and strategy of development within the activities of Astrium. It shows that in 50 years, Space has become an area of excemmence, thanks to the men and women who compose it. Indeed, Europe has a competitive and innovative industry in the world, but as this market is becoming increasingly competitive, it will be necessary to provide ways and means to revitalize the industrial sectors and to make decisions. In brief, the future of space is not yet written. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5847]
62.5634 AYOOB, Mohammed —
The tension between the hegemonic and subaltern perspectives of international order can be summarized in the following fashion: while the former emphasizes order among states and justice within them, the latter stresses order within states and justice among them. This tension has manifested itself, although not always very neatly, in such diverse arenas of international politics as humanitarian intervention, nuclear proliferation and residual colonialism. While the tension between the dominant and subaltern views of world order is a global phenomenon, it finds manifestation in its most acute form in the broader Middle East, comprising West, Southwest and Central Asia. This is because issues such as Iran's nuclear aspirations, Israel's occupation of Palestine, and the rise of political Islam as the anti-hegemonic ideology par excellence highlight this tension most clearly. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5747]
62.5635 BAILARD, Catie Snow —
This article tests the internet's potential to influence the cost-benefit calculus of political behavior: how the internet influences the motivation to act or organize in the first place. After introducing two causal mechanisms — the internet's mirror-holding and window-opening functions —this article tests the internet's influence on citizens’ (dis)satisfaction with the way that “democracy” functions in their own countries. This includes a random-effects regression of panel data at the country level and a mixed-level regression of cross-sectional survey data at the individual level. The article [then] presents the results from a randomized field experiment conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, enabling a direct test of the causal relationship shared by internet use and (dis)satisfaction. [R, abr.]
62.5636 BAKKE, Kristin M.; CUNNINGHAM, Kathleen Gallagher; SEYMOUR, Lee J. M. —
How do we conceptualize the fragmentation of internally divided movements? And how does variation in fragmentation affect the probability and patterns of infighting? The internal politics of non-state groups have received increasing attention, with recent research demonstrating the importance of cohesion and fragmentation for understanding conflict dynamics. Yet there is little consensus on how to conceptualize fragmentation, the concept at the center of this agenda, with authors using different definitions and measures. We conceptualize fragmentation along three constitutive dimensions: the number of organizations in the movement; the degree of institutionalization across these organizations; and the distribution of power among them. We then show how variation across these dimensions can explain variation in important conflict processes, focusing on infighting. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5896]
62.5637 BALLADIO, Simona —
The aim is to present and apply to the Italian context a method, alternative to those typically used, which is able to detect and quantify the capacity of different research institutes to propose unbiased estimates of electoral preferences. This is an innovative tool mainly because it combines the results from different polls conducted by various research organizations throughout the election campaign. The application of this method — proposed by S. Jackman [“Pooling the polls over an election campaign”, Australian Journal of Political Science 40(4), Dec. 2005: 499517; Abstr. 56.3568] — to the Italian political elections of 2008 shows that voting intentions for the various political parties have been systematically distorted by most research institutions. Specifically, the tendency to distortion is accentuated at the two parties Sinistra Arcobaleno and Leghe (Lega Nord and Mpa). [R]
62.5638 BARU, Sanjaya —
Both the notion that “trade follows the flag” and that “the flag follows trade” point to the subject matter of geo-economics. Four long-term factors contribute to a country's geo-economic power. [R]
62.5639 BAUD, Michel —
Even if no independent cyberwar has ever taken place, “cyberspace” has nonetheless become an important dimension of current conflicts. States – including France – must be prepared to conduct operations in cyberspace. A purely defensive strategy would consist of building a 21st century Maginot Line. It is however necessary to adopt an offensive approach, much as the Americans or the Japanese. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5788]
62.5640 BAUMEISTER, Andrea —
Feminist attempts to empower women within their own cultural traditions have employed two broad strategies: authentic choice and participation. This article argues that the methodological problems that beset the authentic choice strategy tell in favor of the participation approach. However, proponents of the participation strategy have failed to pay sufficient attention to the background conditions that need to be met if women are to make effective use of the institutional mechanisms their models advocate. If women are to be effective political agents at least some of the most serious structural inequalities that women face must be addressed. A nuanced statement of the participation strategy must therefore take account of long-standing feminist concerns regarding economic equality and access to resources. [R, abr.]
62.5641 BÉAL, Vincent —
This article seeks to understand how the dilemma between theoretical generalization and recognition of the idiosyncratic nature of cases might be (partially) resolved during the writing phase of a comparative research. Reflecting on a comparative research work on environmental policies in four French and British cities, it question writing strategies in the urban studies literature. It explores the idea of going beyond monographs as the favored way to write research results in urban studies and its replacement by a term-to-term oriented writing of comparisons. Several writing tips — of temporary monographs, emphasis on process rather than causal effects, etc. — are provided in order to neutralize the “crushing” of case richness. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5728]
62.5642 BECK, Colin J.; DRORI, Gili S.; MEYER, John W. —
A recent movement has extended previous emphases on the rights of national citizens by asserting the global human rights of all persons. This article describes the extent to which this change is reflected in the language of national constitutions around the world. Human rights language — formerly absent from almost all constitutions — now appears in most of them. Rather than characterizing developed or democratic states, human rights language is, first, especially common in countries most susceptible to global influences. Second, human rights language is driven by the extent of the international human rights regime at the time of a constitution's writing. Third, human rights language tends to appear in newer constitutions and in the constitutions of emergent and reorganized states. National constitutions are imprinted with global social conditions, which now stress the discourse of human rights. [R]
62.5643 BEKKERS, René —
Participation in voluntary associations is often believed to make citizens more trusting of others. This paper reports longitudinal analyses of a time-intensive form of participation — volunteering — and generalized social trust using data from three waves of the Giving in the Netherlands Panel Study spanning 4 years (2002–2006; n = 692) refuting this belief. Trust is relatively stable over a 4-year period (0.73). Changes in volunteering are not related to changes in trust. Trust is higher among volunteers mainly because of selective attrition: persons with low trust are more likely to quit volunteering. [R]
62.5644 BELLAMY, Richard —
Coalitions are often condemned as undemocratic and unprincipled because of the compromises they involve. Politicians are accused of betraying the commitments made during the election. Paradoxically, proponents of this view suggest that compromises should be pragmatic and based on policy rather than principle. This article disputes this thesis and defends compromise as both principled and democratic. I first distinguish a shallow compromise based on the maximal satisfaction of exogenously defined preferences from a deep compromise resulting from reasoning on principle, and argue it proves impossible to avoid the latter. [I then] suggest that the obligation to compromise forms part of the ethos of democracy, whereby citizens must agree despite their disagreements. [I then] show that representatives can legitimately engage in deep compromises for their voters when they reason as they do. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5645]
62.5645 BELLAMY, Richard; KORNPROBST, Markus; REH, Christine —
Compromise has been subjected to relatively little systematic study. The introduction to this inter-disciplinary issue first offers three reasons for the study of compromise: its empirical omnipresence in politics, its theoretical potential to bridge the rationalist-constructivist divide, and its normative promise to recognize the plurality of society. Second, we introduce different approaches to the coherence, legitimacy and limits of compromise found in the existing explanatory and normative literatures. We discuss why these literatures need to speak to one another, and identify possible applications in empirical research. Third, we conceptualize compromise as one possible solution to a conflict. Different types of compromise can be distinguished by how mutual, costly and painful concessions are; by whether all forms of coercion are absent; and by the degree to which the relevant parties’ grounds for conflict are transformed. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Politics as compromise”. See also Abstr. 62.5644, 5648, 5718, 5771, 5858, 5914, 6459, 6487]
62.5646 BENOIT, Kenneth; LAVER, Michael —
Parties define and differentiate themselves in terms of substantive policy issues, and the configuration of such issues affects how we think substantively about the underlying political space in which parties compete. [Much] activity in political science consists of estimating such configurations in particular real settings. (1) We discuss the nature of political differences and from this construct an interpretation of the dimensionality of the political space needed to describe a given real setting, underscoring the essentially metaphorical and instrumental use of this concept. (2) We contrast ex ante and ex post interpretations of this dimensionality. (3) We illustrate potential hazards arising from the purely inductive estimation of political spaces using a spatial example from the physical world and political competition in the EP as a political example. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The politics of dimensionality”, edited and introduced, “The struggle over dimensionality: a note on theory and empirics”, pp. 185–193, by Catherine E. DE VRIES and Gary MARKS. See also Abstr. 62.6343, 6361, 6380, 6711; and the articles by Sven-Oliver PROKSCH and James LO, “Reflections on the European integration dimension”, pp. 317–333; Gary MARKS, Marco STEENBERGEN and Liesbet HOOGHE, “To dichotomize or not to dichotomize?”, pp. 334–339; Sven-Oliver PROKSCH and James LO's response, pp. 340–342]
62.5647 BENSON OHIHON, Igboin —
In recent times, the resurgence of critical security questions has gained prominence in global tabloid, consciousness and discourse. The causes of “security crises” can be traced squarely to fundamentalism, capitalist fundamentalism or religious nationalism, etc. These explain the deepening and proliferation of conflicts in countries around the globe. The response to this state of affairs has been “sermon” on tolerance in the face of aggressive terror. Tolerance may not have been properly conceptualized. This paper, therefore, stimulates interest in the conceptualization of these terms so that their understanding would pave the way for long-lasting solutions. It employs historical and philosophical approaches to situate the arguments. [R, abr.]
62.5648 BERNSTEIN, Steven —
Two attempts at grand compromise have underpinned global order since the end of the Second World War. The first, a compromise between laissez-faire liberalism and domestic interventionism, famously described by J. Ruggie as “embedded liberalism”, legitimized and stabilized a multilateral order for 50 years. A second attempt, between North and South at the end of the Cold War around a discourse of “sustainable development”, remains uneasy, conflict-prone and much less institutionalized. They are compared, asking whether they are truly compromises or reflect domination and hegemony, what conditions led to them, and what drivers of change have limited and challenged them. Ultimately, differences in their bases of legitimacy offer lessons for the prospects of building a new grand compromise in the wake of contemporary strains on global governance. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5645]
62.5649 BERRYMAN, John —
The article provides a broad overview of the fluctuating connections between the controversial and ambiguous field of modern geopolitics and Russia. Given the pivotal significance of the Russian challenge within the early hypotheses of A. Th. Mahan and H. Mackinder, the article first explores those distinctive geographical and spatial considerations that helped shape the development of the Russian Empire. The place of geopolitics in the Cold War is then reviewed, including both its policy orientation and the exchanges between the proponents of geopolitical realism and liberal internationalism. In conclusion, the article examines the post-Cold War renaissance of geopolitics, reviewing both theoretical developments and policy implications for Russian foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6609]
62.5650 BINSWANGER, Johannes; PRÜFER, Jens —
We [examine] how bounded rationality affects performance of democratic institutions. We consider policy choice in a representative democracy when voters do not fully anticipate a politician's strategic behavior to manipulate his re-election chances. We find that this limited strategic sophistication affects policy choice in a fundamental way. Under perfect sophistication, a politician does not make any use of his private information but completely panders to voters’ opinions. In contrast, under limited sophistication, a politician makes some use of private information and panders only partially. Limited sophistication crucially determines how welfare under representative democracy compares to welfare under alternative political institutions such as direct democracy or governance by experts. We find that, under limited strategic sophistication, representative democracy is preferable to the other institutions from an ex ante perspective. [R]
62.5651 BJARNEGÅRD, Elin; ZETTERBERG, Pär —
This article presents a research strategy to analyze the role of political parties for women's political representation. Previous research has suggested that an increased institutionalization of political parties’ candidate selection procedure will increase women's political representation. With the help of unique data produced by International IDEA covering 176 parties in 64 developing countries, as well as of four comparative case studies, we (1) conceptually disentangle and concretize the dimensions of institutionalization in candidate-selection to allow for a proper operationalization of the concept; (2) analyze the possible effects of institutionalization, in relation to other party characteristics, on the number of female representatives (3) contextually nuance the discussion and examine whether the role of institutionalization in candidate selection is contingent on the different preferences parties are likely to have in different political climates. [R]
62.5652 BlOOM, Pazit Ben-Nun; ARIKAN, Gizem —
Different components of the religious experience have differing effects on attitudes towards democracy. Using heteroskedastic maximum likelihood models and data from the fourth wave of the World Values Survey for 45 democratic countries, we show that as a personal belief system, religiosity contrasts with democratic principles, generating opposition to democracy while increasing ambivalence towards democratic principles among religious people. Nevertheless, at the group level, religion also serves as a social institution which increases the homogeneity of one's social network, leading to lower ambivalence, and makes for an active minority group which benefits from the democratic framework, consequently increasing support overall for a democratic regime. This double-edged sword effect explains the mixed results currently found in the literature on religiosity and democracy, and clearly illustrates the multidimensionality of religiosity. [R]
62.5653 BOARDMAN, Jason D., et al. —
This paper highlights the role of institutional resources and policies, whose origins lie in political processes, in shaping the genetic etiology of body mass among a national sample of adolescents. Using data from Waves I and II of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we decompose the variance of body mass into environmental and genetic components. We then examine the extent to which the genetic influences on body mass are different across the 134 schools in the study. Taking advantage of school differences in both health-related policies and social norms regarding body size, we examine how institutional resources and policies alter the relative impact of genetic influences on body mass. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5756]
62.5654 BOCHSLER, Daniel —
Parties of ethno-regional minorities have been created in a large number of ethnically diverse countries, but sometimes one such party is not enough. While previous work has investigated the consequences of intragroup party competition, this study looks at the causes of internal political diversification of minority groups. In states with multiple levels of governments, intra-ethnic rival parties emerge if minorities are local majorities in certain regions. Intra-ethnic party competition is limited, however, through the national electoral system, and especially high legal thresholds can restrict minority parties. This results in complex interaction terms of the territorial settlement structure of ethnic minorities and different types of electoral systems. The empirical analysis relies on Boolean Algebra (csQCA) and on a new cross-national dataset of 19 post-communist democracies in Europe, counting 123 ethnic minorities. [R]
62.5655 BOLLMANN, Ralph —
Neither a stable democracy nor a functioning market economy are possible without a bureaucracy. This connection has been established instinctively by the Occupy Wall Street movement, perhaps better than others, as they protest without distinction against both private corporations and government institutions. Thanks to their anarchistic streak, they have discovered the Weberian nexus between capitalism and bureaucracy. These are siblings: not because the state was the victim of the financial system, but because the state created it.
62.5656 BONACKER, Thorsten —
Since the 1990s, Transitional Justice has become almost equivalent to the concern of seeing that victims experience justice. In comparison to the Nuremberg, there has been a major shift. The contribution draws on a macro-sociological research perspective. I argue that the general shift to a wider inclusion of victims within Transitional justice can be understood as the consequence of an expanding rationalistic world culture that creates a global pattern of victimhood, which is primarily propagated via international organizations and NGOs. The advocating action of (I)NGOs and the scientific understanding of trauma developed after the Second World War is leading to a normative pressure on national Transitional Justice processes to make sure that victims are at the center stage of dealing with the past. [R, abr.]
62.5657 BRANCH, Jordan —
The modern international system is commonly argued to have originated within Western Europe and spread globally during centuries of colonialism. This article argues, instead, that the character of the modern system of territorially sovereign states resulted from a complex interaction between European colonizing polities and events, actors, and spaces in other parts of the globe. In particular, through a process of colonial reflection, many of the foundational ideas and practices of modern statehood were formed in the interactions of Europeans with the unknown, supposedly empty, spaces of the New World in the 16th and 17th c. These novel practices were applied only later to politics among states in Europe. Most important among these developments is the ideal of territorial exclusivity as the sole basis for state sovereignty. [R, abr.]
62.5658 BRÄUNINGER, Thomas —
In her article [“Demokratisierung durch Zusammenarbeit? Funktionale Kooperation mit autoritären Regimen und Sozialisation in demokratischem Regieren (Democratization through cooperation? Functional cooperation with authoritarian regimes and socialization into democratic governance)”, ibid. 18(1), June 2011: 5–46; Abstr. 61.5746], T. Freyburg argues that some forms of functional cooperation of democratic and authoritarian regimes can trigger subtle processes of democratization in the latter. One example is the change of attitudes of officials towards key principles of democratic governance once these officials have participated in transgovernmental cooperation networks under the framework of the EU's Twinning program. The results of an analysis of survey data of officials are interpreted as evidence for the hypothesis. I discuss some of the methodological problems that come along with identifying and establishing causal mechanisms when dealing with quasi-experimental and observational data in general and Freyburg's study in particular. [R] [See also Abstr. 62.5725]
62.5659 BRINCAT, Shannon —
This article offers a reconstruction of the methodological tools pioneered by the first generation of the Frankfurt School (FS) and how they have been adapted in the contemporary project of emancipation in Critical International Relations Theory (CIRT). It is argued that the praxeological and methodological commitments of the early FS are of continuing utility in the post-positivist turn in IR theory. CIRT has made significant advances on the original program of CT developed by M. Horkheimer in the early 1930s. In particular, the alleged pessimism typically associated with the later work of the early FS can be overcome if critical analysis looks beyond the state to those possibilities of emancipation pregnant within the global processes of world politics. [R, abr.]
62.5660 BRODEN, Anne —
Research on racism indicates two birth moments: it occurred as the Nation State developed, as in Spain in 1492. On the other hand, racism is thought to have emerged when science emancipated itself in the 18th c. of the Christian creationist myths. Both schools are legitimate and both have contributed to create cultural and biological racism. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.5661 BROWN, Adam R. —
Despite lofty expectations from the item veto's proponents (and fears from its opponents), formal models have suggested that the item veto is unlikely to have much effect beyond what a full veto could render. However, I show that different findings obtain when item vetoes are appreciated more fully as a dimensionality-reducing institution. I begin by developing a package veto model in a generalized multidimensional space. I then show how introducing the item veto changes the outcome by forcing veto bargaining into what is essentially a unidimensional space. As a result, executives with an item veto or other dimensionality-reducing institution can be far more powerful in legislative bargaining than executives who lack these tools, other things being equal. I use simulations to demonstrate the model's main implications. [R]
62.5662 BROWN, Chris —
Realism has maintained its central role in IR theory throughout the post-1945 era, but the relative clarity of the realism of E.J. Carr and H. Morgenthau has been lost by the addition of several variant forms of the structural realism of K. Waltz; moreover, while some liberals may have tempered their criticisms of realism, constructivist scholars have taken their place as opponents of the doctrine. In the books under review, S. Barkin attempts to reconcile constructivism to classical realism, while Ch. Glaser has produced the most sophisticated account of structural realism since that of Waltz. Both books are well-reasoned and stimulating, but as yet constructivist realism has produced no substantive findings, while Glaser's account of states as rational egoists cannot underpin an account of the national interest which is sensitive to the reasonable interests of others. [R]
62.5663 BRÜHL, Tanja —
The journal's editors note that different focal points between IR and Peace Research (PCR) could result in a mutual speechlessness. In opposition, I state that — at least since the early 1990s — there are intersections as well in subject as in acting people. There are similarities in theoretical, methodological an empirical assumptions and processes. Additionally, there are several scientists who feel at home in both IR and PCR. The exclusive assumptions of the 1970s are overcome in the ongoing professionalization of both disciplines. The intersections between IR and PCR are growing more than they decrease. As a side effect of this phenomenon the non-intersecting areas of both disciplines tend to become more radical. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5900]
62.5664 BRUNKHORST, Hauke —
We should not just look towards a utopian future in fulfilling a claim about realization of a cosmopolitan, non-national world order. Already during antiquity the idea of a transcendent universal order took on a differentiated form at the same time as there happened to be institutionalization. However, not only was the invention legal, it was also organizational; hence, the modern political, legal and organizational powers emerged long before the more celebrated state-building processes of the 16th and 17th c. The point is that the order was both political and cosmopolitan, institutional and universal. The nation-state was an exception compared with this long and widespread legacy of cosmopolitan power. But the universality of subjective rights was re-institutionalized according to principles that excluded inequalities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5619]
62.5665 BRZOSKA, Michael —
Peace research and IR are closely related to each other for more than half a century. Peace research was established in critical contrast to dominant IR approaches of the time. The professionalization of peace research that can be detected since the 1990s has included the loan of research designs, exact methods and theory-building from IR. However, peace research and IR remain different in important respects, in particular value foundation, praxis orientation and their concepts of interdisciplinary. Peace research should not be understood as an academic discipline but rather combines approaches and methods from many disciplines with the goal to deliver academically sound analysis for the prevention and reduction of organized violence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5900]
62.5666 BÜHLMANN, Marc; HÄNNI, Miriam —
We investigate the impact of different institutions on ethnic minorities’ political support. Based on a hierarchical cross-country comparison, we first show that individuals belonging to ethnic minorities have less national identity than the majority groups within the same country. We then test whether this negative effect of belonging to ethnic minorities can be attenuated by institutions. First, we argue that the inclusion of ethnic minorities by power-sharing institutions gives them the possibility to have a say in politics and, therefore, they develop a sense of common identity. Second, when minority groups are given the autonomy to preserve their group identity, e.g., in federal units, they develop positive feelings for the whole nation and finally a national identity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5793]
62.5667 BURNETT, Craig M.; KOGAN, Vladimir —
Empirical evidence suggests that voters in states with direct democracy feel better prepared to cast competent votes and that they do so at a greater rate than voters elsewhere. What causal mechanism explains why the presence of direct democracy leads to better civic citizenship and differences in political behavior? We use a survey experiment in which we randomly vary the text used to describe the policy proposals to consider one possible pathway that explains higher levels of political competence among voters in initiative states. In contrast to the focus on campaign mobilization in the existing literature, we rely on insights from consumer decision theory to derive testable hypotheses about voter behavior. We find evidence that voters in initiative states approach political campaigns in a fundamentally different way [from] voters in noninitiative states. [R, abr.]
62.5668 CAMYAR, Isa —
How does party politics influence trade outcomes? Previous studies offer a limited understanding of the role of political parties in trade policy-making due to their restrictive assumptions that downplay the distinct organizational identity of political parties and the competitive logic of their interactions. This paper develops a theoretical argument that emphasizes the competitive forces of party politics as a key determinant of party preference for trade and hence of trade outcomes. This theoretical argument is illustrated and tested in analysis of the trade implications of strategic interactions between mainstream parties and niche parties. The empirical analyses confirm that party strategic factors need to be assigned a substantial analytical weight in explaining trade outcomes. [R]
62.5669 CAO Xun —
National economies are embedded in complex networks such as trade, capital flows, and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). These globalization forces impose differential impacts on national economies depending on a country's network positions. This article addresses the policy convergence-divergence debate by focusing on how networks at the international level affect domestic fiscal, monetary, and regulatory policies. The author presents two hypotheses: (1) similarity in network positions induces convergence in domestic economic policies as a result of peer competitive pressure; (2) proximity in network positions facilitates policy learning and emulation, which result in policy convergence. [R, abr.]
62.5670 CAPLAN, Richard —
There is no single recipe for exit, but any successful strategy will require sound knowledge of the challenges to a sustainable peace throughout an operation. [R]
62.5671 CARL, Sabine —
The worldwide diffusion of the ombudsman concept and the accompanying academic literature have failed to produce a universal definition of “ombudsman”. As a result, liberal interpretations of the concept have flourished, and the invention of technical terms has gone unchecked. This article examines the two most commonly cited definitions of an ombudsman and the wealth of technical terms for their conformity to the original concept. A definition for public sector ombudsmen congruent with primordial functions and recent conceptual extensions is proposed. The article concludes with a taxonomy of the different kinds of ombudsmen in place today. [R]
62.5672 CARPENTER, Charli —
How does the everyday politics behind scientific inquiry impact what we come to know about the world? Here I consider this question in the context of my own fieldwork on the human rights response to children born of war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. First, I reflect on how the academy functions to direct researchers’ attention and skill sets to certain types of human rights problems in certain ways, inevitably affecting what we can know about our subject matter. Second, I consider the practical politics by which human rights scholars interface with policy-makers, the media, and the public, and the extent to which members of the human rights scholarly community constitute nodes in the wider networks we are studying. [R]
62.5673 CARRINGTON, Ben, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 961–970. Articles by Kathleen S. YEP, “Peddling sport: liberal multiculturalism and the racial triangulation of blackness, Chineseness and native American-ness in professional basketball”, pp. 971–987; Stanley THANGARAJ, “Playing through differences: black-white racial logic and interrogating South Asian American identity”, pp. 988–1006; Douglas HARTMANN, “Beyond the sporting boundary: the racial significance of sport through midnight basketball”, pp. 1007–1022; Mary G. McDONALD and Samantha KING, “A different contender? Barack Obama, the 2008 presidential campaign and the racial politics of sport”, pp. 1023–1039; Grant FARRED, “‘Keeping silent’: the problem of citizenship for Lilian Thuram”, pp. 1040–1058; David L. ANDREWS and Ron L. MOWER, “Spectres of Jordan”, pp. 1059–1077; Janelle JOSEPH, “The practice of capoeira: diasporic black culture in Canada”, pp. 1078–1095.
62.5674 CARROLL, William K. —
In “Global capitalism theory and the emergence of transnational elites” [See Abstr. 62.5867], W. Robinson has delivered an impressive summary statement of the theory he has been developing with colleagues over the past decade. The formulation takes us some distance toward an interpretation of the contemporary global capitalist order, or perhaps, disorder. However, despite its many insights, Robinson's analysis is not without its difficulties. I offer these reflections in a spirit of sympathetic critique. [R]
62.5675 CARTER, Jeff; BERNHARD, Michael; PALMER, Glenn —
Democracy has been the primary focus of our efforts to understand the impact of domestic institutions on processes of international conflict. We examine how a particular nondemocratic regime type, postrevolutionary states, affects military capabilities and war outcomes. Drawing on scholarship that conceptualizes revolutions as a unique class of modernizing events that result in stronger state structures, we argue that post-revolutionary states should be better able to mobilize populations and economic resources for military purposes. Tests performed on a comprehensive sample of 20th c. states and interstate wars confirm our predictions: post-revolutionary states have larger, better funded militaries and achieve more successful war outcomes. [R]
62.5676 CEPALUNI, Gabriel; LIMA, Thiago —
Understanding domestic politics is required, but not sufficient, to explain the results of the political bargains between rich countries and coalitions of developing countries. Two not mutually exclusive conditions influence the performance of international coalitions: (1) one or more powerful countries act against these alliances to disintegrate the domestics interests of the participatoring nations; (2) alliances by developing countries seek to influence the domestic policies of countries against them. We analyze two cases of international coalitions: the Access to Medicines Campaign against to HIV/AIDS and The Group of 20 (G-20). [R, abr.]
62.5677 CHASE-DUNN, Christopher; INOUE, Hiroko —
This article discusses the evolution of the international system and global governance within the Europe-centered modern world-system since the 15th c. in the context of a comparative framework that includes interpolity systems since the Stone Age. We see the long-term processes as the early stages of the emergence of a world state, and consider how these processes might be accelerated within the next few decades. In this article, the focus is more on real geo-historical processes than normative questions, outlining the evolution of interpolity institutional orders, describing the challenges in thinking about global state formation, and discussing some of the technological and political forces that might accelerate the long-term trend toward global state formation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5619]
62.5678 CLIFT, Ben; WOLL, Cornelia —
We analyze how tensions between international market integration and spatially limited political mandates have led to the phenomenon of economic patriotism. As discrimination in favor of insiders, economic patriotism goes beyond economic nationalism and can include territorial allegiances at the supranational or the local level. We show how this prism helps to understand the evolution of political intervention in open economies and present the ambition of this collection. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Economic patriotism: intervention in open economies”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.6229, 6351, 6436, 6441, 6490, 6553, 6635, 6727]
62.5679 COGHILL, Ken; LEWIS, Colleen; STEINACK, Katrin —
This article provides a wide-ranging overview of the support available to parliamentarians to enhance the knowledge, skills and abilities they require to perform their individual roles and the functions of the Parliament in which they serve. In doing so, it brings together various sources: it reports findings from an international research project (the Parliamentary Careers project) that covers several national parliaments from around the world. In addition, it raises key points made by other contributors of this issue, bringing together academic and practitioners’ perspectives. It provides a comprehensive review of the current state of knowledge concerning formal and informal capacity-building programs for parliamentarians. [R] [First article of a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.5693, 5800, 5805, 5899, 6037, 6042, 6061, 6077, 6088, 6100, 6112, 6121, 6476]
62.5680 COLARESI, Michael —
I argue for a more nuanced understanding of how some democracies that possess specific investigative institutions, such as national security-relevant freedom of information laws, legislative oversight powers, and press freedoms, are able to avoid the problems of which democracy skeptics warn. Using a new dataset on national security accountability institutions in democracies within a Bradley-Terry framework, I find that national security oversight mechanisms raise the probability that a democracy wins international disputes as well as increasing the expected number of enemy casualties, as compared to democracies that lack effective oversight. Contra previous theories of foreign policy efficacy, I find that the chances for democratic foreign policy success are maximized when competitive elections are linked to institutions that increase the retrospective revelation of previously classified information. [R, abr.]
62.5681 CONGLETON, Roger D. —
This paper surveys G. Tullock's contributions to constitutional political economy. His first major contribution was his joint project with J. Buchanan on liberal constitutional design. The explicitly constitutional analysis of The Calculus [of Consent, Ann Arbor, 1962] was followed by a series of papers and books that focused on the use of resources in conflict, including Tullock's contributions to the anarchy and rent-seeking literatures. Tullock also pioneered the rational choice-based analysis of dictatorships and the relative merits of alternative legal systems, topics that has been neglected until fairly recently by most scholars working in the CPE tradition. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5682 CORSTANGE, Daniel; MARINOV, Nikolay —
What do voters think when outside powers become de facto participants in a country's election? We conceptualize two types of foreign intervention: a partisan stance, where the outsider roots for a particular candidate slate, and a process stance, where outsiders support the democratic process. We theorize that a partisan outside message will polarize partisan actors domestically on the issue of appropriate relations with the outsiders: partisans who are supported will want closer relations with the outside power, and partisans who are opposed will favor more distant relations. A process message, in contrast, will have a moderating effect on voters’ attitudes. We present evidence of partisan polarization along those lines from a survey experiment we conducted in Lebanon in the wake of the 2009 parliamentary elections. [R, abr.]
62.5683 CRAFT, Jonathan; HOWLETT, Michael —
Most studies of policy formulation focus on the nature and kind of advice provided to decision-makers and think of this as originating from a system of interacting elements: a “policy advisory system”. Policy influence in such models has historically been viewed as based on considerations of the proximate location of policy advisors vis-à-vis the government, linked to related factors such as the extent to which governments are able to control sources of advice. While not explicitly stated, this approach typically presents the content of policy advice as either partisan “political” or administratively “technical” in nature. This article assesses the merits of these locational models against evidence of shifts in governance arrangements that have blurred both the inside vs. outside and technical vs. political dimensions of policy formulation environments. [R, abr.]
62.5684 CRESCENZI, Mark J.C., et al. —
We examine how the past alliance behavior of nations affects the likelihood that these states will be involved in alliance formation. We contend that nations evaluate the reputations of potential allies when searching for alliance partners. Reputation information is processed by governments along with other immediate concerns. By introducing a model and developing subsequent measures of reputational alliance histories, we improve upon our current understanding of the factors that drive alliance-formation. Using alliance reputation data derived from the ATOP project (1816–2000), we find support for the hypothesis that a reputation for upholding one's agreements significantly improves the likelihood of membership in future alliances. [R]
62.5685 DAHL, Elizabeth S. —
While there have been important studies that have mapped the fields of peace studies (PS) and conflict resolution (CR), the focus usually has been on tracing their historical evolution and typical areas of application. In contrast, this article examines PS and CR's philosophical assumptions and commitments, topics more rarely investigated. Rather than assuming that CR and PS are analyzing, diagnosing, and addressing conflict in the same way, this study traces their respective philosophical genealogies (including, where possible, variations within each) and the concrete implications of these stances in terms of intellectual wagers about power, truth, structure, and conflict. These findings tell us more about what is happening in these two fields and guide future study. [R]
62.5686 DAHL, Marianne; HøYLAND, Bjørn —
P. Collier, A. Hoeffler and M. Söderbom [“Post-conflict risks”, ibid. 45(4), 2008: 461–478; Abstr. 59.1523] show that economic growth reduces the risk of post-conflict peace collapse — particularly when the UN is present with a peace mission. These findings are encouraging for interventionist international policy-makers. We replicate their study using data from the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Database instead of the Correlates of War database. We generate a series of different datasets on the basis of different coding criteria commonly used in the literature, and rerun a simplified version of their model. Our results do not support their findings regarding the risk-reducing effect of economic growth and UN involvement. At best, the results are mixed. [R, abr.]
62.5687 DAIGNEAULT, Pierre-Marc, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 183–187. Articles by Pierre-Marc DAIGNEAULT and Steve JACOB, “Les concepts souffrent-ils de négligence bénigne en sciences sociales? Éléments d'analyse conceptuelle et examen exploratoire de la litterature francophone à caractère méthodologique (Do concepts suffer from benign neglect in the social sciences? Elements of conceptual analysis and preliminary exploration of francophone methodological literature)”, pp. 188–204; Gary GOERTZ and James MAHONEY, “Concepts and measurement: ontology and epistemology”, pp. 205–216; Maude BENOIT, “Qu'est-ce que le corporatisme? Conceptualisation et opérationnalisation du méso-corporatisme (What is corporatism? Conceptualization and operationalization of meso-corporatism)”, pp. 217–237; Louis BÉLANGER and Kim FONTAINE-SKRONSKI, “‘Legalization’ in international relations: a conceptual analysis”, pp. 238–262; Ryan G. BAIRD, “Unpacking democracy and governance: conceptualizing governance infrastructure”, pp. 263–279; Julie McCANN and Martin THIBOUTOT, “Méthodologie d'analyse conceptuelle appliquée: comment définir le concept de ‘partenariat public-privé’ dans une perspective juridique et transdisciplinaire? (Methodology of applied conceptual analysis. How to define the concept of ‘public-private partnership’ from a legal and transdisciplinary perspective?)”, pp. 280–300. See also Louis M. IMBEAU's “Conclusion: plea for a real epistemic pluralism”, pp. 301–307.
62.5688 DAPHI, Priska —
The author provides an overview of the literature on movement identity with a focus on recent developments. the overview shows that considerable progress has been made with respect to explaining the emergence of collective interests and the motivation of collective action. The diversification of research constitutes another central advancement, in particular with regards to the consideration of emotional elements in narrative and enactment approaches. Central gaps, however, remain — empirically, and, above all, conceptually. Disagreements persist with respect to fundamental conceptual questions: is collective identity primarily and individual or collective attribute? How do internal perceptions relate to public representations of groups? Against this background the central challenge is to link up the different strands of research on the grounds of a shared conceptual basis. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “We and the others. Clarification and applications of the concept of collective identity”. See also the articles by Dieter RUCHT; Jochen ROOSE; Klaus EDER; Sebastian HAUNSS]
62.5689 DAS, Jayoti; DiRIENZO, Cassandra E. —
Past research and historical events suggest that the relationship between the peacefulness of a country and the degree of political and civil liberties afforded to its citizens has an inverted U-shape relationship such that the greatest unrest is observed at an intermediate level of freedom. Using the Global Peace Index (GPI), developed by the Institute for Economics and Peace (2010) in collaboration with the Economist Intelligence Unit, this study empirically tests this relationship and the results offer support for this nonlinear relationship. It is argued that while highly repressed societies experience a “controlled” peace, highly free societies also experience peace stemming from the basic freedoms such as the right to expression and assembly and participation in policy creation. [R, abr.]
62.5690 DAVIS, James W. —
This article suggests that various dimensions of the larger project of global governance are incoherent and illegitimate. Three dimensions of global governance — the provision of global public goods; processes of transnational regulation; and efforts to spread universal human rights —are examined and found to be deficient in terms of the ability of affected populations to participate in decisions over value trade-offs. Citizens’ rights to participation in democratic processes often have been diminished as the locus of political decision-making has shifted: to institutions beyond the territorial borders of the nation state; and away from political institutions and towards “global civil society”, which seems oddly intolerant of diversity. But if global governance is anti-pluralist and disenfranchising, it risks devolving into an imperial project. Hence, the paper pleads for a return to international politics as a control on the threat of empire. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5895]
62.5691 DiGIUSEPPE, Matthew R.; BARRY, Colin M.; FRANK, Richard W. —
Previous research indicates that a lack of state capacity is a key determinant of internal armed conflict. Scholars identify several internal dimensions of state capacity, but have yet to explore how international finance influences state resources. We explore this relationship between a state's integration into global credit markets and its subsequent capacity to promote domestic stability. We argue that international capital increases a state's ability to respond to internal opposition because states with favorable credit terms can expand their resource base beyond domestic constraints to deter, accommodate, or repress opposition while maintaining a level provision of resources to their political base. We examine the influence that both capital access and credit terms have on the risk of civil conflict in 141 countries from 1981 to 2007. [R, abr.]
62.5692 DOHERTY, David; WOLAK, Jennifer —
How do people decide whether a political process is fair or unfair? Concerned about principles of justice, people might carefully evaluate procedural fairness based on the facts of the case. Alternately, people could be guided by their prior preferences, endorsing the procedures that produce favored policy outcomes as fair and rating those that generate disliked outcomes as unfair. Using an experimental design, we consider the conditions under which people use accuracy goals versus directional goals in evaluating political processes. We find that when procedures are clearly fair or unfair, people make unbiased assessments of procedural justice. When the fairness of a process is ambiguous, people are more likely to use their prior attitudes as a guide. [R]
62.5693 DONOHUE, Ross; HOLLAND, Peter —
Parliaments need to fulfill their functions efficiently and effectively in an increasingly complex and globalize world. This approach is increasingly being focused on the quality of the human resources within organizations. However, there has been little research on these issues from a parliamentary perspective. Considering the important role of Parliaments and parliamentarians, and the fact that there are no prerequisite qualifications to become a parliamentarian, the case for a more professional and managerial approach in these institutions is increasingly strong. This paper provides a theoretical overview with regard to parliamentary understanding and development of benchmarks as foundations for improvement in the performance of its functions. The paper also reports on the preliminary findings of a global study examining capacity-building programs for parliamentarians. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5679]
62.5694 DREHER, Axel; GASSEBNER, Martin; SIEMERS, Lars-H. R. —
Using the KOF Index of Globalization and two indices of economic freedom, the authors empirically analyze whether globalization and economic liberalization affect governments’ respect for human rights in a panel of 106 countries over the 1981–2004 period. According to their results, physical integrity rights significantly and robustly increase with globalization and economic freedom, while empowerment rights are not robustly affected. Due to the lack of consensus about the appropriate level of empowerment rights as compared to the outright rejection of any violation of physical integrity rights, the global community is presumably less effective in promoting empowerment rights. [R]
62.5695 DRISCOLL, Amanda; KROOK, Mona Lena —
Feminism and rational choice theory have both been hailed as approaches with the potential to revolutionize political science. Apart from a few exceptions, however, work utilizing these two perspectives rarely overlaps. This article reviews their main contributions and explores the potential for a combined approach. A synthesis of feminism and rational choice theory would involve attending to questions of gender, strategy, institutions, power, and change. The contours and benefits of this approach are illustrated with reference to one particular area of research: the adoption of electoral gender quotas. Despite a current lack of engagement across approaches, this example illustrates that the tools of feminist and rational-choice analysis may be brought together in productive ways to ask and answer theoretically and substantively important questions in political science. [R]
62.5696 DUBOIS, Vincent —
Policy ethnography approaches provide useful qualitative data that offer a nuanced and realistic ground-level view of policies, too often analyzed absractly from the top. However, the ambition of these approaches must not be limited to producing more precise information. Drawing on field-work on the control of welfare recipients in France shows that ethnography, and more specifically direct observation, is particularly suited to uncovering the structural characteristics of the new wave of public policies sweeping through advanced societies in the wake of demise of the Fordist-Keynesian compact. Indeed, among other consequences, the “disobjectification” of the collective categories built during welfare state development leads to more intense control of recipients. Control is based on loose criteria defined in situated practices and interactions. The ethnographic capture and analysis of the practices of the agents of welfare bureaucracies enable us to track and critique the more abstract transformations of the social state in the age of “workfare”. Such field-work provides an illustration of the empirical and theoretical potentials of critical policy ethnography. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6098]
62.5697 DUFFIELD, John S. —
In contrast to the 1970s–1980s, when the principal sources of concern in Britain, France, Germany, Japan, and the US were high oil prices and uncertain oil supplies, recent worries about energy security have been much more diverse. This paper describes these differences and explores their implications. The disparities in today's energy security concerns and policy preferences in the major developed democracies are due in part to the divergent policies pursued in response to the oil shocks of the 1970s. The present differences will make meaningful cooperation by these countries to promote energy security, which was never easy in the past, yet more difficult. [R, abr.]
62.5698 DUVANOVA, Dinissa —
While theoretical arguments distinguish regulatory policies from the institutional mechanisms of their implementation, empirical accounts often conflate the official regulatory policies of the government with the unofficial regulatory burden emanating from corruption and red tape. Building on the literature that emphasizes a separate and non-trivial effect of regulatory enforcement, this article identifies bureaucratic discretion as an important institutional factor that conditions the effects of regulatory policy on the business environment. An analysis of cross-sectional data covering 119 economies demonstrates that, under high levels of bureaucratic discretion, state regulatory involvement has no effect on the business environment. Low levels of bureaucratic discretion, however, accentuate the link between light regulatory burden and a business-friendly economic environment. [R]
62.5699 EASTMAN, Wayne; COLLIER, Deirdre —
We investigate problems that arise in aligning office-seeking politicians with social welfare in situations where society (or the firm) is composed of groups of different sizes with different preferences. The problems arise because the agents have a suboptimal incentive to cater to majority preferences in situations with low participation costs and to elite minority preferences in situations with high participation costs. In democratic politics, we claim that an efficient elite-majority bargain involves the creation of competing party ideologies that serve to check opportunism by majorities in low participation-cost scenarios and by elites in high participation-costs scenarios, and in doing so align politicians with social welfare. [R, abr.]
62.5700 ECKERSLEY, Robyn —
The slow progress of the international climate negotiations has generated calls for a shift from large-n multilateralism (inclusive multilateralism) to more streamlined negotiations that are confined to the major emitters whose support is crucial for an effective climate treaty (exclusive minilateralism). This article pushes critical theory in an applied direction to explore [in] what circumstances, if any, minilateralism might help to advance the climate negotiations. I show that inclusive multilateralism is unlikely to produce a timely climate treaty, while exclusive minilateralism is elitist, procedurally unjust, and likely to be self-serving. Instead, I defend inclusive minilateralism, based on “common but differentiated representation”, or representation by the most capable, the most responsible, and the most vulnerable. I also offer some practical suggestions as to how a minilateral climate council might be constituted. [R, abr.]
62.5701 EGAN, Patrick J. —
Group identities that are chosen, rather than inherited, are often associated with cohesive political attitudes and behaviors. Conventional wisdom holds that this distinctiveness is generated by mobilization through processes such as intra-group contact and acculturation. This article identifies another mechanism that can explain cohesiveness: selection. The characteristics that predict whether an individual selects a group identity may themselves determine political attitudes, and thus may account substantially for the political cohesion of those who share the identity. This mechanism is illustrated with analyses of the causes and consequences of the acquisition of lesbian, gay or bisexual identity. Seldom shared by parents and offspring, gay identity provides a rare opportunity to cleanly identify the selection process and its implications for political cohesion. [R]
62.5702 ELCHARDUS, Mark; SPRUYT, Bram —
This paper deals with the often-observed complex relationship between the old, “economic” left/right alignment (egalitarianism) and the new, “cultural” alignment. Many authors have observed that the less educated members of society occupy an apparently contradictory position, combining a leftist stand in favor of more equality and government intervention, with a rightist stand on minority rights, the treatment of criminals, and other aspects of democratic citizenship. Various explanations have been offered for this paradox. This paper proposes an explanation in terms of vulnerability and the way in which it is culturally processed. Less educated people are often vulnerable and long for more equality. The stronger their desire for equality, the greater their frustration when feeling vulnerable, and the greater the need to cope with that vulnerability. [R, abr.]
62.5703a ELMELUND-PRAESTEKAER, Christian; KLITGAARD, Michael Baggesen —
This study develops the theoretical argument that governments can choose between transparent policy retrenchment and less-transparent institutional retrenchment when pursuing welfare state contraction. Policy retrenchment is transparent because it reallocates substantial benefits and has direct and immediate consequences for welfare recipients. Institutional retrenchment is less transparent as it reallocates institutional authority and primarily has indirect long-term consequences. Owing to the difference in transparency and direct effects on the voter population, we theoretically propose that elected officials may choose strategically between policy and institutional retrenchment. Consistent with the theoretical argument, we demonstrate that policy retrenchment is more frequently used in times of economic hardship and on welfare issues protecting against risks that are imposed disproportionately on the lower social strata. [R, abr.]
62. 5703b ENGELMANN, Sabrina —
Debates in democratic theory underestimate the dangers of confusing counterterrorism with the defense of democracy. This confusion is traced back either to the perception that terrorism constitutes a threat to the functioning of a democratic system, the similarity of measures deployed to defend democracy and to fight terrorism, or the misuse of the term “democracy”. However, terrorism is not a threat to consolidated democracies, but rather a threat to security. On the contrary, counterterrorism laws can themselves have negative effects on democracy. This confusion is hazardous and not merely a conceptual oversight, as it could justify unreviewed longer-term counterterrorism measures. [R]
62.5704 EPSTEIN, Charlotte —
I use a phenomenon of resistance to a global norm as a catalyst to critically re-examine the cognitive frames underpinning the use of the concept of socialization in international relations. My critique, which adds to the now growing critique of constructivism's neglect of the role of power in the international system, is threefold. (1) Socialization tends to be apprehended as a bettering of the socializee, because of an implicit teleological assumption of change as progress. (2) The concept tends to frame out the perspective of the socializee. (3) It infantilizes the socializee. I use the international politics of whaling to illustrate the practical and conceptual effects of this infantilization of the socializee and specifically the ways it curtails both policy-making and scholarly research. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5926]
62.5705 ERIKSSON, Johan —
Paradoxically, territory in a global era is under-theorized. But there are relevant attempts at problematizing territory which emphasize the symbolic dimension of political territory, the implications and limits of sovereignty, the consequences of border controls in a “post-Westphalian” world where globalization erodes the distinction between “internal” and “external”. In contrast to state-centric concepts, more general concepts such as “polity” make it easier to capture differences between various types of territories and political entities.
62.5706 ESAIASSON, Peter —
The research project “Good Losers in Democracy” asks two basic questions. The first relates to citizens’ reactions towards unfavorable authoritative decisions. How willing are affected citizens to accept various types of authoritative decisions in terms of retained loyalty towards the democratic state? The second question relates to the mechanisms that affect citizens’ reactions towards authoritative decisions. Which mechanisms help citizens to carry the burden of loss voluntarily? Specifically, to what extent are negative reactions mitigated by factors identified in democratic theory on legitimate authoritative decision-making? Or, with a slightly different twist, to what extent can democracy generate its own legitimacy by remaining true to its principles? [R]
62.5707 ESCRIBÀ-FOLCH, Abel —
This article explores how international sanctions affect authoritarian rulers’ decisions concerning repression and public spending composition. Rulers whose budgets are not severely constrained by sanctions will tend to increase spending in those categories that most benefit their core support groups. When budget constraints are severe, dictators are more likely to increase repression. Using data on regime types, public expenditures and spending composition (1970–2000) as well as on repression levels (1976–2001), I show that the empirical patterns conform well to the theoretical expectations. Single-party regimes, when targeted by sanctions, increase spending on subsidies and transfers which largely benefit their key constituencies. Likewise, military regimes increase their expenditures on goods and services, which include military equipment and soldiers’ and officers’ wages. [R, abr.]
62.5708 ETIENNE, Julien —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(3), June. 2010: 493–518. See Abstr. 60.6843.
62.5709 FALLON, Kathlenn M.; SWISS, Liam; VITERNA, Jocelyn —
Increasing levels of democratic freedoms should, in theory, improve women's access to political positions. Yet studies demonstrate that democracy does little to improve women's legislative representation. To resolve this paradox, we investigate how variations in the “democratization process” — including pre-transition legacies, historical experiences with elections, the global context of transition, and post-transition democratic freedoms and quotas — affect women's representation in developing nations. We find that democratization's effect is curvilinear. Women in nondemocratic regimes often have high levels of legislative representation but little real political power. When democratization occurs, women's representation initially drops, but with increasing democratic freedoms and additional elections, it increases again. [R, abr.]
62.5710 FANGMANN, Helmut —
A genuinely convincing alternative to Western democracy will not materialize even in the hyper-complex globalized world of the 21st c. It remains to be seen whether a more rational form of politics, or greater control of politicians, may be achieved through an increase in direct democracy and citizen participation. Also the silent are able to participate in popular votes. But is civic participation the way to a higher rationality, for instance for grand projects or tax issues?
62.5711 FARHA, Mark —
This article cross-examines three typologies of secularism: consociational secularism (Lebanon), communal partition (India and Pakistan) and coercive secularization (China and Turkey). It argues that while each state shared the challenge of establishing state sovereignty in pluralistic societies, the central authorities’ attempt to impose homogenization varied according to the strength of state institutions, the hold of communal ideologies and the degree of disparate socio-economic interests. The legitimacy of regimes hinged on the perceived impartiality of the state in meeting the demands of diverse socio-economic and ethno-religious constituencies. The article argues that the potential for fragmentation was particularly high when socio-economic fault-lines overlapped with, and reinforced ethno-religious fissures. In all cases, sovereignty and state legitimacy was ultimately predicated on the provision of a critical measure of justice for all citizens irrespective of origin or identity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5793]
62.5712 FARNETI, Roberto —
This article revisits the “heuristic value of the left-right dichotomy” for understanding global politics. For a little less than two centuries, the main left-right cleavage centered on class issues. Class remained the spur of political mobilization until the late 1970s, when a mechanism of polarization focused more on identity issues emerged. In international politics, talk of identity becomes especially heated in the discourse that opposes East to West. A number of international issues in which the East-West divide has become a reference and a blueprint (e.g., the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) are able to mobilize opinions along the left-right continuum. This paper contends that a third cleavage — between earth and heaven — is also playing a role in mobilizing opinions along the left-right spectrum. [R, abr.]
62.5713 FAVRE, Pierre —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(5), Oct. 2010: 997–1022. See Abstr. 61.121.
62.5714 FAZEKAS, Zoltán; LITTVAY, Levente —
Recent developments in spatial voting have moved beyond finding the most appropriate utility function and started to assess individual differences in decision strategy. The question is not if a proximity or directional worldview performs better in general, rather under what conditions do people pick one strategy over the other? We draw on psychological theories to develop a survey-based measure of individual decision strategy and take a behavior genetic route to explaining the individual differences. We argue that dispositional traits shape whether an individual develops a directional or proximity worldview of the political arena. Utilizing a classical twin design, we capitalize on the documented relationship between partisanship and a directionalist worldview. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5756]
62.5715 FERRARA, Alessandro —
In the global world, momentous migratory tides have produced hyperpluralism on the domestic scale, bringing citizens with radically different conceptions of life, justice and the good to coexist side by side. Conjectural arguments about the acceptance of pluralism may not succeed in convincing all constituencies. What resources, then, can liberal democracy mobilize? The “multivariate democratic polity” is the original answer to this question, based on an interpretation of Rawls which revisits Political Liberalism in the light of The Law of Peoples. The unscrutinized assumption is highlighted, often read into Rawls's Political Liberalism, that a polity moves homogeneously and all of a piece from religious conflict to modus vivendi, constitutional consensus and finally to overlapping consensus. Drawing on The Law of Peoples, a different picture can be obtained. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5909]
62.5716 FERRON, Benjamin —
The article emphasizes scholarly stakes and constraints linked to the writing of an international comparison. The comparison deals with the media strategies of transnational activist networks in Israel-Palestine (anti-occupation networks) and in Mexico (neozapatista networks). The first problem is to distinguish the levels of writing. The two cases are heterogeneous but partly interdependent. The point is to account for the specificities of each case, to generalize through comparison and assess the effects of interdependence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5728]
62.5717 FIALHO, Djalita —
This article provides a historical account of the creation of the LDC category in 1971, analyzes the motives of the main actors and examines the motivation of the UN to establish the category. A literature review, official document analysis and expert interviews indicate that, from the perspective of both developed and more advanced developing countries, the initial LDC identification process aimed to generate a reduced list of mostly small and economically and politically less significant countries. Contrary to the official narrative, this served the interests of both developed countries (by undermining the UN's implicit effort to normalize/depoliticize international assistance) and more advanced developing countries (disturbed by the discrimination created within the developing countries’ group, favoring the most disadvantaged among them). [R]
62.5718 FIERKE, K. M. —
Many of the violent conflicts of the post-Cold War period have involved peoples who have historically been victims of interstate politics. Compromise is highly problematic in contexts of this kind, given that sovereign powers tend to attach the label “terrorism” to acts of resistance and the resistance tends to claim an experience of injustice. Given a situation where compromise is seen by actors on both sides to be impossible, how would anything other than a “rotten compromise” be possible? The article develops a framework called the Warden's Dilemma which is then put to use in the empirical exploration of two historical cases: the hunger strikes in Northern Ireland in 1980–81 and the martyrdom of Polish Solidarity's priest, Jerzy Popieluszko, a few years later. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5645]
62.5719 FINDLEY, Michael G.; YOUNG, Joseph K. —
We examine the extent to which terrorism and civil war overlap and then unpack various temporal and spatial patterns. To accomplish this, we use newly geo-referenced terror-event data to offer a global overview of where and when terrorist events happen and whether they occur inside or outside of civil war zones. Furthermore, we conduct an exploratory analysis of six separate cases that have elements of comparability but also occur in unique contexts, which illustrate some of the patterns in terrorism and civil war. The data show a high degree of overlap between terrorism and ongoing civil war and, further, indicate that a substantial amount of terrorism occurs prior to civil wars in Latin America, but yet follows civil war in other regions of the world. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5896]
62.5720 FORSYTH, Tim —
There is a need to understand the co-evolution of scientific knowledge and political norms more holistically, and to identify how simple classifications of right and wrong reduce discussion about climate risks and policies. This paper makes three recommendations: (1) the debate about climate denial is a question of how science and politics connect, rather than a moral choice in accepting or rejecting science; (2) different ideologies will always make simplistic statements about climate science; (3) there is a need to open up the discussion of climate risks beyond one master statement that humans have caused global warming to consider how to reduce emissions and vulnerability, which can include industrialization in developing countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6240]
62.5721 FOURIE, Pieter; FOLLÉR, Maj-Lis —
AIDS has been the most political pandemic in the world for 30 years, and yet political science has viewed it in a mostly descriptive, compartmentalized and theoretically neglectful way. This deficit of theory may be the result of an epistemic community often erroneously constructed as monolithic; its pursuits are deeply informed by funding priorities which favor phenomena with more tangible, short-term results; the incremental biomedical “good practice” responses in some instances crowd out what is perceived as the luxury of deeper, systemic reflection. This article argues that a focus on socio-political resilience can be useful to galvanize political scientific theorizing of AIDS. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5849]
62.5722 FOX, Sean; HOELSCHER, Kristian —
We draw together insights from the conflict and criminology literatures to develop a model of social violence that accounts for both political-institutional and socio-economic factors. While there is an extensive literature on the socio-economic determinants of social violence, there are only a handful of studies that consider the significance of political-institutional arrangements. Using cross-country estimates of homicides produced by the WHO as an indicator of social violence, we test our model using OLS regression analysis for a sample of more than 120 countries. We find that countries with “hybrid” political orders experience higher rates of social violence than those with strong autocratic or strong democratic regimes, and that weakly institutionalized democracies are particularly violent. [R, abr.]
62.5723 FRANKE, Ulrich; ROOS, Ulrich —
The article deals with the practice of IR as a sub-discipline of political science. It is based on two assumptions: (1) IR has witnessed an increasing theoretical diversification in the course of the real-world changes after the end of the Cold War; (2) this development has brought about not only new possibilities but also new challenges for the IR community. These challenges are conceived as undesired consequences of contemporary IR's action. To reconstruct them and to propose possible alternatives is the major aim of this article. [R]
62.5724 FRANKEL, Jeffrey —
Past shocks can serve as a guide to future risks. Historical precedents provide context for four serious economic risks facing the global economy. [R]
62.5725 FREYBURG, Tina —
In my article [“Demokratisierung durch Zusammenarbeit? Funktionale Kooperation mit autoritären Regimen und Sozialisation in demokratischem Regieren (Democratization through cooperation? Functional cooperation with authoritarian regimes and socialization into democratic governance)”, ibid. 18(1), June 2011: 5–46; Abstr. 61.5746], I presented the findings of my study on the democratizing potential of transgovernmental policy networks that link sub-units of administrations from established democracies and authoritarian regimes to solve policy-specific problems. I explored the extent to which and the way in which the EU's Twinning projects can positively shape the attitudes toward democratic governance of involved state officials in a stable authoritarian regime such as Morocco. The results show that transgovernmental networks can, under the condition of a prior stay abroad in an established democracy, socialize state officials into democratic governance in authoritarian regimes. Th. Bräuninger [Abstr. 62.5658] rightly reminds us of some of the methodological challenges in research on socialization. [However], I [maintain my findings]. [R]
62.5727 FUJIMURA, Naofumi —
Political parties are often faced with seemingly opposing goals when trying to secure members’ re-election and maintain party unity. How does a party influence its members to take unified action while meeting their individual electoral needs? Through an analysis of the Japanese Diet, this study argues that parties attempt to achieve the re-election of their members and maintain party unity by manipulating legislative committee assignments and deliberations. In particular, the study demonstrates that a party shapes committees in a different way according to policy areas over which committees have jurisdiction. A party tends to accept its members’ requests for affiliation and allow their self-management in committees concerned with particularistic benefits so that they can deliver specific benefits to each electoral district. [R, abr.]
62.5728 GALLY, Natacha —
This article discusses the relevance of typologies to writing comparisons of very different cases. Research on “intersecting histories” produces powerful insights, beyond the classical pitfalls of typologies: their static nature in time, and also in space. Comparing senior civil service policies in France and UK, I seek to take advantage of what are often considered obstacles to comparison — the initial asymmetry of the researcher's relationship to her fieldwork and the non-independence of the cases under study — building and writing a comparison that holds the specificity of each of the cases together with the “common issues” that pace their historical trajectories. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Putting comparison into words: analyzing practice coordination” edited and introduced by Émilie COURTIN, et al., “Untangling the threads of comparative writing”, pp. 7–17. See also Abstr. 62.5641, 5716, 5737, 5874]
62.5729 GANUZA, Ernesto; FRANCES, Francisco —
Participation has undergone a communicative shift, which has favored the organization of new participatory processes based on classic principles of deliberation theory. These experiments go beyond traditional protest: they include a communicative element with the aim of defining a public politics, which places them alongside models of deliberative governance. This work sets out the characteristics of these new instruments (participatory budgeting, PB) in order to find out which problems deliberative governance initiatives are faced with. The conclusions tell us that the inequalities in participation are significant. Nevertheless, PB enables most participants to make effective use of their opportunities for deliberation. From this standpoint, the challenge for deliberative governance does not seem to be the deliberative capabilities of individuals, but rather the design of participatory procedures and the participation of individuals. [R, abr.]
62.5730 GARTNER, David —
This article advances a new analytical approach to the challenge of providing global public goods that highlights the distinct problems of innovation, financing, and compliance. Part I analyzes the major obstacles to providing global public goods and the existing frameworks for conceptualizing these obstacles. Part II uses existing frameworks to analyze several specific global health challenges in order to gain insight into the different dimensions of global public goods production and the growing role of non-state actors in providing global public goods. Part III introduces an alternative approach to conceptualizing global public goods and highlights its implications for governance and global public goods. [R] [Part of a symposium on “International law and global public goods”. See also Abstr. 62.5822]
62.5731 GELOT, Ludwig —
IR Scholars have recently come to grip with the global resurgence of religion. Since the inception of IR, the secularization thesis had been taken for granted and religion dismissed as unimportant. But in line with the current transformation affecting societies worldwide as well as with the re-consideration of the secularization thesis by Sociologists, new resources must be developed within IR to better understand current events. While theories and concepts have been developed within Sociology and the Political Sciences, no such tools are available in IR. Thus, this article provides a tentative theory of secularization drawing on resources endogenous to the field. Drawing on recent advances in the broadly constructivist tradition, this article re-interprets secularization as a protracted international crisis of legitimacy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6241]
62.5732 GENIEYS, William; HASSENTEUFEL, Patrick —
The question “who governs public policies?” is central to the analysis of those power elites which can be characterized by their capacity to bring about change in public policies. Analysis of these transformative elites, which we label “programmatic”, requires us to articulate the sociology of elites with the analysis of public policy. On an empirical level, a combination of methods derived from the sociology of elites (positional, reputational, relational, and decisional approaches) as well as those developed by analysts of public policy (cognitive approaches) allows us to identify programmatic actors leads us to propose an endogenous explanatory framework for policy change centered on the interactions among actors. More broadly, it allows us to explore the dynamic of the increasingly autonomous state based on the characteristics of the actors within it and of the policies they put forward. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6002]
62.5733 GESCHKE, Daniel —
Although women's siffrage was introduced in 1918 in Germany, differentiation is still used when defining suffrage (by age and nationality), which is considered legitimate. How can social psychology enlighten the comprehension of prejudice, differentiation or discrimination? According to context, various action strategies are adopted by each group in order to achieve a satisfactory social identity. But any claim of discrimination must be considered without unjust treatment of other groups. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.5734 GEYS, Benny —
Political parties are often argued to compete for voters by stressing issues they feel they own — a strategy known as “selective emphasis”. While usually seen as an electorally rewarding strategy, this article argues that cultivating “your” themes in the public debate is not guaranteed to be electorally beneficial and may even become counterproductive. It describes the conditions under which “selective emphasis” becomes counter-productive, and applies the argument to recent discussions regarding the strategies of mainstream parties confronting the extreme right. [R]
62.5735 GILLEY, Bruce —
A previous article in this journal presented a conceptualization of the political legitimacy of the state and its operationalization for 72 countries circa 2000. This article provides an updated dataset of state legitimacy for 52 countries circa 2008 using the same conceptualization. It presents a brief discussion of the comparative results of the two datasets. [R]
62.5736 GILLS, Barry K.; GRAY, Kevin —
This article examines the relationship between oppression, injustice, and liberation, both theoretically and practically and in relation to contemporary global events and political history. The struggle for human freedom and liberation from structures of oppression and exploitation, and the relation to democracy and to the agents of social change, is the central subject of the analysis. The article summarizes the critical analyses of the contributors to this issue, who examine the past several decades of “People Power” via popular struggles for substantive democratization, and assess both the obstacles and achievements of these movements in a context of global, regional, and national political economic tendencies. The authors revisit the theses of “low intensity democracy”, in light of the recent upsurge of popular protest and rebellion in the context of an ongoing global crisis. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “People power in the era of global crisis”, edited by the authors, and prefaced, pp. 201–204, by Joel ROCAMORA. See also Abstr. 62.6340, 6356, 6700, 6718, 6724, 6786, 6803]
62.5737 GIRAUD, Colin —
This paper examines the role of writing on the role of gay men towards gentrification in Paris and Montreal. In such a comparative research, the writing process is a decisive step to matching data from different fields. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5728]
62.5738 GIULIANOTTI, Richard; BROWNELL, Susan, eds. —
A thematic issue, introduced by the editors, pp. 199–215. Articles by Richard GIULIANOTTI and Roland ROBERTSON, “Mapping the global football field: a sociological model of transnational forces within the world game”, pp. 216–240; Philip BOYLE and Kevin D. HAGGERTY, “Planning for the worst: risk, uncertainty and the Olympic Games”, pp. 241–259; Pete FUSSEY, et al., “The regeneration games: purity and security in the Olympic city”, pp. 260–284; David ROWE, “The bid, the lead-up, the event and the legacy: global cultural politics and hosting the Olympics”, pp. 285–305; Susan BROWNELL, “Human rights and the Beijing Olympics: imagined global community and the transnational public sphere”, pp. 306–327; Scarlett CORNELISSEN, “‘Our struggles are bigger than the World Cup': civic activism, state-society relations and the sociopolitical legacies of the 2010 FIFA World Cup”, pp. 328–348; Matthew DAVID and Peter MILLWARD, “Football's coming home?: digital reterritorialization, contradictions in the transnational coverage of sport and the sociology of alternative football broadcasts”, pp. 349–369; Ellis CASHMORE and Jamie CLELAND, “Fans, homophobia and masculinities in association football: evidence of a more inclusive environment”, pp. 370–387.
62.5739 GÓMEZ ISA, Felipe —
The emergence of “solidarity rights” was a long and complex process, plagued with obstacles and difficulties. In spite of it, the implementation of the right to development is still a pressing need for millions of people and communities. Although some progress has been made at the institutional level in the last decade, the adoption of a legally binding international instrument has not yet been achieved. Ones should avoid the North-South rhetoric that dominated the debate about the right to development, focusing on practical measures that could pave the way for its implementation. [R]
62.5740 GÓRECKI, Maciej A.; MARSH, Michael —
The impact of local campaigning on voter choice has been studied within the theme of mobilization. Grassroots effort can attract votes efficiently, but campaign contact is (potentially) endogenous, so results showing positive effects could be flawed. Experimental solutions to this problem are possible, but could also have low external validity. Drawing on the electoral geography literature, this article suggests that endogeneity concerns can be addressed through so-called “friends and neighbors voting”. Using unique Irish data on the geographic location of the homes of candidates, as well as data on the location of the voters, the analysis confirms that canvassing has a positive impact on candidate choice independent of the effect of geographic distance. More importantly, these two variables interact. [R, abr.]
62.5741 GREEN, Elliott —
While African state size and shape have been previously shown to be correlated with negative development outcomes, no one has heretofore examined the origins of either phenomenon. I show that African state size and shape are not arbitrary but are rather a consequence of Africa's low pre-colonial population density, whereby low-density areas were consolidated into unusually large colonial states with artificial borders. I also show that state size has a strong negative relationship with pre-colonial trade and that trade and population density alone explain the majority of the variation in African state size. Finally, I do not find a relationship between population density and state size or shape among non-African former colonies, thereby emphasizing the distinctiveness of modern African state-formation. [R, abr.]
62.5742 GREEN, Jeremy —
This article situates the approach to World War I within the context of the uneven and combined development of 19th c. European capitalism. Through a comparative analysis of German and British development within the context of the epochal transition from feudalism to capitalism, the article proposes that existing historical materialist and Realist understandings of the roots of World War 1 are inadequate. Realist analyses, stressing the primacy of “geopolitics”, assume that expansionist German behavior was an inevitable consequence of systemic anarchy. Historical materialist accounts, preferring a sociological explanation, overstate the importance of systemic capitalist crisis and the European-wide escalation of class struggle for understanding the genesis of the war. Utilizing Trotsky's concept of uneven and combined development, I contend, enables a more comprehensive understanding of the origins of the conflict. [R, abr.]
62.5743 GREENER, B. K. —
Our international system continues to be based on states, their sovereignty and a correlative “inside/outside” distinction: a distinction which is resistant to the idea of some form of systematic international policing writ large. Instead of the establishment of an international police force, a new form of international policing has emerged through the unprecedented use of police abroad and the potential consolidation of more specific operational policing norms. This is a phenomenon that may not be as permanent nor as wide ranging as earlier conceptualizations that concerned themselves with a more structured management of interstate behavior, but, nonetheless, it increases the possibilities for achieving an international order based on the rule of law. [R, abr.]
62.5744 GRIMM, Sonja; LEININGER, Julia —
Conflicting objectives are often problematized as challenges to the effectiveness of international democracy-promotion. However, systematic research about their emergence and effects is still missing. This special issue addresses this research gap and provides conceptual and empirical answers in the field of conflicting objectives in international democracy-promotion. The authors investigate (post-) conflict societies, developing countries, and authoritarian regimes, attempting to identify the patterns of conflicting objectives in democracy-promotion, the reasons for their emergence, and their consequences. This introduction presents a conceptual framework that pursues four aims: (1) it differentiates between two types of conflicting objectives (intrinsic and extrinsic); (2) it offers an approach for identification of their phases of emergence; (3) it proposes reasons for their emergence; and (4) it discusses how political actors deal with these conflicting objectives. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue, “Do all good things go together? Conflicting objectives in democracy promotion”, edited by the authors and Tina FREYBURG. See also Abstr. 62.5773, 6102, 6104, 6432, 6465, 6488, 6578, 6690]
62.5745 GROFMAN, Bernard; BRUNELL, Thomas; FELD, Scott L. —
In The Calculus of Consent [Ann Arbor, 1962], J. Buchanan and G. Tullock assert: (1) ceteris paribus, while a coalition controlling less than a majority of voters may control in either chamber, the greater the difference in the bases of representation in the two houses, the less likely is any given coalition of voters to control a majority of the seats in both chambers; (2) the potential of cross-chamber logrolls (on issues of unequal intensity) increases the likelihood that a minority may effectively control policy making. We link these ideas to social theory approaches to bicameralism and for the empirical study of legislatures. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5746 GROFMAN, Bernard; Kline, Reuben —
We offer a new measure of the ideologically cognizable number of political parties/party groupings that is intended to be complementary to the standard approach to counting the effective number of political parties — the Laakso-Taagepera index (1979). This approach allows the possibility of precise measurement of concepts such as polarized pluralism or fragmented bipolarism and is applicable to both unidimensional and multidimensional representations of party locations. Using recent CSES (Comparative Study of Electoral Systems) data on one-dimensional representations of party locations in four real-world examples (two of which are available in an online appendix), we find that Slovenia, treated initially as a five-party system, has its optimal reduction as a two-bloc/party system, as does Spain, which is treated initially as a four-party system. [R, abr.]
62.5747 GROOM, A.J.R. —
A speculative analysis of disturbing trends evident now, which will require attention from decision-makers in twenty-five years time, identifies a number of problems with structural implications. Assets for broaching these problems are analyzed, leading to an assessment of the requirements for global leadership. A comparison between the situation in 2010 and 2035 demonstrates the necessity for and likelihood of change. Options range from global suicide to a consortium of rising and declining great powers. The outcome will need to reflect forces rising bottom-up in global society. Examples of the strengths and weaknesses of India's contribution are given. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “India's foreign policy in the twenty-first century”, edited by C. S. R. MURTHY, as a tribute to Prof. M. S. RAJAN (1920–2010). See B. VIVEKANANDAN, “A tribute to life and work of Professor M. S. Rajan”, pp. 98–112; “Major publications of Professor M. S. Rajan”, pp. 467–472; and Abstr. 62.5634, 5843, 6461, 6516, 6540, 6541, 6561, 6563, 6566, 6574, 6596, 6612, 6619, 6632, 6639, 6640, 6652, 6656, 6668]
62.5748 GROSS, Eva; ZICK, Andreas; KRAUSE, Daniela —
Equality belongs to the central values of a democratic society, in order to secure peaceful cohabitation between individuals and groups from various ethnic, religious, cultural and social origins. Group-related hatred of people is antithetic to the concept of equality. It justifies ideologies of unequal values which in turn could cement social inequality in the long term. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.5749 GROSS, Martin; LANG, Volker —
The legitimation of social inequality is based on the idea that goods are distributed according to meritocratic principles. The degree to which this key idea is implemented may be gauged by examining educational institutions and labor markets. In free markets, the greatest obstacle to meritocratic principles are the processes of exclusion emanating from social structures. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.5750 GROTE, Jürgen R. —
Many [scholar] working on communitarian bonds among members of small groups on interfirm arrangements in competitive markets, on new public management in state bureaucracies and, not least, on negotiations between public and private actors in new modes of governance tend to share two core assumptions being essential to their arguments: that networks aimed at cooperation are structured horizontally while vertical networks reflect power and subordination, and that horizontal networks tend to be ascribed positive properties such as, for instance, trust, the ability to provide solutions to legitimacy problems, increased efficiency and participation, while vertical ones often seen to reflect premodern or outdated forms of governance, are not. This contribution seeks to qualify these assumptions, (1) by looking at the structural features of networks in different systems of societal order, and, (2) by presenting and then discussing counterintuitive empirical evidence drawn from an older research project on territorial governance in Europe. A generalized version of the horizontalist expectation is anything but warranted. Hierarchy may be more beneficial both to those cooperating in networks and to the production of public goods than often believed. [R]
62.5751 GUBLER, Joshua R.; SELWAY, Joel Sawat —
We bring together research on horizontal inequality, geographic dispersion of ethnic groups and crosscutting cleavages to present a more holistic theory of ethnic structure and civil war onset. We argue that rebel leaders are thwarted in their mobilization efforts in highly crosscutting societies due to a lower probability of potential combatants identifying with nationalist goals, decreased ability to exert social control, and diminished in-group communication. Using cross-national data from over 100 countries, we provide evidence that civil war onset is an average of nearly twelve times less probable in societies where ethnicity is crosscut by socio-economic class, geographic region, and religion. [R]
62.5752 GUSS, Jason; SIROKY, David S. —
Many countries have implemented consociational arrangements to redress identity-based conflicts over recognition and resources, but the empirical record is mixed at best. Restoring moderate politics and democratic order in ethnically divided societies after war is difficult. Consociationalism, however, is usually not the best or the only option. Consociationalism fails as a viable post-conflict political system, because it tends to reinforce centrifugal politics and to reify identity-based cleavages. The implementation of centripetal social and institutional reforms, which foster political and economic incentives for communities to reintegrate refugees, diversify existing populations, and engage in coalition politics, is more likely to restore moderation and minimize the risk of renewed ethnic violence. We explore these arguments using the critical case of Bosnia, drawing on examples from other parts of the world that have faced similar challenges. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5793]
62.5753 HAMATI-ATAYA, Inanna —
This paper explores pragmatism's potential for transcending the antagonism between positivism and post-positivism, through the work of M. Kaplan, who combines a pragmatist theory of knowledge with a systems theory of world politics. A reconstruction of Kaplan's synoptic philosophy shows how Pragmatism can help us move beyond the dual fallacy of truth as correspondence and truth as self-consciousness, to a nonfoundationalist epistemology that acknowledges the historicity of knowing without annihilating the realism of the common world we live in. Moving from the realm of knowledge to the realm of judgment, this paper also reconstructs Kaplan's moral analysis, thereby revealing its significance for the discipline's renewed concern for the problems of values and reflexivity. [R]
62.5754 HANSEN, Kristian Kjaergaard —
The strategic impact of commissions on reform processes is as a relatively underexposed policy determinant. This paper scrutinizes how commissions affect the government policy potential. The argument is that setting up a mobilizing commission creates a new policy actor who can legitimize a reform frame. Therefore, commissions can under certain conditions work as a blame-avoidance strategy. The crucial conditions are the commissions’ dependence on the government and the salience of the policy issue. The argument is tested partly by a classification of different types of commissions in regard to a commission typology. Then, by a comparison of the impact of commissions on reform processes (and absence hereof), including Velfaerdskommissionen and Visionsudvalget. [R, abr.]
62.5755 HARIRI, Jacob Gerner —
Causal inference is now at the forefront of empirical social science research. The article defines the causal relation and discusses which criteria are needed to identify if and how much one phenomenon can be said to cause another. It is demonstrated why the formal criterion should be the exogeneity of the independent variable or treatment and it is argued that (1) temporal order, (2) theoretical explanation, and (3) the absence of spuriosity can be imprecise criteria in practical research. An example illustrates how the design of the observational study in the social sciences is crucial to improve the prospects for causal inference. [R]
62.5756 HATEMI, Peter K.; BYRNE, Enda; McDERMOTT, Rose —
A recent stream of influential research suggests that the inclusion of behavioral genetic models can further inform our understanding of political preferences and behaviors. But it has often remained unclear what these models mean, or how they might matter for the broader discourse in the political science literature. We explicate how genes operate, the most common forms of behavioral genetic analyses, and their recent applications toward political behaviors. We discuss what these findings mean for political science, and describe how best to interpret them. We note potential limitations of behavioral genetic approaches and remain cautious against the overextension of such models. The five articles that follow move beyond discovery and focus more on the integration of behavioral genetic models with mainstream theories of political behavior to analyze problems of interest to political scientists. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Genes and politics”, edited by the first author. See also Abstr. 62.5653, 5714, 5757, 5917, 6281]
62.5757 HATEMI, Peter K.; EAVES, Lindon; McDERMOTT, Rose —
Recently genetic and neurobiological influences have emerged as predictors of ideological preferences. The few studies which include genetic sources of information imply that culture is merely a passenger on a genetic foundation. We test this assumption and offer a foundation for merging social, psychological, rational, and biological theories of attitude formation and structure. Utilizing a genetically informative sample, we find striking differences between the genetic and environmental factor structures of inter-related attitudes that form ideologies. The structure imposed by social influences corresponds to recognized definitions of liberalism and conservatism on a left-right continuum; however, the genetic factor structure combines liberal attitudes toward sex and reproduction with conservative attitudes toward punishment, defense and immigration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5756]
62.5758 HECKER, Marc; RID, Thomas —
Many soldiers have private accounts on social networks such as Face-book. This allows them to keep in touch with their families from the theater of operations. Possible risks, especially leaks, exist but are still limited. Focus on this subject should however not be limited to the risks but also consider possible benefits: social networks are public relations tools and could provide effective recruitment services for the armed forces. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5788]
62.5759 HERRNSON, Paul S.; HANMER, Michael J.; NIEMI, Richard G. —
Studies of ballots have traditionally focused on roll-off, candidate order, and partisan advantage. This study assesses the impact of ballots on individual-level voter errors. We develop new hypotheses by bringing together theoretical insights from usability research and political science about the effects of ballots with and without a straight-party voting option. By comparing voters’ intentions to the votes they cast, we create two measures of voter errors: votes unintentionally cast for the wrong candidate and unintentional undervotes. Voters generally make fewer errors of both types when using a standard office-bloc ballot than when using an office-bloc ballot with a straight-party option, with the number of wrong-candidate errors substantially exceeding the number of unintentional undervotes. Voters’ background characteristics have a significant impact on their ability to vote without error. [R, abr.]
62.5760 HIELSCHER, Kai; MARKWARDT, Gunther —
This paper studies the impact of the quality of political institutions on the link between central bank independence and inflation. Making use of data on the evolution of central bank independence over time and controlling for possible nonlinearities, we employ interaction models to identify the conditions under which more central bank independence will enhance a country's inflation performance. Examining a cross-section of up to 69 countries, we are able to show that granting a central bank more autonomy does not necessarily lead to better inflation performance. To lower inflation by increasing independence, two conditions must be fulfilled: (1) The change in independence must be sufficiently large, and (2) the quality of the political institutions must be sufficiently high. [R]
62.5761 HOCUTT, Max —
Contrary to Locke, the traditional concept of a right to life, liberty, and property was based on social convention, but this doesn't mean that popularity in itself could justify a rights-claim to goods and services. Talk of rights has gotten out of hand because people have forgotten that rights are negative and that protecting one person's right means enforcing another's duty to respect it. [R]
62.5762 HOLLOWAY, John, ed. —
Introduction, pp. 171–172. Articles by Richard GUNN and Adrian WILDING, “Holloway, La Boétie, Hegel”, pp. 173–190; Marcel STOETZLER, “On the possibility that the revolution that will end capitalism might fail to usher in communism”, pp. 191–204; Cynthia COCKBURN, “Who are ‘we'?, asks one of us”, pp. 205–219; Kevin YOUNG and Michael SCHWARTZ, “Can prefigurative politics prevail? The implications for movement strategy in John Holloway's Crack Capitalism”, pp. 220–239; JOhn FORAN, “Let us change the world without taking power violently”, pp. 240–247; Karl REITTER, “Flirting with value critique: remarks on John Holloway's Crack Capitalism”, pp. 248–255; Christian GARLAND, “Refusing the terms of nonexistence, breaking their constraints: John Holloway, cracking capitalism and the meaning of revolution today”, pp. 256–266; Sergio TISCHLER, “Revolution and detotalization: an approach to John Holloway's Crack Capitalism”, pp. 267–280; Simon SUSEN, “‘Open Marxism’ against and beyond the ‘great enclosure'? Reflections on how (not) to crack capitalism”, pp. 281–331. John Holloway, “Variations on different themes: a response”, pp. 332–348.
62.5763 HUPE, Peter; EDWARDS, Arthur —
In modern governing, a variety of actors in the public domain daily make decisions with consequences for the common good, but how these actors are held accountable to political representatives is not always clear. While representative democracy in most societies still functions as the traditional standard, deficits in democratic control are perceived. There is an exercise of power-without-corresponding-representation. At the same time modern citizens appear hard to engage in politics. Representation-without-corresponding-participation also appears. We address this dual problem, one of accountability and one of legitimacy, in terms of political theory. Various strategies are explored, indicating that some of them contribute to bringing democracy up to date more than others. [R, abr.]
62.5764 IKEDA, Ken'ichi; KOBAYASHI, Tetsuro; RICHEY, Sean —
We research the political impact of human social interaction. Some scholars suggest that recreational or other informal interaction may promote political participation. Informal recreational interaction is proposed to be beneficial because it increases activity in more serious political participation. To test these ideas, we use new nationally representative survey data from seven East Asian nations using Poisson regression models. [R, abr.]
62.5765 INAYATULLAH, Naeem; BLANEY, David L. —
The success of norms constructivists rests in part on their assertion of academic activism as a heroic aspect of intellectual life. Critics of this vision, however, insist on the complicity of norm scholars in creating and maintaining processes of global injustice. Frustrated with this criticism, Richard Price calls for answers to a simple question: can detractors go beyond mere criticism and provide a praiseworthy target toward which norms constructivists can aim? We respond to this challenge, first, by offering an internal critique of Price's logic. We suggest that Price and other norms entrepreneurs underplay the darker, colonial side of modern ethical life on which the successes of norms cascades depend. Second, we draw on A. Hochschild's King Leopold's Ghost to contrast contemporary norms constructivists with the heroic characters represented in and by this book. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5926]
62.5766 INOGUCHI, Takashi —
This article examines the origins, and the various types of political theory, i.e. classical philosophy, empirical political theory, formal political theory. Four schools of normative political theory are considered: conflict, common values, exchange and coordination; and six schools of empirical political theory: system theory, behaviorism, theory of rational choice, institutionalism, neuroanalysis, and globalism. The author points to the need for consolidation of dialogue between normative and empirical political theory. [R]
62.5767 ISHIYAMA, John; PECHENINA, Anna —
The relationship between freshwater and land degradation and the incidence of a genocidal and/or politicidal acts is examined. More specifically, it is examined whether environmental factors helped ‘trigger’ genocidal and/or politicidal acts in 61 conflict-prone countries from 1958 to 2007. It was found that land pressures contribute to the likelihood of the incidence of genocides and politicides more so than declines in freshwater availability, but civil war incidence and regime type remain powerful explanatory factors for state-sponsored mass murder. [R, abr.]
62.5768 JESSOP, Bob —
This article explores the obstacles to the development and operation of a world state that are rooted in functional differentiation of modern societies, the ecological dominance of the broadly capitalist world market, and the inherent tendencies of all forms of governance to fail. It also highlights the challenges to the temporal as well as territorial sovereignty of states, whatever their scale of operation, due to the acceleration as well as globalization of social relations. Combining insights from N. Luhmann and Karl Marx, the article develops some novel arguments about multispatial metagovernance as an alternative approach to the problems posed by a world state as the guarantor of global social order. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5619]
62.5769 JOHNS, Leslie —
Why do states build international courts, submit cases, and enforce court judgments? This article examines the role of a court that is neither a “decider” nor an “information-provider”. Litigation is costly and does not reveal private information. The court's ruling is not binding and bargaining can occur before and after the court has ruled. Nevertheless, an alternative dispute-resolution mechanism emerges: court rulings can coordinate endogenous multilateral enforcement. Disinterested states will enforce to ensure that they can profitably use the court in the future. Accepting jurisdiction of the court allows a state to make efficiency-enhancing “trades”, winning high-value disputes in exchange for losing low-value disputes. The use of the court as a coordination device for multilateral enforcement allows for the existence of a court with endogenous enforcement and jurisdiction. [R, abr.]
62.5770 JONES, Mark P.; MELONI, Osvaldo; TOMMASI, Mariano —
Most empirical evidence indicates voters penalize deficits and spending growth. Contrary to this dominant finding, a few recent studies conclude that voters reward public spending. We reconcile these conflicting findings, positing that the structure of fiscal federalism in countries like Argentina causes voters to reward fiscal expansion because they perceive that this extra spending at the margin is not financed by them, but rather by the nation at large. We provide evidence and microfoundations for the electoral connection implicit in this argument: voters reward public spending when they can pass the cost on to someone else (e.g., as in Argentina), and punish it otherwise (e.g., as in the US). [R]
62.5771 JONES, Peter; O'FLYNN, Ian —
The international community has many reasons to promote compromise between the parties to internal conflicts. Yet to do so effectively, the international community ought to treat principled rather than strategic compromise as its default position. To make this case, we define “compromise” and distinguish principled from strategic compromise. We then defend the idea of principled compromise against the realist who thinks that that idea is implausible. We offer a number of practical reasons why principled compromise ought to be preferred. Our argument does not deny that strategic compromise will sometimes be the only option. But, unlike principled compromise, strategic compromise does not provide the parties with any particular reason to look beyond their own particular concerns or to give any ground beyond what is absolutely necessary. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5645]
62.5772 JULLIEN, Bernard; SMITH, Andy —
This article sets out to refine existing research in institutionalist political economy by developing tools to facilitate analysis of industries. Two propositions are made: (1) the government of industries entails a relatively autonomous type of articulation between micro and macro phenomena which are incarnated by the meso level that defines both the purely economic conditions of industrial activity and the role institutions play in it; (2) the reproduction of such government can only be understood if one engages in a theoretical investment regarding the scales which intervene within it, and therefore their (mis)fit, what makes them have practical effects as well as their limits. Each of these arguments is illustrated by ongoing empirical research on “the European Union's government of industries” in general, and that of the car and wine industries in particular. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6098]
62.5773 JUNG Jai Kwan —
This article argues that peace-making and democracy-promotion often constitute a conflictual relationship when external actors impose powersharing agreements in order to end civil war as quickly as possible. The sharing of power between governments and rebels can be effective at reducing the security dilemma and credible commitment problems in the transition from civil war to peace, but it is a short-term solution and a source of the conflict between peace-making and democracy-promotion. Building wartime divisions into post-war political structures provides a strong incentive for former warring parties to garner political support primarily from their own constituent groups. This article demonstrates the adverse effects of power-sharing on democracy-promotion by analyzing post-civil war electoral politics and public attitudes toward former warring parties and governmental institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5744]
62.5774 JUNGKUNZ, Vincent —
Political scientists and theorists have generally approached silence in one of two broad ways. Some have envisioned silence as representing apathy, indifference, ignorance, or general acceptance of the status quo. Alternatively, others have theorized silence as evidence of the workings of power: the phenomenon of “being silenced”. Neither approach has explored the ways that silence might be mobilized and practiced democratically. Instead of organizing democratic theory and politics exclusively around the power of speech, it might be useful to explore the promise of silence as a practice of resistance and empowerment in a garrulous world. This article puts forth four “insubordinate silences” that attempt to empower, protest, resist, and refuse. These silences challenge us to think in new ways about democracy, speech, silence, and participation. [R]
62.5775 JUSTESEN, Mogens K. —
Despite extensive empirical research, there is little agreement on how and why political regimes affect social and economic development. This paper expands on this literature by examining how political regimes affect health policies relating to the treatment of HIV/AIDS. The paper examines whether multiparty competition matters for access to treatment of HIV/AIDS and then analyzes the effect of electoral systems. Using regression and matching methods on data for a broad cross-section of countries, the results show that democracy on average increases access to treatment of HIV/AIDS. However, only democracies using proportional electoral systems that allow for greater representation of minority interests rather than plurality voting differ significantly from autocracies. [R]
62.5776 KEDAR, Orit —
This article offers organizing principles to an emerging research agenda that analyzes how parliamentary politics affects voter considerations. It uses the process by which votes are turned into policy as a unifying framework: every step in the process poses incentives for voters and encourages different types of strategic behavior by voters. The standard version of strategic voting commonly found in analyses of voter choice is about the step familiar from the Anglo-American model — the allocation of seats based on votes — yet insights about voter behavior originated from that model have been inadvertently reified and assumed to apply universally. The article identifies a set of empirical implications about the likelihood of voters employing policy-oriented strategies [in] different circumstances. [R]
62.5777 KEEN, David —
While economic agendas have been shown to be an important factor in shaping civil wars, there are several problems with prominent explanations centering on rebel “greed”, notably those put forward by P. Collier. Among these are: the way proxies for “greed” and “grievance” have been used; the lack of attention to links between “greed” and “grievance”; and the lack of attention to “greed” among elements associated with counter-insurgencies. Why has Collier's analysis proven so popular, despite its flaws? I suggest that it represents an attractive over-simplification with a scientific aura. It achieves a degree of simplicity by excluding many of the most important features of civil wars, even to the extent of asserting that there is no point in asking rebels about their motivations. [R, abr.]
62.5778 KEOHANE, Robert O. —
The world has now experienced twenty years of Institutional Liberalism — the view that cooperation in world politics can be enhanced through the construction and support of multilateral institutions based on liberal principles. E.H. Carr was famously skeptical of liberalism as he understood that tradition. This essay interrogates Institutional Liberalism through a lens provided by Carr's The Twenty Years’ Crisis: 1919–1939 [London, 2nd ed., 1962]. It points out three trends since the 1990s that may be associated with Institutional Liberalism: increasing legalization; trends toward more legalism and moralism; and a decline in the coherence of some international regimes. Reviewing these trends in light of Realist critiques of liberalism, the essay rejects Realism as a good moral or practical guide to world politics, but reaffirms the value of the Realist view that institutions depend on structures of power and interests. [R, abr.]
62.5779 KING, Charles —
When political scientists have approached the subject, the trend has been to treat the Holocaust as a single case, comparing it — sometimes controversially — with other instances of genocide such as Rwanda or Cambodia. But historically grounded work on the destruction of European Jewry can help illuminate the microfoundations of violent politics, unpack the relationship between a ubiquitous violence-inducing ideology (anti-Semitism) and highly variable murder, and recast old questions about the origins and evolution of the Holocaust itself. After reviewing new trends in history-writing, I highlight opportunities for social-scientifically oriented research centered on the interaction of state power, local communities, and violent mobilization in five areas: military occupation, repertoires of violence, alliance politics, genocidal policy-making, and resistance. My conclusion addresses thorny issues of comparison, morality, and memory. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5896]
62.5780 KLEINWÄCHTER, Wolfgang —
Internet governance will be the subject of major debates in the coming years. Will it continue along the path of free and open Internet or will it be more oriented towards an Internet regulated by national policies or economic interests? It will be necessary to establish new, collaborative, non-hierarchical relationships between public institutions and civil society actors. Only then could Internet be able to go on developing as a place of freedom for the global community. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5788]
62.5781 KOČETKOV, Vladimir V. —
The article substantiates the position according to which modern postindustrial society is confronted by the new social question revealing erosion of basic constitutional principles of developed countries. Solution of the said question on the basic of a new understanding of constitutionalism, proposed in the article, would help maintain, the author supposes, the ethical and legal grounds of political discourse, that are necessary for the implementation of basic values of Western civilization — liberty and justice. [R]
62.5782 KOFRON, Jan —
The article highlights the marked difference between two understandings of geopolitics and space in general: the understanding that is present in the field of geography and the understanding that is present in IR. Whereas in IR, space is conceptualized as a material, objective entity, in the field of geography there has been a shift toward a conceptualization of space as an inter-subjective entity. It follows that in the case of neorealists, there is some (usually unintentional) tendency to revive (neo)classical geopolitics, or at least some of its basic assumptions. On the other hand, contemporary geographers have adopted a boldly critical approach toward (neo)classical geopolitics. The question remains whether the geographical neglect of objective space does not undermine the ability of critical geopolitics to effectively intervene in practical political issues. [R, abr.]
62.5783 KÖKSAL, Bülent; ÇLALISKAN, Ahmet —
This paper explores whether the evidence supports the Political Business Cycle (PBC) theory, Partisan Theory (PT), and Rational Partisan Theory (RPT) using stock market data from Turkey, a rapidly growing developing economy. The results indicate that the PBC hypothesis is not supported by the data. We find permanent partisan effects in the conditional variance but not in returns. The conditional volatility of the returns is higher during the periods in which a leftist party or a coalition government is in office. We also find that the stock market returns temporarily decreases (increases) at the beginning of a right-wing (left-wing) government, providing evidence in favor of RPT. [R]
62.5784 KRAUSS, Ellis; NEMOTO, Kuniaki; PEKKANEN, Robert —
Why would a candidate in a mixed-member electoral system willingly forego the chance to be dual-listed in the party-list tier along with the single-member-district tier? Mixed-member systems create a “reverse contamination effect” through which list rankings provide important information to voters and thus influence behavior in the nominal tier. Rankings signal importance of the candidate within the party and also constitute information about the likelihood that the candidate will be elected off the list tier. Mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) and mixed-member proportional (MMP) systems create different incentives for parties and candidates to send voters different signals. Candidates in Japan's MMM “burned their bridges” successfully and gained more votes. In New Zealand's MMP system, parties instead built “bridges” between the proportional representation and nominal tiers by sending different signals to voters through list rankings. [R]
62.5785 KUCIK, Jeffrey —
What explains variation in the design of international institutions? Recent literature shows that providing members with opportunities to shirk their contractual obligations actually promotes agreement formation and durability. Yet, despite these benefits, institutions continue to exhibit wide variation in the “flexibility” of their rules. I show that, in the context of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), the benefits of permitting escape are enjoyed unevenly across the market. In particular, import-competing industries gain from the protection that escape clauses provide while their export-dependent counterparts bear the costs. This asymmetry creates domestic political competition over agreement design between the two traded sectors of the market. I explore this competition using new data on the design of 330 PTA agreements since 1960. [R]
62.5786 KUO, Alexander; MARGALIT, Yotam —
What determines the identity category to which individuals feel they most belong? What is the political significance of one's proclaimed identity? Recent research addresses these questions using surveys that explicitly ask individuals about their identity. Yet little is known about the nature of the attachments conveyed in responses to identity questions. The findings of a set of studies and experiments investigating these reported attachments suggest that the purported identity captured in survey responses varies significantly within subjects over time; changes in people's primary identity can be highly influenced by situational triggers; and changes in purported self-identity do not imply a corresponding change in policy preferences. These results are drawn from three studies that vary in terms of design, country sample, and research instrument. [R]
62.5787 KYRIACOU, Andreas P. —
It has recently been argued that the regional segregation of ethnic or linguistic groups leads to lower government quality and that this is partly due to the negative effect of segregation on inter-group trust. I show that the relationship between ethnic segregation, trust and government quality is mediated by another dimension of regional diversity namely, regional income disparities. Accounting for regional disparities reduces the estimated impact of segregation and trust on the quality of government and reduces the statistical robustness of ethnic segregation. The analysis highlights the usefulness of identifying other factors which may be driving regional diversity, beyond ethno-linguistic characteristics. [R]
62.5788 LA CHAPELLE, Bertrand de —
Internet has become a major issue in international relations. The debate concerning its governance shows the opposition between two main governance structures. One of which is governance organized around national sovereignty or interstate multilateralism. The other, a multi-stakeholder approach, is broadly inclusive to all civil society actors. New governance can only arise after the elimination of the oversimplistic debates that have appropriated the terms of a “new Cold War”. [R] [First of a series of articles on “The Internet, a power tool”, edited and introduced by Julien NOCETTI. See also Abstr. 62.5639, 5758, 5780, 6314, 6532]
62.5789 LAFFOND, Gilbert; LAINÉ, Jean —
We consider a multiple referendum setting where voters cast ballots in which they either approve or disapprove of each of finitely many di-chotomous issues. A program is a set of socially approved issues. Assuming that individual preferences over programs are derived from ballots by means of the Hamming distance criterion, we consider two alternative notions of compromise. The majoritarian compromise is the set of all programs supported by the largest majority of voters at the minimum utility loss. A program is an approval compromise if it is supported by the highest number of voters at a utility loss at most half of the maximal achievable one. We investigate the conditions under which issue-wise majority voting allows for reaching each type of compromise. [R, abr.]
62.5790 LAGO, Ignacio; MARTÍNEZ I COMA, Ferran —
This paper argues that wasted votes in founding elections decrease when countries have a previous democratic experience before the current democratic period. This historical-institutionalist argument is tested with national election results in 22 founding elections in third-wave European, Asian, Latin American and African democracies. The results demonstrate that having a democratic past clearly increases coordination and then reduces the percentage of wasted votes in the founding election, controlling for the electoral system. [R]
62.5791 LANGLOIS, Jean-Pierre P.; LANGLOIS, Catherine C. —
Convergence occurs in war and bargaining models as uninformed rivals discover their opponent's type by fighting and making calibrated offers that only the weaker party would accept. Fighting ends with the compromise that reveals the other side's type. This article shows that, if the protagonists are free to fight and bargain in the time continuum, they no longer make increasing concessions in an attempt to end the war promptly and on fair terms. Instead, the rivals stand firm on extreme bargaining positions, fighting it out in the hope that the other side will give in, until much of the war has been fought. Despite ongoing resolution of uncertainty by virtue of time passing, the rivals choose not to try to narrow their differences by negotiating. [R]
62.5792 LASCOUMES, Pierre; SIMARD, Louis —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 61(1), Feb. 2011: 5–22. See Abstr. 61.3164.
62.5793 LAUTH, Hans-Joachim; KNEIP, Sascha —
The relationship between heterogeneity and democracy is complex and manifoldly interwoven. The increasing heterogenization of democratic societies seems to be the most apparent internal challenge to modern democracies, manifesting at least in two dimensions: culturally as ethnic and religious heterogenization and structurally as socioeconomic and social heterogenization. Following this distinction, democratic societies today are particularly facing identity-based and interest-based differences that often result in conflicts about recognition and resources. In this article these challenges are explicated in detail demonstrating the variety of the described problems. Furthermore, it discusses possibilities of democratic governance under conditions of growing heterogeneity. Although a variety of different institutional solutions can be identified, there is no perfect way of handling the identified problems. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Heterogeneity and democracy”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.5666, 5711, 5752, 5819, 6787, 6810]
62.5794 LAWFORD-SMITH, Holly —
Two dominant arguments within international political theory, arguments from humanity and arguments from justice, can be distinguished along the lines of the well-known distinction between omissions and actions, respectively. This paper shows that people in general are psychologically biased towards thinking that omissions producing harm are less morally grave than actions producing equivalent harm. It also canvasses evidence suggesting that greater moral gravity correlates with heightened guilt, and that heightened guilt is more likely to lead to action that would alleviate it, i.e., remedial or compensatory action. For those reasons, it is suggested that we should expect arguments from justice, which track actions, to be a more feasible means to the desired outcome of (local commitment to) global justice than arguments from humanity, which track omissions. [R]
62.5795 LAWSON, George —
Lurking beneath the surface of IR's approach to history lies a well-entrenched binary. Whereas mainstream positions use history as a means to fill in their theoretical frames, many post-positivists reduce history to a pick-and-mix of contingent hiccups. This article uses the various ways in which history is used — and abused — in IR to probe more deeply into the relationship between history and social science as a whole. This exploration reveals four frameworks, two drawn from history (context and narrative) and two drawn from social science (eventfulness and ideal-typification) which illustrate the necessary co-implication of the two enterprises. The article employs these tools as a means of re-imagining the relationship between history and social science (including IR), conceiving this as a single intellectual journey in which both are permanently in view. [R]
62.5796 LECA, Jean —
Most of the studies of the state, whether socio-historical, logical or philosophical, start with a tentative definition and describe and explain its current transformations, using a two-stage model (before/after). Rather than following that path, I start with three of the main sub-disciplines of political science, political and economic sociology, policy analysis and political theory and derive from their approaches their visions of the state, as a product of social conflicts, a set of areas and sectors of policy-making, and institutional center endowed with symbolic values. The crossbreeding of the three approaches are then outlined and conclusions are drawn regarding comparative analysis and the distinction between government and governance. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6098]
62.5797 LECHELER, Sophie; DE VREESE, Claes H. —
There is no satisfactory account of the psychological processes that mediate a news-framing effect. Based on an experimental study (N = 1,537), this article presents a mediation analysis of a news-framing effect on opinion, testing for two important mediation processes: belief importance and belief content change. Results show that framing is mediated by both belief importance and belief content, with belief content being the more prominent variable. The extent to which each process takes effect depends on a person's level of political knowledge. Knowledgeable individuals are affected to a greater extent via both belief content and belief importance change. [R]
62.5798 LEE Cheol-Sung —
This article investigates the structures of civic networks and their roles in steering the political choices of party and union elites regarding the retrenchment or expansion of welfare states in four recently democratized developing countries. Utilizing co-affiliation networks built upon two waves of World Values Surveys and evidence from comparative case studies for Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan, the study develops two explanatory factors that account for variations in welfare politics: cohesiveness and embeddedness. This article demonstrates that elites in the formal sector make markedly different political choices when confronting economic crisis and democratic competition depending upon their organizational connections in formal and informal civic networks. [R, abr.]
62.5799 LEIFELD, Philip; SCHNEIDER, Volker —
Information exchange in policy networks is usually attributed to preference similarity, influence reputation, social trust, and institutional actor roles. We suggest that political opportunity structures and transaction costs play another crucial role and estimate a rich statistical network model on tie formation in the German toxic chemicals policy domain. The results indicate that the effect of preference similarity is absorbed by institutional, relational, and social opportunity structures. Political actors choose contacts who minimize transaction costs while maximizing outreach and information. We also find that different types of information exchange operate in complementary, but not necessarily congruent, ways. [R]
62.5800 LEWIS, Colleen —
The role of parliamentarian is ill-defined. There is no job description and no agreement between MPs and the electorate to help shape reasonable expectations. In addition, today's parliamentarians are subjected to scrutiny by an insomniac media which, in many instances, is more interested in entertaining and titillating the consumers of its product than in rigorous, balanced reporting. This article suggests that education- and training-providers need to pay greater attention to the lack of role-clarity experienced by MPs, their unpreparedness for what is a unique occupation, and the increasing demands being placed on them through social and traditional media. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5679]
62.5801 LEWIS, Orion A.; STEINMO, Sven —
This article argues that questions of gradual institutional change can be understood as an evolutionary process that can be explained through the careful application of “generalized Darwinism”. We argue that humans’ advanced cognitive capacities contribute to an evolutionary understanding of institutional change. In constantly generating new variation upon which mechanisms of selection and replication operate, cognition, cognitive schemas, and ideas become central for understanding the building of human institutions, as well as the scope and pace of their evolution. Evolutionary theories thus provide a broad theoretical framework that integrates the study of cognition, ideas, and decision-making with other literatures that focus on institutional change and human evolution. [R]
62.5802 LLANO ALONSO, Fernando H. —
The important changes and events experienced by international society during the first decade of the 21st c. have made it possible to reopen the debate on the opportunity to create transnational organizations and to establish a cosmopolitan legal system in order to lay the foundations for a future democratic world government. The author defends the humanist cosmopolitan project originated in Kant, vindicated in recent years by authors such as John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Martha C. Nussbaum and Ulrich Beck, as one of the models that could help achieve that. [R]
62.5803 LOCKYER, Adam —
This article argues that opposition political parties can play an important role in determining when and how a democracy exits a small war. Recent theoretical and empirical research on small wars has further uncovered the restrictions and constraints that democratic societies place on their government's war strategies. However, the mechanisms through which public opinion constrains and pressures government strategies have received relatively less academic attention. This article examines the role that opposition political parties play in providing an avenue through which society can shape foreign policy — namely, the exiting from small wars. It argues that opposition political parties can be instrumental in determining democracies’ war termination in three ways: through “elite cuing”, applying electoral pressure, or winning an election and assuming government. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6608]
62.5804 LOMBORG, Bjørn —
Forty years ago, the Club of Rome produced a best-selling report warning humanity that its escalating wants were on a collision course with the world's finite resources and that the only way to avoid a crash was to stop chasing economic growth. The predictions proved spectacularly wrong. But the environmental alarmism they engendered persists, making it harder for policy-makers to respond rationally to real problems today. [R]
62.5805 LOUTH, [P.] Norton of —
I address the premise of the [thematic issue]: that is, that capacity-building matters. Why does it matter? It matters because legislatures matter. Establishing that legislatures matter is necessary not only for justifying capacity-building but also for recognizing that capacity-building may take different forms. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5679]
62.5806 LÜ Xiaobo; SCHEVE, Kenneth; SLAUGHTER, Matthew J. —
One important puzzle in international political economy is why lower-earning and less-skilled intensive industries tend to receive relatively high levels of trade protection. This pattern of protection holds across countries with vastly different economic and political characteristics and is not well accounted for in existing political economy models. We propose and model one possible explanation: that individual inequity aversion leads to systematic differences in support for trade protection across industries. We conduct original survey experiments in China and the US and provide strong evidence that individual policy opinions about sector-specific trade protection depend on the earnings of workers in the sector. We also present structural estimates that advantageous and disadvantageous inequality influence support for trade protection in the two countries. [R]
62.5807 LUPPI, Barbara; PARISI, Francesco —
G. Tullock's critique of the common law runs against much of the conventional wisdom in the law and economics literature. We revisit one of the most controversial aspects of Tullock's critique. By applying Tullock's own model of rent-seeking to litigation, we study the effect of alternative procedural rules on civil litigation. Our results provide support for Tullock's controversial critique of the common law, revealing an evolutionary bias in the production of legal rules by courts. We extend the standard litigation model to study the effects of alternative procedural systems on the evolution of the common law. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5808 LUR'E, Svetlana V.; KAZARJAN, Levon G. —
It is the problem of geopolitical prognostication that is considered in the article. In order to specify the problem, a typology of international political activity is proposed. Mental structures of an actor of the international politics are described. Starting from this point as the basis of medium-term prognostication the method of indicators is suggested. The characteristic feature of this method is combination of scientific approach to, and of expert artistic perception of, political impact. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5818]
62.5809 MAKARENKO, Viktor P. —
The social contract in the analytical studies (1970s–1990s) is here discussed. The author expounds the competitive concepts of social contract (by Hobbes and by Locke); and then exposes the gist and recalls the types of arguments in the modern theories of contract, demonstrating their consequences for political theory and practice and their significance for civil society. [R]
62.5810 MANAKTALA, Meghna —
Genocide is a term that is fast entering common terminology when pointing fingers at any form of state repression, whether or not the acts referred to actually fit the definition. Genocidal regimes themselves have appropriated the term at times to defend their own genocidal actions, as by S. Milosevic in Serbia. One reason for this is the continuing lack of definition commonly agreed upon by law and social science. For legal purposes, genocide is defined by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. While this has provided a legal standard for judging the commission and punishment of genocide, many social scientists are unhappy with this definition, some claiming that it is too broad, others that it is too narrow. [R]
62.5811 MART'JANOV, Viktor S. —
The article considers the historical evolution of the modernity paradigm from its initial Eurocentric and national-territorial version to a global, cosmopolitan version. It is posited that the “unfinished modernity project”, despite solid postmodernist-styled criticism, remains the basic paradigm for the contemporary society's self-description and for its legitimation. Discourses developed in opposition to modernity do not possess its universality and legitimacy in the global world. As for the main direction of modernity transformation, it is presented as a shift from the existing world economy to emerging values and institutions of world politics, with nation-states losing their legitimacy as foundations of late modernity. [R]
62.5812 MARTIN, Ben R. —
This article examines the origins and evolution of the field of science policy and innovation studies (SPIS), identifying the key intellectual developments in the field over the last 50 years by analyzing the highly cited publications. The emerging field of SPIS drew upon a growing range of disciplines in the late 1950s and 1960s. Around the mid-1980s, substantial parts of SPIS started to coalesce into a more coherent field centered on the adoption of an evolutionary (or neo-Schumpeterian) economics framework, an interactive model of the innovation process, and (a little later) the concept of “systems of innovation” and the resource-based view of the firm. The article discusses whether SPIS is perhaps in the early stages of becoming a discipline. [R, abr.]
62.5813 MARTÍNEZ DE BRINGAS, Asier —
Cultural diversity has until very recent times been absent from the human rights discourse. Cultural differences are not contrary to universality; there is rather a mediation. This involves understanding that the whole is imbued with particularity; particularity has a reservoir of universality, as an essential background for dialogue with diversity. One of the great challenges is to move towards a synthesis in the area of cultural diversity and human rights, i.e. the construction of multiculturalism. [R, abr.]
62.5814 MAYER, Maximilian —
During the last decade, the framing of climate change has turned into a highly nonlinear danger that threatens national security. This article [examines] the reasons and the consequences of this change. Drawing from actor-network theory, it argues that practices and materials have become entangled across professional and disciplinary contexts. The growing association of chaotic climate change encompasses climatologists, who challenge the mainstream ontology of climate; economists, who started to revisit their economic models; and strategic communities, which began to pick up nonlinear climate changes foregrounding national security. Methodologically, the principle of symmetry that underlies this research aims to transcend the dualistic notions of science and politics, and society and nature. The article [considers] the usefulness of a symmetrical approach to enhance research both on global environmental governance in particular, and global politics in general. [R, abr.]
62.5815 McGANN, Anthony; SANDHOLTZ, Wayne —
As of 2008, 92 countries had prohibited capital punishment for all crimes and 10 more had ruled it out for ordinary crimes. This article accounts for the pattern of national abolition of the death penalty since 1960. We hypothesize that certain kinds of democracies are more liable to end capital punishment than others. Specifically, the negotiated form of democracy produced by parliamentary systems with proportional representation (“consensus democracy” in A. Lijphart's terms) is more likely to do away with the death penalty than are other forms of democracy. As previous research indicates, democratic transitions also increase the likelihood of abolition. Finally, international influences can also tip countries toward abolition. [R, abr.]
62.5816 McGHIE, Gerald —
In the age of globalization foreign ministries are no longer the only people interested in foreign relations. The inter-connected world assumes the internet and social media as a means of mass communication, but no matter how streamlined the technology or how far economic theory encroaches on foreign policy formation, traditional interests and diplomatic requirements remain. In a democratic, multicultural and pluralistic society, foreign policy to be effective will continue to require the active involvement and broad acceptance of the wider community underpinned by traditional values and interests. Ministers will remain responsible: implementation will continue to require knowledge, experience and most of all wisdom. [R]
62.5817 MEERNIK, James, et al.
Given the myriad human rights abuses that occur globally and daily, why are some nations on the receiving end of a substantial amount of international opprobrium, while others receive far less attention and condemnation? The authors contend that the increasing presence of human rights organizations in such states is the critical link between the local and the international. Increases in the number of such groups contributes significantly to the generation of Amnesty International urgent actions, one of the most-often-utilized tools in naming and shaming campaigns against human rights abusing regimes. The authors find strong support for nearly all their hypotheses. [R]
62.5818 MELVILLE, Andrej Ju.; STUKAL, Denis K.; MIRONJUK, Mihail G. —
The article highlights six difefrent trajectories of regime transformation, three types os state consistency and five types of its dynamics in the post-Soviet space, worked out through statistical and qualitative comparisons. Conclusions are drawn regarding the specificity of regime transformations in the post-Soviet countries. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a series of articles on “World politics in an era of changes. Problems and contradictions”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.5808, 5835, 5882, 5915, 6801]
62.5819 MERKEL, Wolfgang; WEIFFEN, Brigitte —
This article conceptualizes the phenomenon of heterogeneity. In order to assess whether and how heterogeneity hampers democracy, we first define what “heterogeneity” means and examine its various dimensions. Then we discuss why and in which respect heterogeneity constitutes a challenge to democratic transition and consolidation and will review previous research. Our empirical analysis gauges the effect of various dimensions of heterogeneity on the political trajectory of states since the beginning of the third wave of democratization. We find that, while most facets of heterogeneity do not hinder democratic transition, most of them complicate democratic consolidation. Our final discussion offers some suggestions on how the obstacles that heterogeneity poses for democratic development could be overcome and which principles, procedures and institutions are most appropriate to deal with each of the different dimensions of heterogeneity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5793]
62.5820 MEROM, Gil —
Why, despite past failures, do liberal democracies continue to intervene militarily and fight counterinsurgency wars? The answer is grounded in learning. Liberal democracies acknowledge past failures, tracing them to the interaction between the events on the battlefield and society at home. Specifically, they identify the educated middle class and its mix of expedient and altruistic motivations as preventing effective military campaigns and victory. Hence, the main effort of liberal democracies is to fight wars that are divorced from society. At their disposal are advanced military technology, the professional all-volunteer force, proxies and alliance partners, and private military companies. The dissocializing effects of these are complemented by control of the media and thereby the flow of information from the battlefield to society. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6608]
62.5821 MEYER, Christoph O. —
Peace Research has the potential to theoretically and empirically enrich a core area of concern for IR as a discipline, which has become increasingly diverse over the years. The strand of Peace Studies, which is concerned with research for peace and not just on peace could also counter-balance the increasing tendency in IR towards paper rather than real problems. Unfortunately, Peace Research does not always realize this potential as illustrated by the case of early warning for conflict-prevention. The paper highlights deficits concerning normative assumptions about the desirability of conflict-prevention, understandings of decision-making, and assumptions about when practitioners should heed advice. These problems are interrelated and partly caused by demarcation from Security Studies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5900]
62.5822 MEYER, Timothy —
I argue that the scholarly focus on increasing participation and deterring free-riders has caused commentators to underestimate the ways in which common features of international legal institutions can undermine those institutions’ ability to facilitate cooperation. International institutions can be designed in a number of ways that compound the risk of that international cooperation will fail, which I refer to as governance risk. I focus on two features of institutional design but can create the risk of gridlock and governance failure. I illustrate the argument with examples drawn from institutions bearing on international energy governance. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5730]
62.5823 MICHAEL, George —
In order to mount a nuclear attack, a terrorist group would have to surmount a daunting series of obstacles. Although the probability of nuclear terrorism is still quite low, the potential damage could be so catastrophic that it merits attention. Moreover, a nuclear attack on a capital city could conceivably decapitate the central government. The prospect of strategic nuclear terrorism could be an attractive alternative to extremist and terrorist groups that have virtually no hope of achieving their objectives through conventional political means. Various extremist and terrorist subcultures have contemplated this course of action. In order to avert the consequences of this scenario, the system of the continuity of government should be strengthened. [R]
62.5824 MILES, J. K. —
It is often said that if free speech means anything it means freedom for the thought we hate. This core idea is generally referred to as “viewpoint neutrality” and is consistent with the liberal intuition that governments should remain neutral with regard to conceptions of the good life. None of the traditional defenses of free speech seems to secure viewpoint neutrality, however. Instead, each justification leaves room to censor some viewpoints. Ironically, my defense of viewpoint neutrality does not come from the liberal assumption that governments should remain neutral about the good life. I defend a version of the virtue argument for free speech that is explicitly perfectionist — government does not have to remain neutral when promoting good lives for its citizens. [R, abr.]
62.5825 MILLER, Joshua P. —
Some democratic theorists, especially J. Rawls and J. Habermas, identify pervasive disagreements as “facts” of pluralistic political life, and propose strategies for either mitigating or altogether avoiding especially recalcitrant disagreements. Others — for instance, Ch. Mouffe and A. Gutmann — suggest that disagreements are not only pervasive but desirable for democratic politics. This article argues that within a democratic context, the value of disagreement should be measured by its reasonableness rather than its termination in agreement between adversarial interlocutors. Plato's Gorgias illustrates such worthwhile disagreement. In the dialogue, the interlocutors approach and sustain disagreement while articulating Socrates’ conception of disagreement as a form of civic care. By sustaining reasoned disagreements, citizens can care for democracy and about each other. [R]
62.5826 MORSE, Richard K. —
Coal combustion is the largest source of carbon dioxide emissions on the planet. But the fuel isn't going away anytime soon, since demand for it is ballooning in the developing world. So instead of indulging in quixotic visions of a coal-free world, policy-makers should focus on supporting new technologies that can reduce how much carbon coal emits. [R]
62.5827 MØLCK, Casper; IBSEN, Malte Frøslee —
WikiLeaks has faced much criticism after massive leaks of secret US military files and diplomatic cables. However, we argue that WikiLeaks harbors a democratic potential, which so far has been overlooked, principally because the organization's activities have been interpreted within a traditional Weberian theory of power focused on strategic action. Relying on M. Saar's reflections on power, we argue that WikiLeaks is more fruitfully understood in terms of an ontological theory of power focused on the subjectivity-constituting function of power and power as a constitutive space of potential ways of being. Placing WikiLeaks within J. Habermas's diagnosis of our present social and historical context, we argue that WikiLeaks harbors a democratic potential by constituting the possibility for democratic criticism of globalized functional systems that increasingly undermine the necessary conditions for the efficacious exercise of popular sovereignty. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6636]
62.5828 MUELLER, Dennis C. —
Gordon Tullock is one of the founders of the field of public choice, of the Public Choice Society, and of the Public Choice Center. He is a coauthor with J.M. Buchanan of one of the true classics in the public choice field: The Calculus of Consent. He has been one of the field's most prolific scholars, with his research spanning virtually all dimensions of the public choice field. This article surveys his major contributions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5829 MÜLLER, Harald —
There is no schism between Peace Research and IR. To the contrary, there are multiple interactions and interrelations, common interest in substance, and the challenge through current changes in the academic sector which both are confronted with. Even between Security Studies or Strategic Studies and Peace Research, there exists no Chinese wall. Peace Research is distinct through its interdisciplinary and the normative commitment to contribute to the reduction of violence; IR might share that goal, but it is not inevitably inscribed in its brief. In addition, Peace research shares with its cousins practical interests and is involved in media communications and political consultancy. For future research, transdisciplinary “border walks” are of particular interest. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5900]
62.5830 MUNGER, Michael C. —
Gordon Tullock made fundamental conceptual contributions to the understanding of collective choices. Tullock balanced an optimism about the capacity of political choices to facilitate gains from exchange with a pessimism about the negative externalities attending having majorities control power and dictate choices for all. Tullock's work on both sides of this divide is surveyed, examining both the problems of voting procedures, and the promise of the demand-revealing process he helped invent, in guiding the choice of political institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5831 MUNKØE, Malthe —
Social choice research has shown that collective preference aggregation mechanisms under some conditions will produce arbitrary results, and are prone to endless cycles or strategic manipulation. This prompted G. Tullock [“Why so much stability?”, Public Choice 37(2), 1981: 189–202; Abstr. 32.3814] to ask what explains the discrepancy between these results — which imply that politics is chaotic and random — and general understanding of how politics works in practice. The literature has identified a number of mechanisms, including “structure-inducing” institutions that have a stabilizing effect on the political system. It is ultimately an empirical question to what extent a political system is stable or not, and what institutions, norms and arrangements engender stability. This article considers the Danish political system from the point of view of social choice theory and discusses which institutions and arrangements work to stabilize it. [R, abr.]
62.5832 MURRAY, Georgina —
Transnational capital is a hegemonic fraction of capital that uses its newly configured economic advantage to impose its direction and character on every other class fraction. This elite class configuration is new because of the changed nature of capital experienced [since] the 1970s. But the new elites defined are rooted in capitalist history and they have always been subject to sociological scrutiny and debate. W. Robinson's key points about this fractionation [Abstr. 62.5867] follow first; then his description of the globalized world that has been created is reviewed; and then we look at some of the relevant criticisms of Robinson's thinking. Robinson makes a powerful contribution to our understanding of the changing structure and dynamics of the fractionation of the capitalist class and provokes us to think more deeply about Marxist theory. [R, abr.]
62.5833 MUSTILLO, Thomas; MUSTILLO, Sarah A. —
We use estimates of variance in district-level electoral data as a way to identify multiple dimensions of the nationalization of party support, including “static nationalization” and “dynamic nationalization”. The multilevel model we use — also described as a random coefficient, mixed, growth curve, and hierarchical model — yields estimates of a party's mean national trajectory of electoral support (fixed effects), as well as estimates of variability around the mean trajectory parameters (random effects). Using a general model, we present a two-step approach to first identify electoral variability and then account for it. We develop the model, apply it to three political parties, demonstrate its behavior under controlled conditions using data we create, and demonstrate its application for explanatory purposes. [R]
62.5834 NACHMIAS, David; ROSENTHAL, Maoz; ZUBIDA, Hani —
While national government elections are perceived as first-order institutions that result in relatively high turnout rates, local elections are viewed as second-order institutions and are usually characterized by low turnout rates. We claim that this behavior is conditioned by the stakes that voters associate with elections as well as the voters’ relative position in the socio-ethnic stratification structure. We show that such conditions may yield an inversion in voters’ perspectives: voters who are alienated from national government institutions and who are effectively mobilized by leaders of their socio-ethnic groups, which have high stakes in second-order institutions, tend to invert their preference with regard to the significance of elections. In such instances, national elections become second-order elections, and local elections become first-order elections. We use data from elections in Israel to test this theory. [R, abr.]
62.5835 NEKLESSA, Aleksandr I. —
The author claims that contemporary society is experiencing, on the one hand, a system crisis of modernity era and, on the other hand, a complex multidimensional transformation filled with intricate and somewhat contradictory phenomena and tendencies. An attempt is made to describe this eclectic post-secular reality. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5818]
62.5836 NEUMANN, Iver B. —
Drawing on the work of C. Geertz and M. Sahlins, I suggest a layered conceptualization of diplomacy as consisting of myths, sociabilities and practices, which allows us to open the question of diplomacy's Eurocentrism to empirical scrutiny. European diplomacy is rooted in Christian mythology, [which] informs its sociabilities and practices. Three minicase studies (of diplomatic immunity, permanent representation and the institution of dean of the corps diplomatique) demonstrate that this mythology shines through in present-day diplomacy as well. Since diplomatic practices bear the mark of a European cultural context, it privileges the life chances of those native to that context. The real problem may concern the idea that European diplomacy was uniquely peaceful. As I demonstrate by means of a mini-study of Iroquois diplomacy, this is simply not the case. [R, abr.]
62.5837 NILSSON, Marco —
The systemic offense-defense theory argues that the security dilemma and the risk of war become doubly severe in offense-dominant eras in the state system. However, the theory assumes in support of its main argument that wars are shorter when offense has the advantage. This article empirically tests the expected connection between the systemic offense-defense balance and war duration. A statistical analysis of wars 1817–1992 disconfirms the theory's expectations. The article then draws different conclusions about the severity of the security dilemma when offense is dominant: both arms racing and the fear of aggression that the security dilemma thrives on should be less severe than offense-defense theorists assume. [R]
62.5838 NISKANEN, William A. —
Gordon Tullock is justly valued for his contributions to understanding the nature of bureaucracy. Specifically, Tullock draws on his own experience in the US State Department to develop a rational choice model of the hierarchical relationships between individuals within non-market organizations. The closest prior such model is that outlined by Machiavelli to characterize the predictable behavior of a sovereign and his immediate subordinates. Tullock's 1957 book provided the foundation for my own 1971 contribution, and for an ensuing research program into the economic analysis of bureaucracy and representative government. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5839 O'BRIEN, Terence —
The international landscape of power today has been characterized as resembling three-dimensional chess. The first level comprises military power, the second is the economic dimension and the third level encompasses the non-governmental dimension. This suggests that military power, economic power and the information revolution are vitally connected, horizontally and vertically. Palpable shifts in power relationships between states and in power away from states are apparent in the modern world. To define power simply by one dimension of the three-level chessboard is misleading. Operating effectively on the chessboard presents many challenges for a small country like New Zealand, which must focus sharply on its vital national interests. [R]
62.5840 OBERREUTER, Heinrich —
There is an indispensable correlation between democracy, free elections and legitimate government. Nowadays, however, in consolidated democracies, for the citizens, politics and voting no longer seem of former importance. Turnout is declining remarkably. On the other side, performance and capability of good governance are widely criticized, parliamentary decision-making [seen] as a myth. In consequence the legitimizing power really would also become a myth. These doubts are based on the crisis of parliaments, the powerful influence of economic interests and the marginalization of citizens in political communication. Scholarly new types of democracy have been created: post-parliamentary democracy, negotiating democracy, media democracy, associative democracy. But this development seems to be neither inevitable, nor without alternatives. Governments are still determined and legitimized at the ballot — not so the competence and performance of those who govern. [R, abr.]
62.5841 OFFE, Claus —
Resentment is not so much based upon the diversity of cultural and other identities but often rooted in grievances, complaints, and memories of historical conflicts that groups hold against other groups. Using examples from Central and Eastern Europe, this article argues that the viability of liberal democratic welfare states in Europe depends upon a minimum of toleration, trust, and solidarity among citizens. It is these cultural underpinnings of democracy which are threatened by historically rooted and (often strategically activated) feelings of resentment. [R]
62.5842 ORMROD, Robert P.; SAVIGNY, Heather —
This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behavior of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. We demonstrate how J.E. Ormrod's conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities and thus address the dearth of literature on the micro foundations of parties. While the underlying conceptualization of a political market orientation draws on the management-based “relationship marketing” approach, we acknowledge that the commercial and political contexts are not isomorphic, and thus we strive for contextual sensitivity. [R, abr.]
62.5843 PANT, Manoj —
One of the remarkable features of international trade has been the explosion of regional trading arrangements (RTAs), especially after 1990. In particular, developing countries have been in the forefront in contracting RTAs, especially among themselves. The period after 1995 is also characterized by the growth of trade among developing countries while their trade with developed countries has been on the decline. It seems that the latter phenomenon is driven by RTAs. India too has been very active in recent years in contracting RTAs. This article argues that the causality seems to be from trade to RTAs rather than the other way round. The growth in RTAs is explained more by developments in international politics and the emergence of a multi-polar world rather than by the conventional calculus of economic theory. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5747]
62.5844 PAPE, Robert A. —
When should the international community intervene to stop a government from harming its own citizens? Since World War II, the main standard for intervention has been the high bar of genocide, although the international community has rarely acted to stop it. The main alternative — the “responsibility to protect” — would set the bar so low that virtually every instance of anarchy or tyranny would create unbounded obligations beyond the capacity of states to fulfill. A new standard — the pragmatic standard — can help guide decision-makers on when to intervene to stop governments from targeting their own citizens. The pragmatic standard was met in the recent successful intervention in Libya as well as in other cases over the last twenty years, and it should become the basis for deciding which humanitarian crises justify international intervention in the future. [R, abr.]
62.5845 PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi —
Part of the growing literature on valence politics interprets the electoral impact of party competence perceptions as resulting from consensus over ideological positions in contemporary societies. The relationship between valence politics and consensus, however, is usually based on either disputable theoretical assumptions or on single-country analyses. This paper empirically tests the assumptions linking valence politics and policy consensus in a comparative perspective across 21 political systems. The results show no evidence that valence is associated with consensus, and some evidence that the electoral effect of valence is correlated with certain forms of policy dispersion, such as ideological party polarization. The implication that perceptions of party competence are significantly informed by spatial-based considerations is discussed. [R]
62.5846 PARK Jong Hee —
As countries increasingly protect their domestic industries by government subsidies, specific subsidies — subsidies that target specific industries or firms — have received increasing international attention due to their negative externality in international trade. I argue that variations in domestic institutional arrangements can explain the cross-national variation in subsidy specificity. First, I theorize that the size of specific subsidies has an inverted U-shaped relationship with the level of centralization of economic interests, while the size of general subsidies monotonically increases with the level of centralization of economic interests. Then, I expect the supply-side factors such as electoral institutions and government partisanship to interact with the effects of centralization in determining the amount of specific or general subsidies in a country. [R, abr.]
62.5847 PASCO, Xavier —
The last decade has been decisive for the international space activity. The unprecedented opening of the “Space Club” to new space faring nations as well as to entrepreneurs has signaled new axis of development. But space also has to face new challenges ranging from space security related issues to increasing policy-making difficulties for large program management in time of crisis, underlying an urging need to rethink the role of states. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Reconquering space”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.5633, 6072, 6122, 6475, 6492]
62.5848 PATOMÄKI, Heikki —
There are good security and political economy reasons for furthering integration towards a world political community (WPC), possibly assuming the form of a world state. However, would these reasons provide a legitimate and sustainable basis for the WPC? This article argues that, while the standard security-military and functionalist political economy arguments for world unification may work to a certain point, they are insufficient and may become counterproductive. There must also be a belief in normative legitimacy, which may be anchored in universal principles such as popular democracy and human rights. In this light, theories of civilizing process and stages of ethico-political learning are explored. Collective human learning not only explains the quest for democratization but also points towards cosmopolitan ethico-political sentiments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5619]
62.5849 PAXTON, Nathan A. —
The academic discipline of political science has substantially addressed the politics and policy of the HIV/AIDS epidemic over the last two decades, but the epidemic has not become a full-fledged research agenda of its own. The author analyzes and groups the extant research into four research programs. He suggests some future directions that political science may take, so as to further the investigation of the empirical problem of HIV/AIDS, as well as to meet the disciplinary imperative to advance more general theories and explanations of political phenomena. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Thinking politically about HIV”, edited and introduced, “Thinking politically about HIV: political analysis and action in response to AIDS”, pp. 127–140, by Dennis ALTMAN and Kent BUSE. See also Abstr. 62.5721, 6019, 6057, 6069, 6089, 6094, 6124, 6129]
62.5850 PEDERSEN, Helene Helboe —
What parties want — policy, office or votes — affects how they represent their voters, make strategic decisions and respond to external changes in society. What parties strive to accomplish is crucially important for what they do. Moreover, our knowledge of what parties want affects what we expect them to do. For instance, coalition theory assumes that parties have homogeneous goals, and hence are equally likely to join coalitions given the same circumstances. However, this article investigates this basic assumption of party-goal homogeneity and finds that party goals do indeed diverge. The article demonstrates that party goals are influenced by party-specific factors such as party size, policy position and intra-party politics. It therefore suggests, further, that intra-party politics should be included more systematically in future studies of party behavior. [R]
62.5851 PETROVA, Maria; BATES, Robert H. —
The risk of political predation impedes the achievement of economic prosperity. We analyze how the risk of predation evolves in different political regimes. Formally, we look at the interaction between a government and citizens in which, in each period, the government has an option to predate. Citizens prefer governments that are competent and non-predatory and strive to replace ones that are not. Regimes differ in the degree to which citizens can succeed in doing so. In pure democracies, citizens can displace incumbent governments; in pure autocracies, they cannot; and in intermediate cases, they can do so in probability. After economic downturns, the posterior probability that the government is competent and benevolent declines. According to the model, in intermediate regimes, but not in others, governments can separate by type. [R, abr.]
62.5852 POWELL, Robert —
Three striking features about both interstate and civil war are: (1) there are often periods of persistent fighting, (2) fighting commonly ends in negotiated settlements as well as in militarily decisive outcomes, and (3) fighting sometimes recurs. This article links these features to shifts in the distribution of power and to the fact that one of the functions of fighting is to forestall adverse shifts. The analysis centers on a simple model of state-consolidation. The equilibrium displays these features: Fighting occurs when the distribution of power is shifting rapidly. The factions avoid fighting and cut deals when the distribution of power shifts slowly or is stable. Fighting resumes if the distribution of power again begins to shift rapidly. State consolidation can occur without fighting if the process is sufficiently slow. [R, abr.]
62.5853 POWERS, Matthew; CHOI Seung-Whan —
Although several studies examine the economic impact of transnational terrorism by referring to its potential to reduce FDI, they overlook possible differences in the effects of business-related and non-business-related terrorism. We argue that the former type of terror negatively affects FDI since it damages multinationals’ buildings, destroys their products, kills their employees, and causes a rise in insurance premiums. The latter type of terror, however, does not induce the same ramifications and should thus have little or less influence on a country's FDI. In order to examine the effects of these two different types of transnational terrorism, we employ three different statistical techniques using data gleaned from the International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist Events (ITERATE) dataset. [R, abr.]
62.5854 PROKSCH, Sven-Oliver; SLAPIN, Jonathan B. —
Participation in legislative debates is among the most visible activities of MPs, yet debates remain an understudied form of legislative behavior. This study introduces a comparative theory of legislative speech with two major implications: (1) party rules for debates are endogenous to strategic considerations and will favor either party leadership control or backbencher MP exposure; (2) in some systems, backbenchers will receive less time on the floor as their ideological distance to the party leadership increases. This leads to speeches that do not reflect true party cohesion. Where party reputation matters less for reelection, leaders allow dissidents to express their views on the floor. We demonstrate the implications of our model for different political systems and present evidence using speech data from Germany and the UK. [R]
62.5855 PRY, Peter Vincent —
History is replete with examples of deterrence failure and war occurring unexpectedly, taking nations by surprise, because of failure to comprehend an adversary's ideology. The modern world has been shaped by failure to comprehend the ideologically driven aggression of Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, Soviet communism, and Islamic jihadism. The Soviet “war scare” during NATO's nuclear exercise ABLE ARCHER-83 exemplifies how ideology could cause deterrence failure and even nuclear war. Understanding the ideology of potential adversaries must be part of any informed deterrence strategy. US overconfidence in deterrence theory, which is itself an ideological belief system, could contribute to deterrence failure. [R]
62.5856 PURDY, Jill M. —
The growing use of collaborative methods of governance raises concerns about the relative power of participants in such processes and the potential for exclusion or domination of some parties. This research offers a framework for assessing power that considers authority, resources, and discursive legitimacy as sources of power and considers the participants, the process design, and the content of collaborative governance processes as arenas for power use. A case study of a collaborative governance process is presented and analyzed using the power framework. Implications for the design of collaborative governance processes are discussed, including the benefits of a multidimensional definition of power, tools for managing power imbalances among participants, and strategies that participants can use to participate more fully in collaborative governance processes. [R] [See also Robert M. JONES's commentary, “Introducing the elephant in the room: power and collaboration”, pp. 417–418]
62.5857 PUŠKAREVA, Galina V. —
The category of “political space” is applied in scientific literature in two main senses: (1) as environment or territory of existence of political objects and of political processes being developed, and (2) as system of political differences consolidating the political hierarchy in society and the differentiation of political positions. Considered in the article are particularities of conceptualization of political space within the second sense. Nature of political space in this sense is disclosed, lethodological principles and problems of spatial formation of politics designed. [R]
62.5858 RAMIAH, Ananthi Al; HEWSTONE, Miles —
This article provides a social psychological analysis of the neglected issue of “intergroup compromise”. We discuss factors that promote respondents’ willingness to compromise with two very different out-groups. We present a framework in which altruistic motivations and egoistic motivations act as proximal predictors of compromise, with intergroup contact as a distal predictor. We found that respondents who had more positive contact with homosexuals perceived them to be less threatening, and were more likely to compromise with them on group-specific issues. We also found that respondents who had more negative contact with Muslims perceived them to be more threatening, and were less likely to compromise with them. We discuss these results with reference to recent developments in intergroup relations and the state of public discourse in contemporary Britain. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5645]
62.5859 RASMUSSEN, David M. —
This essay deals with two conceptions of the political, one that entails a clash of civilizations associated with a Schmittian critique of liberalism and a second which envisions the political as an emerging domain. The latter idea can be associated with the later work of J. Rawls, which separates the comprehensive from the political. I argue that it is this idea, when reconstructed in relationship to a theory of multiple modernities, that can be appropriated for an emerging notion of global justice. Hence, it is in the domain of the political that we should look for a global concept of justice. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5909]
62.5860 RAZA, Salvador —
This article [examines] interagency cooperation: what it serves and how it works. The dynamic interagency question is at the center of the governmental public management transformations, offered as an instrument to harmonize cultures and efforts to obtain a decision about objectives and, once the decision is taken, to answer complex problems, such as international crises, with a coherent and consistent strategy. We discuss various models that use the concept, which shows that if an agency cannot plan, it will not survive in interagency environments. The plan thus becomes the relation thread between how and why interagency collaboration works, giving a practical meaning to the term's theoretical conception. [R, abr.]
62.5861 REGONINI, Gloria —
We describe the effects of strong nonpartisan legislative offices on the procedures and outcomes of the parliaments they serve. We consider four disciplinary approaches used to provide legislatures with information and analysis independent from the executive: the law, the budget, the management and the policy perspectives. We highlight how these competencies and their advice intervene in the pre-legislative scrutiny and in the post-legislative oversight. Our comparative analysis includes US, UK, and Italy. The results confirm the substantial indifference to the policy analysis and program evaluation by the Italian parliament. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5862]
62.5862 REGONINI, Gloria —
This article illustrates the focus of this issue, devoted to the relationship between political institutions and disciplinary knowledge. The basic idea of this research is that “first order institutions”, with a constitutional relevance, may be strongly influenced by a particular kind of “second order institutions”: the organization of competencies parliaments and governments need to articulate their functions. in this frame, four scientific paradigms deserve special attention: the law, the budget, the management, and the policy perspectives. Their relevance is confirmed both from a diachronic and a synchronic perspective. We examine their institutionalization through processes of accommodation and assimilation, with a core emphasis on the emergence of the policy sciences. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Political institutions and disciplinary knowledge”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.5861, 6005, 6011, 6163]
62.5863 REKSULAK, Michael; SHUGHART, William F., II —
Public Choice as a field introduced the framework for a methodical economic analysis of political markets. The output of these markets, of course, is reflected by the role that government plays. That is specifically true with respect to the organization of economic activity. Gordon Tullock has studied a myriad of aspects of this topic for more than half a century. We examine his answers to the question of “What should government do?” and how they have influenced and are still impacting the discussion on the proper role of government in the economy. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5864 RENNER, Judith; SPENCER, Alexander —
In April 2004, Osama bin Laden offered Europe the possibility of reconciliation, and, in 2006, a similar truce offer was extended to the US. At the time, these offers seemed absurd and far beyond anything considered viable. The most common and, after 9/11 [2001] understandably emotional, response from the political elite and large segments of the media was: we do not negotiate with terrorists! On the one hand, this forceful rejection of any such idea is understandable. On the other hand, however, it seems strange that reconciliation with Al Qaeda is not even considered an option, while at the same time being commonly heralded as the best means of overcoming a conflict involving state terror. [R]
62.5865 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
A post-liberal peace engages with the politics of hybridity emerging from a mixture of contextual and international social, political, economic, cultural, and historical dynamics of peace. It attempts to escape liberal enclosure and distant administration as well as contextual forms of violence in post-conflict zones-from Bosnia Herzegovina to Afghanistan. Critical agency as a form of resistance aimed at liberation from the structures of conflict, and structural violence, rather than solely relying on external norms and capacity, is key. From this tension, a range of “local”, transversal, and transnational agencies can be uncovered in many peace-building or state-building contexts, which may resist, modify, or co-opt intervention in unexpected ways. A hybrid form of peace emerges from this agonistic process, which points to an understanding of peace-building-as-liberation. Rather than producing subjects, this enables subjects to produce peace. [R]
62.5866 RID, Thomas —
For almost two decades, experts and defense establishments the world over have been predicting that cyber war is coming. But is it? This article argues in three steps that cyber war has never happened in the past, that cyber war does not take place in the present, and that it is unlikely that cyber war will occur in the future. It first outlines what would constitute cyber war: a potentially lethal, instrumental, and political act of force conducted through malicious code. The second part shows what cyber war is not, case-by-case. Not one single cyber offense on record constitutes an act of war on its own. The final part [explains that] all politically motivated cyber attacks are merely sophisticated versions of three activities that are as old as warfare itself: sabotage, espionage, and subversion. [R, abr.]
62.5867 ROBINSON, William I. —
National elites have experienced a new fractionation. Emergent transnationally-oriented elites grounded in globalized circuits of accumulation compete with older nationally-oriented elites grounded in more protected and often state-guided national and regional circuits. Nationally-oriented elites are often dependent on the social reproduction of at least a portion of the popular and working classes for the reproduction of their own status, and therefore on local development processes however so defined, whereas transnationally-oriented elites are less dependent on such local social reproduction. The shift in dominant power relations from nationally- to transnationally-oriented elites is reflected in a concomitant shift to a discourse from one that defines development as national industrialization and expanded consumption to one that defines it in terms of global market integration. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Global capitalism and transnational elites”. See also Abstr. 62.5674, 5832, 6731, and the author's reply, pp. 405–416]
62.5868 ROCKEY, James —
This paper reconsiders T. Persson and G. Tabellini's analysis [The Economic Effects of Constitutions, Cambridge, 2003] of the causal effect of constitution type on government size. It addresses the concerns of D. Acemoglu [“Constitutions, politics, and economics: a review essay on Persson and Tabellini”, Journal of Economic Literature, 2005] and makes some measurement and methodological refinements to the identification strategy to argue there is a qualitatively large and statistically significant relationship between constitution type and government size. The age of a democracy is of increased importance in the new identification strategy, but existing measures of when countries became democracies are shown to be flawed. Two new measures of the age of a democracy are introduced. The first details when a country first had a genuinely democratic election, the second when its current constitution was promulgated. [R]
62.5869 RODE, Martin; COLL, Sebastian —
Empirical studies provide evidence that economic freedom, as measured by the Economic Freedom of the World Index, is related to economic growth. Nonetheless, identifying which aspects of economic freedom are more conducive to growth has proven difficult, due to multicollinearity among the index areas. A possible explanation is that certain countries score high in all areas, whereas others tend do bad in all of them, simply because the former are more freedom-friendly than the latter. However, it is also true that each country presents a combination of freedoms, and restrictions to freedom, at the level of the individual indicators that make up each area. If some regularity exists with respect to these combinations, empirical detection of the most popular policy combinations would alleviate the collinearity problem, when assessing growth effects. [R, abr.]
62.5870 ROESSLER, Beate —
I argue that it does not make sense — either empirically or normatively — to speak of “authentic” cultures. All we need when talking about cultures is a relatively weak concept that still carries enough normative weight to function as the meaningful background of a person's identity, autonomy and good life. Discussing the authentic culture, I refer to the debates around the German Leitkultur as well as the Dutch populist movement as examples. However, I am interested also in the concept of the authenticity of persons: if an “authentic culture” is not feasible, does this have repercussions on the concept of the autonomy and authenticity of persons? In suggesting that this might be the case, I argue that persons can be autonomous without always being fully authentic. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5909]
62.5871 ROUSSEAU, David L., et al. —
Despite strong empirical evidence for democratic peace theory, the historical record indicates that democracies have been involved in many wars. This article conducts a critical examination of how democratic polities become entangled in international conflict. The examination focuses on how democratic leaders manage domestic politics and public opinion at each stage of the conflict (i.e., disputes, crises, wars and settlement). The study explores how democracies are drawn into conflict; when democracies provoke conflict; what claims democratic leaders make to justify conflict; when domestic audiences support or oppose conflict; and the implications for democratic leaders after conflicts. It argues that democratic leaders pursue various strategies that are shaped by the stage of the conflict, the domestic institutional structure and the level of mobilized domestic opposition. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6608]
62.5872 ROWLEY, Charles K. —
Gordon Tullock is one of the world's leading economists. Even more so than Chicago's G. Becker, Tullock has extended the rational choice model into areas previously judged to lie outside the realm of economics. This essay identifies Tullock's contributions to constitutional political economy, public choice, bureaucracy, the law, and bio-economics. It focuses attention most especially on Tullock's pioneering contributions to public choice, including his twenty-year editorship of Public Choice. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5873 ROWLEY, Charles K.; HOUSER, Daniel —
Gordon Tullock is a founding father of public choice. In an academic career that has spanned 50 years, he forged much of the research agenda of the public choice program and he founded and edited Public Choice, the key journal of public choice scholarship. Tullock, however did much more than this. This iIssue honors Tullock in precisely the manner that he most values: the creation of new ideas across the vast range of his own scholarly interests. [R] [First of three introductory articles to a thematic issue on “The intellectual legacy of Gordon Tullock”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.5828, 5830, 5872, and other articles, Abstr. 62.5681, 5745, 5807, 5838, 5863, 5884, 5921, 5927]
62.5874 SA VILAS BOAS, Hélène — É
Comparative methodology supposes appling the same techniques of investigation to the cases studied, in order to collect similar data. This approach is however not necessarily heuristic, nor even possible. This article analyzes the writing process of a comparative research by questioning, first of all, the symmetry required in using comparative methodology. Does asymmetry constitute an obstacle or a consubstantial problem of comparison? Secondly, the writing “act” is analyzed in order to understand its consequences on comparison. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5728]
62.5875 SAULL, Richard —
The 2008–2009 global economic crisis has revived debates concerning the decline of American hegemony and the rise of China. This article engages with these debates on two levels. (1) Through situating the 2008–2009 crisis in longer-term development trends in the world economy, I suggest that the empirical evidence of American decline is more ambiguous and that the crisis itself is not, necessarily, an indicator of decline, but rather an organic feature of uneven development with more open political consequences. (2) I offer a revised neo-Gramscian perspective on American hegemony by highlighting the contradictions between the structural logic of uneven development and the neoliberal historical bloc. I provide an alternative overview of the evolution of American hegemony over the last 30 years pointing to the likely continuation of American/neoliberal global hegemony. [R]
62.5876 SAVINOV, Leonid V. —
An assessment of the place of Russian political scientists in world science is offered, as evidenced by bibliometricand scientometric indices. The Russian political scientists’ publishing activity, as reflected in Web of Knowledge, in Scopus and in PNHLI, is analyzed.
62.5877 SCHAFF, Kory P. —
I pursue the question whether extending democratic rights to work is good in the broadest possible sense of that term: good for workers, firms, market economies, and democratic states. The argument makes two assumptions: (1) the configuration of any relationship among persons in which there is less rather than more coercion makes individuals better off. (2) Extending democratic rights to work will entail costs and benefits to both the power and authority of employers and meaningful work for employees. These costs and benefits cannot be determined in advance because they are largely empirical, but there are still good reasons for expanding worker participation all-things-considered. I examine the parallel case for extending democratic rights to the workplace based on several similarities between politics and work organization. I consider the objections from voluntariness and efficiency. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Good economies”, edited by Raymond GEUSS and Richard RAATZSCH]
62.5878 SCHATZ, Edward; MALTSEVA, Elena —
The language scholars use to describe research findings has potentially enormous implications for how a science of politics develops. Consider the history of marked and unmarked terms in the APSR. Modifiers that mark reported data as spatially or temporally “different” (versus linguistically leaving the data unmarked and thus implying that the information is universal and “normal”) reflect predominant power relations. Marking, furthermore, can contribute to future power relations. Finally, knowledge claims that are made without acute attention to the marking of data are likely to be faulty. Because the implications for a science of politics are neither politically nor analytically innocent, political scientists should reveal (rather than conceal) and foreground (rather than background) the geographic and temporal origins of their data. [R]
62.5879 SCHLEITER, Petra; VOZNAYA, Alisa —
When Indian and Brazilian citizens took to the streets this year in anticorruption demonstrations, they were seeking to re-establish control over their politicians and to remedy the widespread failure of governing and opposition parties to address endemic corruption. [R]
62.5880 SCHLICHTE, Klaus —
Over the last ten years, Peace and Conflict Studies have experienced a certain boom in Germany. Do we see here the emergence of a new discipline? The answer is rather negative. Earlier, a number of rather critical IR scholars in Germany and beyond have worked in Peace and Conflict Studies, and current changes can thus be seen as a renewal of that interest. However, the scientific community in IR should notice that the interest in Peace and Conflict Studies indicates a move toward global questions in other social sciences, too. IR loses its claimed monopoly as the social science of global phenomena. But instead of turning this into new attempts of “disciplining”, the discipline should rather try to develop its internal pluralism and its social relevance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5900]
62.5881 SCHNEIDER, Christina J.; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
Powerful states often accept unanimity voting on accession to international institutions, even though this enables weak states to blackmail powerful states into providing costly side payments. Whereas the literature attributes this choice mainly to efforts to bolster the legitimacy of international institutions, the authors demonstrate that the choice of unanimity also has a strategic component: unanimous accession rules can profit powerful states by creating uncertainty as to the minimal level of reform that enables accession. If accession is valuable enough and the membership candidate is uncertain about the resolve of weak states, it plays safe by implementing ambitious reforms that improve the efficacy of the international institution. In this case, a legitimacy-efficacy trade-off does not exist. [R, abr.]
62.5882 SEBENCOV, Aleksandr B.; KOLOSOV, Vladimir A. —
The authors seek to give operational definitions of terms such as “control of territory”, “uncontrolled territories”; and analyze the main kinds and forms territorial control. A typology of uncontrolled territories is suggested. Possible trends are analyzed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5818]
62.5883 SHELTON, Judy —
Is it reasonable to expect governments to abide by the discipline required to maintain sound money? Or have we set up an irresistible temptation by empowering governments to control both fiscal and monetary policy? Would it make more sense to return money to markets by privatizing money issuance? I propose a reform that would bring the power of market forces and competition to bear on the challenge of providing sound money while still giving government a principled role in the monetary system. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Monetary reform in the wake of crisis”]
62.5884 SHEPSLE, Kenneth A.; WEINGAST, Barry R. —
Gordon Tullock, nearly a half century ago, raised questions about K. Arrow's Theorem (“a phantom has stalked the classrooms and seminars of economics and political science”). He followed this up by asking, in light of Arrow's Theorem, “Why so much stability?” In this paper, a more nuanced understanding of the operating characteristics of majority rule in institutional settings, anticipated and stimulated by Tullock, is spelled out. A major distinction is made between preference cycles and voting cycles, suggesting why Arrow's phantom still stalks, but that Tullock's intuitions are germane as well. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5885 SHINDO, Reiko —
I explore one way of thinking about political community. Drawing on J.-L. Nancy's idea of community, I suggest that community is not a full circle, but an open-ended line. Thinking community-as-a-line is to shift our focus from the completed pictures of community to the inception of community. In this way of thinking, community is a shared mode of being. I argue that at the heart of sharing lies translation-communication — or translation space — where one (singularity) is perpetually ingrained in others (plurality). The subject constantly “emerges” in relation to others in translation space. I argue that looking at community as a line is a way to avoid the statist boundary, the subject of which is situated either inside or outside. [R, abr.]
62.5886 SIKK, Allan —
Previous studies on new political parties have assumed that they either represent new or ignored cleavages or issues, or emerge in order to cleanse an ideology deficiently represented by an existing party. Four highly successful parties analyzed manifestly fail to comply with these assumptions. The article proposes a parsimonious two-dimensional typology of new parties refining the one suggested by P. Lucardie [“Prophets, purifiers and prolocutors: towards a theory on the emergence of new parties”, ibid. 6(2), Apr. 2000: 175–185; Abstr. 50.5231], incorporating a new type of parties based on the project of newness. The four parties analyzed fall into the latter category, as they fought on the ideological territory of existing parties yet did not attempt to purify an ideology. [R, abr.]
62.5887 SIMÓN YARZA, Fernando —
Ever since the Stockholm Declaration (1972), practically all constitutional texts include environmental regulations. None, however, admits a true individual right to the environmental. That absence is perfectly understandable if we consider that “the environment” is, broadly speaking, a collective asset. Its protection cannot be carried out from a status libertatis that constitutional fundamental rights draw up, but only from a status procuratoris, a category that is not in complete correspondence with individual rights. It is the political authorities which must decide what techniques are most appropriate to guarantee environmental quality. A fundamental right to the “natural world” would only have a distorting effect, as it would move the political decision to the area of litigation, where individual interests would be inflated. [R, abr.]
62.5888 SIMONOVITS, Gábor —
This study contributes to the literature on the effect of political competition on electoral participation. I test the Downsian Closeness Hypothesis (DCH) on data from runoffs in general elections in Hungary. The expected closeness of the runoffs is proxied with first-round margins of victory. The findings are consistent with the DCH: increases in margins between two parties in the first round significantly decrease turnout in the second, even when turnout in the first round is controlled for. This is in line with the theoretical considerations of the DCH but contrary to a large part of the existing empirical literature. The estimates of closeness suggest that previous studies of the DCH using actual closeness as a proxy for expected closeness encountered a serious measurement error problem. [R, abr.]
62.5889 SIQUEIRA, Kevin; SEKERIS, Petros G. —
The article provides an analytical approach to capturing the population-centric view of insurgency and allows for the inclusion of politics in describing its earliest stages. The outcome of the politico-military contest over population support now becomes not only a function of the proposed governing policies of the two contestants, the government and insurgents, but also a function of such factors as the sensitivity of the population to the proposed policies and efforts of the two parties, the effectiveness of their mobilization efforts, and the strategic value of the region to insurgents. We also look at two different scenarios in which the government can and cannot mobilize against the insurgency and establish conditions in which a government may actually choose not to mobilize against a possible domestic threat. [R, abr.]
62.5890 SKIDELSKY, Robert —
Either the global economy will contract to the ambit of existing government authority, or government authority will have to expand to meet its needs. [R]
62.5891 SOLOMON, Ty —
IR has seen renewed interest in the nuanced insights of H. Morgenthau which had long been obscured by neorealism. In the 1960s, Morgenthau lamented the inability of modern thinking to recognize the connections between power and love, which he argued was symptomatic of the inability to fully understand either one. For Morgenthau, both power and love were rooted in the need to overcome the loneliness of the human condition. Yet, these pursuits are mutually subversive. The frustration of love blends into the imposition of power, and the pursuit of power is ultimately an extension of the search for love. In exploring these issues, this paper argues that Morgenthau's insights have implications for at least [several] core issues of contemporary concern in IR. [R, abr.]
62.5892 SORENS, Jason; RUGER, William —
Cross-national empirical studies have found that foreign investment has beneficial effects on human rights. We argue that these studies poorly operationalize foreign investment to test theoretical predictions and suffer from sampling bias. We demonstrate that investment stock, rather than inflow, is the superior operationalization of structural dependence theory. We construct regression models of government repression of physical integrity rights, include much more data than previous studies, and use a new multiple imputation algorithm for time-series cross-section data to resolve sampling bias. We find no evidence that foreign investment affects repression, contradicting conventional wisdom and suggesting that the political gains from repression frequently dwarf any economic costs for governments. [R]
62.5893 SØRENSEN, Majken Jul; VINTHAGEN, Stellan —
This article investigates what culture means for nonviolent resistance. The authors suggest an innovative model of three strategies for analyzing the cultural aspects of a nonviolent struggle: (1) occasionally “borrowing” existing powerful symbols and cultural elements, such as flags or religious symbols, which is then applied; (2) partially “remodeling” “old” culture in the spirit of nonviolence. This strategy is illustrated through the Khudai Khidmatgar of the North-West Frontier Province [India] in the 1930s and shows how the nonviolent struggle there, was “negotiated” with Islam and a traditional code of honor; and finally, (3) systematically creating a nonviolent movement culture, which is a much more complex process, is illustrated through the movement for landless workers in Brazil, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. [R, abr.]
62.5894 SPIEKERMANN, Kai; GOODIN, Robert E. —
In A Constitution of Many Minds [Why the Founding Document Doesn't Mean what it Meant Before, Princeton, 2009], C. Sunstein argues that the three major approaches to constitutional interpretation — Traditionalism, Populism and Cosmopolitanism — all rely on some variation of a “many-minds” argument. Here we assess each of these claims through the lens of the Condorcet Jury Theorem. In regard to the first two approaches we explore the implications of sequential influence among courts (past and foreign, respectively). In regard to the Populist approach, we consider the influence of opinion leaders. [R]
62.5895 STADEN, Andreas von —
The legitimacy of global governance arrangements remains a major focus of scholarly interest across the social sciences. To maximize the potential insights of such research, closer cooperation of scholars across the relevant disciplines and the creation of a genuinely interdisciplinary research program promises significant rewards. The normative blueprints for more democratically legitimate forms of global governance developed by political theorists in particular would benefit from closer linkage with political science, with the latter providing critical insights into the causal factors and mechanisms that determine outcomes in international politics, insights that are indispensable for studying and assessing the feasibility of implementing abstractly attractive normative designs. This issue crosses the “normative-positive divide” and the contributors collectively point the way toward more integrated future research. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The (democratic) legitimacy of global governance: new theoretical and empirical perspectives”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.5690, 5907, 5922, 6437, 6443, 6497]
62.5896 STANILAND, Paul —
Building on recent findings about state-formation, I offer a conceptual typology of political orders amidst civil war. Wartime political orders vary according to the distribution of territorial control and the level of cooperation between states and insurgents. Orders range from collusion and shared sovereignty to spheres of influence and tacit coexistence to clashing monopolies and guerrilla disorder. Examples from contemporary South Asian conflicts illustrate these concepts, which are scalable and portable across contexts. Scholars need to think more creatively about the political-military arrangements that emerge and evolve during war. A key policy implication is that there are many ways of forging stability without creating a counterinsurgent Leviathan. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “New approaches to the study of violence”, edited and introduced, pp. 235–241, by Jeffrey C. ISAAC. See also Abstr. 62.5636, 5719, 5779, 5904, 5916]
62.5897 STANTCHEV, Stefan —
Embargoes are usually considered a product of modernity. Attempts by some political scientists to argue the contrary have been made on an inadequate basis. Although medievalists have written about embargoes, they have typically considered this research subject only as a footnote to trade or crusade. This study first briefly defines embargo and then presents a broad view of its employment in the Middle Ages. Its argument is that early medieval imperial systems of export controls notwithstanding, embargo emerged as an instrument of foreign policy alongside economic protectionism and trade wars in the wake of the Commercial Revolution of the central Middle Ages. [R]
62.5898 STEFANOWITSCH, Anatol —
“Discriminate” means “separate” or “differentiate”, originally in a value neutral sense, subsequently taking on the meaning of “devaluate” or “disadvantage”. Making differences and distinctions is both a key function and a guiding principle of any language. Each word separates the world into that which is designated by the word, and the rest. As each vocabulary is organized hierarchically, any differentiation has its own prominence. This remains harmless when confined to objects but becomes more complex when applied to human beings. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.5899 STEINACK, Katrin —
Newly elected MPs face multifaceted challenges in representation, budgeting, and office-management. Added to this are policy-knowledge, understanding, facilitating and scrutinizing legislation, and learning the rules of procedure. To support MPs, many assemblies offer induction and training programs. While some MPs embrace those programs as useful for increasing their knowledge, skills and abilities, others state that their role is best learned “on the job”. Understanding, why MPs respond differently to training offers will help to better target professional development programs to particular groups or types of MPs. As part of the Parliamentary Careers project, this article explores whether the MPs’ training-attitude can be linked to their socio-demographic background, their previous careers in- and outside parliament, structural issues or particular political cultures. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5679]
62.5900 STETTER, Stephan; MASALA, Carlo; ENSKAT, Sebastian —
We argue that, at least to some degree, a disjuncture between IR and peace and conflict studies can currently be witnessed. Quite curiously, this disjuncture has to do with a shared similarity in mainstream approaches in both fields, namely an overtly liberalist understanding of politics. We point out that systematic bridge-building between both fields requires flagging out an intellectual horizon beyond such liberalist conceptions of global order and global conflict. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.5663, 5665, 5821, 5829, 5880]
62.5901 STOJANOV, Krassimir —
Meritocracy as a method for distributing goods and positions represents a great historical progress relative to pre-modern “natural” social hierarchies. The meritocratic principle is thus a substantial dimension of equality. Further, self-reliance is linked to the Enlightenment concept of rational human beings. However, a transposition of meritocratic rules to non-economic fields may undermine equality. [First article of a thematic issue on “Inequality and its justification”. See also Abstr. 62.5617, 5660, 5733, 5748, 5749, 5898, 6224, 6315, 6334]
62.5902 STOJANOV, Krassimir —
The author revisits the post-socialist transitions in Eastern Europe to focus on the biographical processes of identity transformation, what he insightfully calls a “biographical learning process”. By doing so, he complements existing studies that focus on the macro-systemic institutional dimension of these transitions with a new interest in their microsubjective biographical aspects. For him, the great merit of such a thematic and methodological shift is that it discloses the growing political alienation all too often concealed and ignored by the systemic approaches that tend to emphasize institutional and procedural stability at the expense of subjective and biographical transformations. [R]
62.5903 STRANDBERG, Kim; GRÖNLUND, Kimmo —
Findings are presented from a pilot experiment carried out online via a platform designed specifically for citizen deliberation. The purpose of the experiment was to assess how online deliberation works in practice and also to test several hypotheses concerning the effects of taking part in an online deliberation has on participants. Additionally, an examination is made to ascertain whether a variation in the deliberative procedure affects the outcome. The findings show that carrying out an online deliberation has its problems-especially technical ones. Moreover, the effects of deliberation are somewhat modest. [R, abr.]
62.5904 STRAUS, Scott —
This paper [addresses] the absence of a strong theory that accounts for variation among cases that have similar probabilities of escalating to genocide and similar forms of organized (usually state-led) mass violence against civilians. A critical missing dimension to studies of genocide, but also more generally to the study of political violence, is a methodological recognition of negative cases and a theoretical recognition of the dynamics of restraint that helps to explain such negative cases. That is, in addition to asking what causes leaders to choose to escalate violence, I argue that scholars should emphasize conditions that prompt moderation, de-escalation, or non-escalation. I propose an alternative framework for how to conceptualize the process of political violence and review the literature to identify key restraint mechanisms at micro, meso, and macro levels of analysis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5896]
62.5905 STREECK, Wolfgang —
The paper argues that contemporary capitalism must be studied as a society rather than an economy, and contemporary society as capitalist society. Capitalism is defined as a specific institutionalization of economic action in the form of a specifically dynamic system of social action, with a tendency to expand into, impose itself on and consume its non-economic and non-capitalist social and institutional context, unless contained by political resistance and regulation. The paper illustrates its perspective by four brief sketches, depicting contemporary capitalism as a historically dynamic social order, a culture, a polity, and a way of life. All four examples demonstrate the superiority of a longitudinal-historical approach over static cross-sectional comparisons, and of focusing on the commonalities of national versions of capitalisms rather than their “varieties”. [R]
62.5906 STUMP, Jacob L.; DIXIT, Priya —
This paper uses P. T. Jackson's monism/dualism distinction [“Foregrounding ontology: dualism, monism and IR Theory”, Review of International Studies 34(1), Jan. 2008: 129–153; Abstr. 58.6271] to clarify ongoing methodological debates among students of critical terrorism studies (CTS). We map the distinction onto the CTS literature and emphasize the distinctive ontological starting points and the distinctive epistemological frameworks entailed by each perspective. Then we critically engage monistic, or interpretivist, CTS research, especially that of R. Jackson. We argue for a more methodologically explicit and logically consistent interpretivist CTS and we suggest three important steps that researchers can take to achieve this aim: (1) take an explicit ontological stance; (2) embrace reflexivity; (3) conceptualize terrorism as a meaning-making practice. [R]
62.5907 TAKE, Ingo —
To proceed in theory-building, scholars need to systematically assign the theory-driven assumptions on legitimate forms of governance beyond the nation-state with the various, already observable, forms of global governance. This article conducts a comparative appraisal of the legitimizing quality of different patterns of governance by applying a framework of indicators for their assessment. The indicators are selected from the scholarly debate within IR on the legitimacy of global governance arrangements and structured by a multi-dimensional concept of legitimacy (input-, throughput- and output-dimension). This framework is then applied to international, transnational and private forms of global governance in three policy fields in order to show how each of them tries to produce and maintain legitimacy, which strategies they apply and in how they interact with their stakeholders. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5895]
62.5908 TALPIN, Julien —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(1), Feb. 2010: 91–116. See Abstr. 60.3249.
62.5909 TAYLOR, Charles —
This essay discusses the difference between the concepts of multiculturalism and interculturalism, both concepts which are current on the Canadian scene. It argues that the difference between the two is not so much a matter of the concrete policies, but concerns rather the story that we tell about where we are coming from and where we are going. In some ways, we could argue that interculturalism is more suitable for certain European countries. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Accommodating diversity: received models under scrutiny”. See also Abstr. 62.5715, 5859, 5870, 6709, 6761]
62.5910 THALER, Mathias —
Should we be concerned with, or alarmed or outraged by, the insincerity and hypocrisy of politicians who apologize for historical injustice? This paper argues that the correct reply to this question is: sometimes, but not always. In order to establish what types of insincerity must be avoided, J. Shklar's hierarchy of ordinary vices is critically revisited. Against Shklar's overly benign account of hypocrisy, the paper then demonstrates that only institutional and harmful forms of hypocrisy must be rejected in political apologies for historical injustice. Employing M. Nobles’ “membership theory”, this paper defends the claim that the sincerity standard for political apologies is, in stark contrast to apologies between individuals, agent independent. [R, abr.]
62.5911 THYNE, Clayton L. —
This article considers how governmental variations affect the duration of civil conflicts. Recent work suggests that war termination is likely when competing actors gain information about the power balance and are able to credibly commit to war-ending agreements. I focus on how the strength and stability of executives impact these factors. Regarding information, power consolidation within the government reduces the number of people who must agree on a settlement, which should shorten civil conflicts. Stable leadership should likewise shorten conflicts by making it harder for potential spoilers to derail war-ending agreements, helping minimize credibility problems. This argument is tested by examining how variations in institutional design (executive constitutional and legislative power), political strength (ideological fragmentation and polarization), and stability (leadership tenure) affect the duration of civil conflicts from 1946 to 2004. [R, abr.]
62.5912 TINNEVELT, Ronald —
Theorists such as Höffe, Cabrera, Deudney and Yunker defend a version of a multilayered minimal world state — a model based on the dual principles of federalism and subsidiarity. The focus of this article is on the very fragile balance that proponents of this model have to keep between a simultaneous need for centralization and decentralization. On the basis of a critical analysis of the work of these theorists, this article argues that the safeguards these authors defend to prevent a bloating of government themselves contain a tendency to hierarchical centralization. While some form of world state might be necessary to cope with the challenges posed by globalization, it is essential to discuss the shape and competences of the world state much more critically and in more detail than has been the case in the past. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5619]
62.5913 URPELAINEN, Johannes —
Two leaders engaged in international co-operation must each build trust by credibly signaling that they will not exploit the other by defecting at the implementation stage. Previous research does not reveal the difficulty and cost of such international reassurance. The role that costly adjustments by markets play in international reassurance is analyzed, showing that fully efficient information revelation can be achieved when market actors under intense competitive pressures undergo sufficiently costly adjustments in expectation of international co-operation. “Nice” leaders can reveal their true preferences simply by saying they intend to cooperate, because “mean” leaders are unwilling to mislead market actors into undergoing futile costly adjustments. However, market imperfections prevent full information revelation unless market actors prefer international co-operation to the status quo. [R]
62.5914 VAN PARIJS, Philippe —
A compromise is an agreement that involves mutual concessions. Some compromises, however, are bad, and others are good. This article discusses three conjectures about what makes a compromise good. Is a good compromise one that enables each party to save face? Is it rather a fair compromise, one that contributes to the progress of justice independently defined? Or is it a Pareto-improving compromise, one that changes things in such a way that it ends up making everyone better off than under the status quo? A compromise is never as good as a consensus, but it is generally better than nothing, and often achievable when a consensus is not. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5645]
62.5915 VASIL'EVA, Natalija A.; LAGUTINA, Marija L. —
The basic transformations of the global society have meant for the contemporary political science the necessity of a methodological reconstruction bound up with broadened conceptions of the global political processes of the 21st c. It seems fair in this context not only to apply interdisciplinary methodology in political science research (which has been actively done for some last years), but also to breathe new life into the philosophical reflection on international relations and world politics. The authors of this article discuss the core characteristics and methodological perspectives of such a new academic discipline as the Philosophy of World Politics — one of innovative and promising sectors in contemporary social science. By this article the authors contribute to the scientific discussion concerning the new discipline and to present the position of the Saint-Petersburg school of world politics as related to the issue. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5818]
62.5916 VERDEJA, Ernesto —
This article outlines a research agenda that analyzes the conditions under which genocide is likely to occur, the multilevel processes of violent escalation and de-escalation, and the ways in which these processes are shaped by, connect to, reinforce, accelerate and impede one another. I argue that scholars should (1) model elite and follower radicalization processes by disaggregating genocidal “intent” over time and space, and exploring how intent emerges rather than taking it as pre-given. Doing so will permit researchers to (2) situate genocide research within a broader context of political violence in order to understand how they are related temporally and spatially, and to decenter analytical domains beyond the standard country level and single victim group in order to gain insight into the dynamics of genocide, including how perpetrator policies vary by group. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5896]
62.5917 VERHULST, Brad; ESTABROOK, Ryne —
Cross-sectional data from twins contain information that can be used to derive a test of causality between traits. This test of directionality is based upon the fact that genetic relationships between family members conform to an established structural pattern. We examine several common methods for empirically testing causality as well as several genetic models that we build on for the Direction of Causation (DoC) model. We then discuss the mathematical components of the DoC model and highlight limitations of the model and potential solutions to these limitations. We present an example from the personality and politics literature that has begun to explore the question whether or not personality traits cause people to hold specific political attitudes. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5756]
62.5918 VERSCHUERE, Bram; BACH, Tobias —
The creation of executive agencies outside core departments has been a major element of administrative reforms throughout Europe during the past two decades, driven by a managerial logic, which also has been at the core of most academic works on “agencification”. This article takes a different perspective by focusing on executive agencies’ influence in the policy process. The authors analyze the policy influence of a large executive agency with service-delivery tasks in the context of a parliamentary system of government (Flanders, Belgium). A comparison of the agency's influence in two major policy processes shows that a complex interplay of policy content, patterns of interaction, and mutual trust with the political leadership and organizational characteristics helps in explaining the observed patterns of influence. [R, abr.]
62.5919 VORMEDAL, Irja —
This article develops a model for analyzing international regime-formation in the environmental domain. It argues that current approaches to understanding how regimes emerge and develop are too narrow, and fail to account for the dynamic interplay between states and markets which induce the emergence of “tipping points” leading to more extensive and stringent international institutions. The article demonstrates the central role of tipping points in regime-formation using the example of international climate change. [R]
62.5920 WALKER, Scott —
Since World War II, democracies, especially the US, have periodically taken it upon themselves to intervene militarily with the purpose of bringing about democratic change. While the “track record” of such interventions is not very successful — they are generally expensive and problematic — leaders of powerful democratic nations will often nonetheless periodically be tempted to force democracy in the future. This tired old strategy may be taken out of mothballs and used again by leaders who believe that they can increase their standing among the public by pushing for democracy (even in hostile situations) through military interventions. [R]
62.5921 WALLICK, Richard —
The future of modeling in public choice may be glimpsed by examining its evolution in economics. For problems that are influenced by heterogeneity of actors, social networks, or emergence — the arising of a complex system from simple phenomena, such as Adam Smith's “invisible hand” — economists increasingly are turning to agent-based modeling. Agent-based modeling is a form of computational analysis that focuses on agents rather than on aggregates. In his long career as a founding scholar of public choice, Tullock repeatedly followed the agent-oriented approach of methodological individualism. Many of his models are thus highly amenable to further exploration using that method. As agent-based modeling becomes more and more popular, the importance of Tullock's work will continue to grow. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5922 WHEATLEY, Steven —
This article examines the extent to which a democratic conception of legitimate political authority can be applied to global regulatory regimes. The analysis responds to the concerns around the putative “democratic deficit” at the domestic level that results from the globalization of governance functions and the need for global regulators to demonstrate a “right to rule” in conditions in which “sovereignty” [no longer] legitimizes the exercise of political power in world society. The essay draws on the work of J. Raz and J. Habermas to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the idea of legitimate political authority before considering the complexities that emerge from the recognition of multiple overlapping regimes, all of which can make a plausible claim to democratic legitimacy and a right to rule on the issue under consideration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5895]
62.5923 WHEELER, Mark —
In a seminal article published in 2004, J. Street [Abstr. 56.275] argued that celebrity politics has provided a greater expression for the enhancement of democratic behavior. Consequently, this analysis builds on Street's thesis to consider the worth of celebrity politics in an era of late modernity. It employs H. Bang's and J. Keane's constructs of Everyday Makers and Monitory Democracy, which have emphasized the importance of “involvement”, “voice” and “output” in terms of representation, to provide an ideological framework to capture the value of celebrity politics. Subsequently, I argue that B. Obama utilized a form of “liquid” celebrity in his 2008 US presidential campaign to reconnect with a disenfranchised electorate. However, this article contends that aggregated forms of “input” drawn from celebrity activism may more truly affect political outcomes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6362]
62.5924 WHITAKER, Reg —
The case of North Korea, the third member of G.W. Bush's “Axis of Evil”, is no doubt an instructive model for the Iranians. North Korea has not been invaded precisely because it does have nukes, unlike Iraq which could be invaded because it lacked WMDs. [R]
62.5925 WHITTEN-WOODRING, Jenifer; JAMES, Patrick —
New media dramatically increase citizens’ access to information and decrease governments’ ability to control the flow of communication. Although human rights NGOs have advocated that access to independent news media improve government respect for human rights, recent empirical studies have shown this is not always the case. We posit that media independence and the presence or absence of democratic characteristics, in particular political competition, have substantial effects on government repression because these factors determine the degree to which the government is vulnerable to public pressures. The model developed here includes three equations that encompass the impact of interaction between and among the news media, citizens, and government. [R, abr.]
62.5926 WIDMAIER, Wesley W.; PARK, Susan —
Over the past two decades, one of the main themes in IR theory debates has been a concern for the interplay of agents, structures, and change. We engage with these debates by highlighting in broad fashion three “constructivist turns” and their implications for efforts to explain the rise and demise of norms. More specifically, we offer a stylized history of a debate marked by shifting emphases on structural constraints, strategic practices, and sentimental forces. In the context of this symposium, while we accept many of our colleagues’ critiques of extant scholarship, we draw on the work of R. Rorty to argue that the most important differences pertain to matters “beyond theory”, regarding the effects of norms in enabling the establishment of either an open community or disciplinary society. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “Interrogating the use of norms in international relations”, edited and introduced by Charlotte EPSTEIN. See also Abstr. 62.5704, 5765, 6073]
62.5927 WINTROBE, Ronald —
I survey G. Tullock's contributions to the study of autocracy and coups d'état. He suggested that those at the top could control those at the bottom with a proper system of incentive payments. I ask: what keeps those at the top from looting the regime? Shareholders of the modern widely held corporation face a similar problem: what keeps the CEO from looting the company when the market for corporate control is flawed, shareholders are too weak to exercise discipline, and the board is in the CEO's pocket? I suggest the answer is provided by “internal governance”: the old need the young for good performance. I explain the financial crisis of 2008 as in part the result of the failure of this mechanism. I also explain the success of modern China this way [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5873]
62.5928 WRIGHT, Chris F. —
Comparative scholarship tacitly assumes immigration politics to be relatively rigid. A state's immigration policy legacy is said to institutionalize policy preferences, thereby making it difficult to implement lasting reforms that are inconsistent with that legacy. This presents difficulties for states with restrictionist legacies wanting to implement liberal reforms in response to the emergence of labor shortages or demographic problems. The supposed rigidity of immigration politics is scrutinized in this article through a systematic process analysis of developments in the UK over the past decade, where the T. Blair government confounded the UK's characterization as a “reluctant immigration state” to implement various liberal work visa reforms. [R, abr.]
62.5929 YI Dae Jin —
Does taxation promote democracy? Revisiting this question, I hypothesize that the effects of taxation on democracy tend to be relatively stronger in unequal societies because higher income inequality can amplify the extent to which citizens dissatisfied with higher levels of taxation want to soak elites. Using event-history models to analyze a pooled time-series dataset of regime transitions that cover all countries from 1970 to 2000 if data are applicable, I find empirical evidence that taxation has a conditional impact on democratization, but not on democratic breakdown. According to the theory, higher taxation levels and greater income inequality should tend to promote democracy. [R]
62.5930 YOUNG, Lori; SOROKA, Stuart —
An increasing number of studies in political communication focus on the “sentiment” or “tone” of news content, political speeches, or advertisements. This growing interest in measuring sentiment coincides with a dramatic increase in the volume of digitized information. Computer automation has a great deal of potential in this new media environment. We outline and validate a new automated measurement instrument for sentiment analysis in political texts. Our instrument uses a dictionary-based approach consisting of a simple word-count of the frequency of keywords in a text from a predefined dictionary. The design of the freely available Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary (LSD) is discussed in detail here. The dictionary is tested against a body of human-coded news content, and the resulting codes are also compared to results from nine existing content-analytic dictionaries. [R, abr.]
62.5931 YRJÖLÄ, Riina —
Since J. Street's article on celebrity politics in 2004 [“Celebrity politicians: popular culture and political representation”, ibid. 6(4), Nov. 2004: 435–452; Abstr. 56.275], the integral role of celebrities in contemporary humanitarian politics has been increasingly acknowledged in the study of IR. However, this research has been limited to analyzing appearances rather than examining the aesthetics of celebrity representations and their “thought worlds” that contribute also to the structures, relations and processes of world politics. This article addresses this dearth of critical attention and proposes an approach to engage with celebrity humanitarian imaginaries politically by turning to critical humanitarianism and cultural and post-colonial studies. It concludes that by failing to acknowledge the historicity, conditions and effects of celebrity humanitarian intelligibilities and imaginaries in a globalize world, research in this area is in danger of missing the very location of politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6362]
62.5932 ZANGL, Bernhard, et al. —
Over recent decades a judicialization process of international dispute-settlement procedures has taken place. Yet, the judicialization of procedures remains meaningless if the procedures are not used and accepted by disputing states in practice. Prominent theoretical approaches point to different conditions under which this is to be expected. Realism emphasizes the international distribution of power, institutionalism stresses the importance of the institutional design of international dispute-settlement procedures, and liberalism points to the domestic institutional setting of the participating states. The article confronts these theoretical expectations with states’ actual dispute-settlement behavior in the international trade regime, the UN Security Council, the European human rights regime and the regime on the protection of endangered species in the 1970s/80s and 1990s/2000s, respectively. Compared to realism and liberalism, institutionalism fares better in explaining the judicialization of states’ dispute-settlement behavior. [R, abr.]
62.5933 ZEHFUSS, Maja —
Much discussion of the ethics of war revolves around civilians’ alleged special claim to protection, expressed in the principle of non-combatant immunity. This article shows that its supporters do not give persuasive reasons for why civilians should be protected from deliberate harm ahead of combatants. The principle moreover problematically relies on the significance of intention. Intriguingly, the principle is defended in the face of recognizing these issues. Its defenders argue that the principle must be maintained because without it we would be unable to distinguish legitimate uses of political violence from mass murder and terrorism. This article argues instead that the principle's role in making permissible political violence classified as “war” must be considered: it works to enable what it seeks to prevent, namely making the killing of civilians acceptable. [R]
62.5934 ZIAI, Aram —
The article deals with the relationship between post-colonial studies and political science. As political science has hitherto largely ignored postcolonial inquiries and perspectives, and post-colonial studies on the other hand have treated political institutions and processes often in a rather superficial manner, the article argues that connecting these fields will prove to be productive and insightful. Based on a survey on the state of the art of political science informed by post-colonialism, a research program is sketched which operationalizes the concepts of orientalism and othering, subalternity and representation/articulation, hybridity and provincializing Europe. [R]
62.5935
A series of articles by Jean-Marie BOCKEL; Daniel VENTRE; Olivier KEMPF; Loïc SIMONET; Vincent JOUBERT; Sébastien HÉON.
62.5936
Articles by Achim BRUNNENGRÄBER; Inga SCHLICHTING and Andreas SCHMIDT; Silke BECK; Markus RHOMBERG; Axel BOJANOWSKI; Markus LEHMKUHL; Mike S. SCHÄFER; Roger PIELKE, Jr.; Werner KRAUSS; Jochen ROOSE.
62.5937
Articles by Carla PASQUINELLI; Enrica RIGO; Salvatore MONNI and Federica ZACCAGNINI; Fabrizio MASTROMARTINO; Lucia ALENI; Salvatore STROZZA; Barbara SORGONI; Ali BENSAÂD; Miguel MELLINO; Fulvio VASSALLO PALEOLOGO; Leonardo DE FRANCESCHI; Michele COLUCCI; Abdelmalek SAYAD.
62.5938
Articles by Sara PANTULIANO, Victoria METCALFE, Simone HAYSOM, Eleanor DAVEY, “Urban vulnerability and displacement: a review of current issues”, pp. 1–22; Jeff CRISP, Tim MORRIS, Hilde REFSTIE, “Displacement in urban areas: new challenges, new partnerships”, pp. 23–42; Elizabeth FERRIS, Sara FERRO-RIBEIRO, “Protecting people in cities: the disturbing case of Haiti”, pp. 43–63; Lilianne FAN, “Shelter strategies, humanitarian praxis and critical urban theory in post-crisis reconstruction”, pp. 64–86; Elena LUCCHI, “Moving from the ‘why’ to the ‘how': reflections on humanitarian response in urban settings”, pp. 87–104; François GRÜNEWALD, “Aid in a city at war: the case of Mogadishu, Somalia”, pp. 105–125; Tahir ZAMAN, “Jockeying for position in the humanitarian field: Iraqi refugees and faith-based organisations in Damascus”, pp. 126–148.