Abstract
62.6164 ABBOTT, Jason P. —
The capabilities, tools and websites we associate with new information communication technologies and social media are now ubiquitous. Moreover, tools designed to facilitate innocuous conversation and social interaction have had unforeseen political impacts. During the 2011 uprisings across the Arab World, from Tunis to Cairo, and Tripoli to Damascus, protest movements against authoritarian rule openly utilized social networking and file sharing tools to publicize and organize demonstrations and to catalogue human rights abuses. The Arab Spring, or Jasmine Revolution, was an event that was both witnessed and played out in real time online. This article explores the impacts and effects of these technologies on regimes in East Asia, in particular exploring the extent to which they proffer new capabilities upon activists and reformers in the region's semi-democratic and authoritarian regimes. [R, abr.]
62.6165 ALTHAUS, Scott L.; BRAMLETT, Brittany H.; GIMPEL, James G. —
The “proximate casualties” hypothesis holds that popular support for American wars is undermined more by the deaths of American personnel from nearby areas than by the deaths of those from far away. However, no previous research has tested the mechanisms that might produce this effect. This omission contributes to three areas of lingering uncertainty within the war support literature: whether national or local losses have a greater effect on war support, whether the negative effects of war deaths are durable or temporary, and whether the negative effects of war deaths have a greater influence on the most or least attentive citizens. Analysis of Iraq War data shows that local losses have a greater effect on war support than national losses, that these casualty effects decay rapidly, and that citizens who closely follow news at the national and local levels are least affected by new information about war costs. These findings run contrary to the prevailing cost-benefit calculus model of war support. [R]
62.6166 AMES, Barry; GARCIA-SANCHEZ, Miguel; SMITH, Amy Erica —
Despite weak partisanship and considerable political change in the wake of the 2002 election, three-quarters of Brazilian voters supported in 2006 a presidential candidate from the same party they had backed in 2002. This article assesses the factors causing both electoral stability and electoral change with a transition model, a model testing whether the effects of respondents’ evaluative criteria depend on their initial vote choices. Social context — personal discussion networks, neighborhood influences, and the interactions of social networks and municipal context — is the major force promoting stability and change, while the impact of partisanship is limited to a small share of voters. [R]
62.6167 ARTER, David —
While the “successor party” (SP) has a well-established place in the literature on post-communist Eastern and Central Europe, occasional references to its West European counterpart have tended to use the term loosely. Focusing on the process of party origination, this article makes a case for viewing the SP as a distinct genus in the West European party hemisphere. The SP is a party which is nominally and legally a new entity that takes the place of, and fills at least some of the political space vacated by, a single, defunct party of origin. SPs emerge with a clear political inheritance. What this is and how they interpret and respond to the inheritance makes the case for their systematic study. The question of party change in SPs is analyzed by reference to the True Finns. [R, abr.]
62.6168 AVELLANEDA, Claudia N.; ESCOBAR-LEMMON, María C. —
Political decentralization has been promoted as a way to devolve responsibility, bring government closer to citizens, and improve accountability. The shift prompted new local elections, but were the elected officials responsive to citizens or to national party elites? This study examines unique survey data from 125 Colombian mayors to identify the factors they believe were critical in their victories and thereby to identify the people to whom they believe they owe loyalty: citizens or party leaders. Examining the relative value mayors assign to their own actions versus those of the party, combined with information on how they financed campaigns, sheds important light on subnational electoral dynamics in Colombia. [R]
62.6169 AZI, Lev-On —
Social networking platforms and video-sharing sites like YouTube generate hopes for a more participatory politics and stronger connections between citizens and representatives, particularly at the local level. This article examines these trajectories by analyzing the YouTube presence of candidates in municipal election campaigns, as well as public involvement in these campaigns. [R]
62.6170 BACHELOT, Carole —
In line with the elitist approach, parties and their leaders have been mostly studied in terms of top-down power relationships, framed by electoral strategies. More attention should be paid to internal relationships between “peers” at the top of political organizations. Based on an empirical study of the French Socialist Party, this paper demonstrates that the notion of collegiality, borrowed from the sociology of organizations, is helpful for understanding these complex relationships. Relying on tensions between formal equality and statutory differentiations, they impact their specific activities, such as negotiation, deliberation and decisions. [R]
62.6171 BACKES, Uwe —
No left-right divide may be discerned in the academic or public debate concerning the potential ban of the German Neo-Nazi NPD. There are advocates of prohibition on the right as well as opponents of the ban on the left: both sides hold legitimate arguments. Regardless of background, the factors are multiple, but the adherence to democratic schools of thought remains decisive. [See Abstr. 62.6342]
62.6172 BACON, Edwin —
The allegations of electoral manipulation surrounding Russia's parliamentary election of December 2011 were nothing new. Regional elections in October 2009 resulted in victory for Putin's United Russia, followed by a walkout from the State Duma by the other parliamentary parties, to protest the elections’ conduct. Multi-layered questions surround the role of electoral manipulation for different actors in Russia's political system. Analysis focused on the elections of October 2009 shows that regime, opposition, and regional authorities all have conflicting motivations. For the regime, electoral manipulation helps to secure power and legitimacy, but its uncovering undermines that legitimacy. For the opposition, participation in elections provides an opportunity to both gain electoral representation and to de-legitimize the regime by declaring the ballot flawed. [R, abr.]
62.6173 BALAND, Jean-Marie; ROBINSON, James A. —
We argue that when patron-client relations are grounded in economic relationships, such as between landlord and worker, we should expect clientelism to influence not just how public policy, the state, and the political system work, but also how the economy works. We develop a simple model of the economic consequences of electoral clientelism when voting behavior can be observed. Landlords/patrons provide economic rents to workers, and in exchange workers vote for parties favored by landlords. As votes are used by the landlords to accumulate political rents, vote-control increases the demand for labor and for land. The model implies that the introduction of the Australian ballot, which destroys this form of clientelism, should lead to a fall in the price of land in those areas where patron-client relationships are strongest. [R, abr.]
62.6174 BALE, Tim —
The UK may be relatively unfamiliar with coalition governments, but they are very common in other parts of the world — so much so that political scientists now have a very good idea of what makes some governments last and some end early. This article summarizes the cross-national research on coalitions and on the entry into government of parties that are unfamiliar with its constraints, and uses it, together with a case study of another Westminster system that suddenly had to get used to “hung parliaments”, to suggest that we must not assume that the D. Cameron-N. Clegg coalition is somehow bound to last the full five years. [R]
62.6175 BARBONI, Thierry; TREILLE, Éric —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(6), Dec. 2010: 335–358. See Abstr. 61.801.
62.6176 BASSIOUNEY, Reem —
This study [examines] the relationship between identity, stance-taking and code choice. It provides three examples of different forms of Egyptian public discourse related directly to identity that took place during the 2011 revolution of Egypt, a time when state TV media stations cast doubt on the identity of the protestors by utilizing linguistic resources. During the process of stance-taking, speakers employ linguistic resources, discourse resources and structural resources. This stance-taking process depends on code-switching as a mechanism that lays claims to different indexes and thus appeals to different ideologies and different facets of identity. This study also shows how speakers use public discourse in order to construe language as a classification category and an identity-builder. [R, abr.]
62.6177 BATTO, Nathan F. —
There is widespread consensus on the theoretical foundations of the differing mandates hypothesis, that in mixed-member systems district legislators are more likely to defect from the party line than list legislators. However, the empirical evidence for this hypothesis is extremely weak. Is the hypothesis itself fundamentally flawed, or does the long list of intervening variables cited in the literature account for these weak results? This paper examines the differing mandates hypothesis in a case, Taiwan from 1993 to 2007, in which none of the proposed intervening variables should alter expectations. If the hypothesis is not supported in this baseline case, perhaps it should be discarded altogether. In fact, there is strong support for the hypothesis, indicating that the hypothesis is not fundamentally flawed. [R]
62.6178 BHATTI, Yosef; HANSEN, Kasper M. —
Electoral turnout has been declining at national elections in almost all Western democracies. EP elections have followed the same trend. We utilize a previously suggested method for separating the effect of generation, age and period and show that a major part of the decline can be attributed to the difference in turnout between pre- and post-baby-boomer generations, though there are substantial differences across countries. Age has a curvilinear effect on turnout even when generation is taken into account, but the age composition has remained relatively stable over time. We utilize the estimated coefficients to predict future changes in turnout as a result of the expected shifts in the generational and age compositions over the next 30 years. The results point to a continued decline in turnout to EP elections. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6282]
62.6179 BOLOTOVA, Alla —
This article examines complex patterns of interaction between human settlement and the environment in the industrialized Russian North. I analyze how new mining towns, built during the Soviet period, were located and integrated into the environment. Residents have participated in the industrial processing of natural resources in the work domain, also developing a strong emotional attachment to the natural environments while spending leisure time around the cities. In both perception of physical space and ideas about place, the main dividing principle is between the spheres of work and leisure. [R]
62.6180 BOWEN, John R. —
I argue for an approach to studying the governance of religion based on the study of schemas: categories, images, propositions, often deeply psychologically embedded in actors’ minds, that may coexist without necessarily being consistent and that may be weighted differently from one moment to another. I distinguish this approach from one based on explicit national models. I examine the case of France, considering both the radical shifts in policy in the early twentieth century and the continued coexistence of Gallican and associationist schemas to argue for this more disaggregating and historically based explanatory view. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6003]
62.6181 BRACONNIER, Cécile; DORMAGEN, Jean-Yves —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(4), Aug. 2010: 665–662. See Abstr. 60.7612.
62.6182 BRADER, Ted; TUCKER, Joshua A. —
In the US, considerable evidence documents the power of partisanship to shape voter preferences. But does partisanship have similar powers beyond American shores? Observational evidence leads some in this old debate to answer yes, but others to contend partisanship merely restates party vote. Experimentation can clarify what powers, if any, partisanship wields over voters in specific countries. If effects differ across countries, then scholars can turn their attention to explaining why. Survey experiments conducted in three countries where multiple parties viably compete for legislative seats — Great Britain, Hungary, and Poland — demonstrate that, when cues are available, party identifiers often follow their party's lead when expressing policy preferences. However, the pattern of results suggests this power may strengthen with party system crystallization. [R]
62.6183 BRÄUNINGER, Thomas; BRUNNER, Martin; DÄUBLER, Thomas —
It is well known that different types of electoral systems create different incentives to cultivate a personal vote and that there may be variation in intra-party competition within an electoral system. This article demonstrates that flexible list systems create another type of variation in personal vote-seeking incentives within the system. This variation arises because the flexibility of party-in-a-district lists results from voters’ actual inclination to use preference votes and the formal weight of preference votes in changing the original list order. Hypotheses are tested for the case of Belgium, where party-in-a-district constituencies vary in their use of preference votes and the electoral reform of 2001 adds interesting institutional variation in the formal impact of preference votes on intraparty seat allocation. [R, abr.]
62.6184 BUNDSCHUH, Stephan —
In structurally weak German regions where local authorities are retreating from their duties in the field of social concerns, Extreme Right representatives may in fact posture as genuine political alternatives and indeed as useful civil society agents, being even perceived as part of the political center. [See Abstr. 62.6342]
62.6185 BUTON, François; LEMERCIER, Claire; MARIOT, Nicolas —
We use electoral participation data coded from signature lists to show that patterns of voter turnout, be they related to average participation, versatility or precise moments of voting, are strongly related to what we call “electorate households”, i.e., groups of voters registered in the same polling station and living together. Each household tends to be homogeneous, at levels much higher than chance would explain, so that modeling individual participation without taking this household effect into account ignores much of what actually happens. The status in the household also plays an important role among individual factors of voter participation. Not only do people who live together often participate together, but the precise shape of their relationships influences their behavior. [R]
62.6186 CABESTAN, Jean-Pierre —
English version: see Abstr. 62.6187.
62.6187 CABESTAN, Jean-Pierre —
The most unexpected aspect of the recent elections in Taiwan was the interest they generated in China. Taiwan's democratic elections have never before been so closely followed on the other side of the Strait. The huge upsurge in interest can be traced back to the rise of social media, particularly micro-blogging. China now has an estimated 250 million bloggers, and as attention focused on the Taiwanese democratic project, many Chinese used the events to raise questions about their own political system. The Hong Kong magazine Zhengming says Kuomintang (KMT) leader Ma Ying-jeou's re-election has given new impetus to the debate within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership about whether to accelerate the reform process and whether to take more definite steps towards reunification. [R]
62.6188 CAMPBELL, David E.; GREEN, John C.; MONSON, J. Quin —
Why did M. Romney face antagonism toward his Mormon religion in the 2008 [US presidential] election? Using experiments conducted in the real time of the campaign, we test voters’ reactions to information about Romney's religious background. We find that voters were concerned specifically with Romney's religious affiliation, not simply with the fact that he is religious. Furthermore, concern over Romney's Mormonism dwarfed concerns about the religious backgrounds of H. Clinton and M. Huckabee. We find evidence for a curvilinear hypothesis linking social contact with Mormons and reaction to information about Romney's Mormonism. Voters who have no personal exposure to Mormons are most likely to be persuaded by both negative and positive information about the Mormon faith, while voters who have sustained personal contact with Mormons are the least likely to be persuaded either way. [R, abr.]
62.6189 CAPLAN, Lincoln —
In state after state, campaign contributions and related spending by special interests have risen dramatically in the past decade and are expected to swell in the wake of the US Supreme Court's 2010 Citizens United decision, which removed any limits on independent spending. Wisconsin is one of 22 states that elect judges to their highest courts, or one of 38 if you count states that have so-called retention elections by which appointed judges run to retain their seats. In all of them, independent spending threatens to overwhelm the system of electing judges, making them and the candidates running against them dependent on private money and eroding the public's confidence in the courts. [R]
62.6190 CARRERAS, Miguel —
This essay calls for a more nuanced analysis of the evolution of party systems in Latin America. First, I contend that the general impression that party systems are collapsing in Latin America and that processes of partisan and electoral dealignment are affecting most countries in the region is incorrect. Second, I argue that the changes in the party systems (e.g., strategic moderation) often facilitated the processes of democratic consolidation in many Latin American countries. Finally, I discuss the positive impact the recent transformations of Latin American party systems have on political representation in the region, by showing that formerly excluded groups — especially indigenous groups — have been integrated into the political system. [R]
62.6191 CARSON, Jamie, et al. —
Previous research has largely concluded that House elections have become less competitive in the modern era. Our research examines one area where we expect to observe more competition: primary elections. We investigate when and where a state legislator will emerge to run in a congressional primary. All else equal, we expect that state legislators who can carry a large portion of their old state re-election constituency to the “geographic” congressional constituency will be more likely to emerge and receive a higher vote-share in the election. Using geographic information systems (GIS) techniques, we are able to derive a measure of constituency congruency by focusing on the degree of intersection between state legislative and congressional districts. Our results indicate that state legislators are more likely to emerge in a primary if constituency congruency is high. [R, abr.]
62.6192 CECCOLI, Stephen; HIXON, William —
This article examines the factors that condition citizens’ attitudes toward genetically modified (GM) foods by considering individual-level attitudes in 15 EU member states. Previous research has shown that European attitudes toward GM foods are influenced by overall levels of scientific literacy, consumer exposure to media coverage, and broader sociopolitical preferences. This article tests some of these explanations in a multivariate analysis. To test our propositions, we develop and estimate a logistic regression model using data derived from Eurobarometer surveys. While the sources of information that people value and their attitudes toward EU policy in related areas explain to some extent support for GM foods, our strongest finding confirms the importance of public understanding of science as a basis for support for this emerging technology. [R]
62.6193 CHERNYHA, Lachen T.; BURG, Steven L. —
This article examines the determinants of identification within the autonomous communities (ACs) of Spain and explores whether “activated identities” guide behavior. The authors test this hypothesized effect empirically and demonstrate that regional and especially (non-Spanish) national activated identity affect preferences for exclusionary policies and for greater autonomy or independence for the AC. Both preferences and activated identities increase the likelihood of voting for regional, rather than statewide, political parties. The authors argue that the strength of attachment to identity (i.e., to the AC to or Spain) and the effect of identities on preferences constitute the mechanisms that link identity to behaviors. Thus, the authors contribute to, and help to clarify, both the theoretical and empirical literatures focused on the relationship between identity and behaviors. [R]
62.6194 CHIDAMBARAM, Soundarya —
This article examines the appeal of Hindu right-wing social service organizations, which try to use welfare provisions to entrench themselves in urban slums across India. However, in South India, their welfare provision is not as successful in Tamil Nadu as in Karnataka. I explain this spatial variation by arguing that these communal organizations fail to entrench themselves in those slums where preexisting civic associations closely linked to party officials and local administrators function as efficient patronage networks, providing welfare needs to the urban poor and reducing the need for non-state actors such as right-wing groups. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6344]
62.6195 CHIRU, Mihail; GHERGHINA, Sergiu —
The EU enlargement brought about a series of institutional changes in the new member-states. This article shows how the EU also shapes citizens’ attitudes towards their domestic political institutions. Using survey data from the Candidate Countries and Standard Eurobarometers (2002–06), we show that political trust in national institutions in Central Europe is the effect of trust in the EU and of the expectations projected onto the evolution of the national economies. Such determinants got stronger after EU accession, thus supporting our central argument, according to which we witness a third phase in the formation of attitudes towards institutions in post-communist Europe. Our study shows that a transfer of legitimacy is possible not only from a national to a supranational level, but also in the reverse direction. [R, abr.]
62.6196 CHO Jaeho; HA Yerheen —
Previous research on presidential debates has largely focused on direct effects of debates on viewers. By expanding the context of debate effects to post-debate citizen communication, this study moves beyond the direct and immediate impact of debate viewing and investigates indirect effects of debate viewing mediated by debate-induced citizen communication. Results from two-wave panel data collected before and after the 2004 [US] presidential debates show that, as previous literature has suggested, debate viewing leads to partisan reinforcement and that these debate effects are in part mediated through post-debate political conversation. These findings provide a new layer of complexity to our understanding of the mechanisms underlying debate effects. [R]
62.6197 CLAES, Ellen; HOOGHE, Marc; MARIEN, Sofie —
Trust in political institutions can be considered as an important prerequisite for the stability of democratic political systems. Opinions differ, however, on how this attitude is shaped. Research among adolescents suggests that this age group already has quite stable levels of political trust, even before first-hand experiences with the functioning of political systems. Building on a two-year panel study among Belgian adolescents, we investigate the development of political trust between the ages of 16 and 18 years. As was already predicted by functionalist authors, experiences with an open classroom climate have strong and persistent positive effects on political trust, and this effect proves to be much stronger than the one from direct civic education classes. [R, abr.]
62.6198 CLARK, Alistair —
Parties often have to campaign for two or more levels of office at the same time. However, declining levels of organization means that the demands of concurrent elections can potentially increase the demands on volunteer party organizations considerably. These demands are multiplied by the concurrent use of different electoral systems which provide party organizations with different incentives. The article examines how party organizations deal with such circumstances through a study of constituency party organizations in the 2007 Scottish parliamentary and local government elections. Parties were forced to campaign concurrently at three levels — local council, Scottish Parliament constituency and regional list — under two different electoral systems, STV (single-transferable vote) and MMP (mixed-member proportional). [R, abr.]
62.6199 COATES ULRICHSEN, Kristian —
The storming of the Kuwaiti National Assembly building by around one hundred protestors on 16 November 2011 sent shockwaves through a country more accustomed than its regional neighbors to expressions of political opposition. [R]
62.6200 COHEN, Dara Kay; GREEN, Amelia Hoover —
Transnational advocacy organizations are influential actors in the international politics of human rights. While political scientists have described several methods these groups use — particularly a set of strategies termed “information politics” — scholars have yet to consider the effects of these tactics beyond their immediate impact on public awareness, policy agendas or the behavior of state actors. This article investigates the information politics surrounding sexual violence during Liberia's civil war. We show that two frequently-cited “facts” about rape in Liberia are inaccurate, and consider how this conventional wisdom gained acceptance. Drawing on the Liberian case and findings from sociology and economics, we develop a theoretical framework that treats inaccurate claims as an effect of “dueling incentives” — the conflict between advocacy organizations’ needs for short-term drama and long-term credibility. [R, abr.]
62.6201 COPPER, John F. —
For a number of reasons this was regarded one of Taiwan's most important elections, the first time Taiwan's national executive and legislative elections were held simultaneously. The electoral system (voting for a president and vice-president, legislator, and a party) was also new. Thus the system was to be tested. The incumbent, President MA Ying-jeou, won by a significant margin, though not as big as in 2008. The central issue were the economy, good governance, plus relations with China and the US. Stability was also a major concern to voters. The campaign and voting went smoothly and Taiwan's democratic system benefited. The results of the election suggested a general continuation of people and policies. [R, abr.]
62.6202 CORREA-CABRERA, Guadalupe —
This article provides an explanation of major civil upheaval and violent political turmoil — hereinafter referred to as “active political factionalism” — that take place in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. It identifies the main causes of extra-institutional protest politics or uncivil modes of political action that seriously affect political stability and undermine democratic advancement. The analysis focuses on the effects of two groups of explanatory factors: (1) deteriorated socioeconomic conditions (such as poverty and inequality), and (2) institutional limitations (corruption, electoral exclusion, a weak rule of law, among others) in a context of “subnational authoritarianism”. The study also examines some of the mechanisms through which these variables operate and interact with other factors (resources, opportunities, government actions, etc.) to generate political factionalism. This work finally assesses the relative importance of these two groups of explanatory factors. [R, abr.]
62.6203 CURINI, Luigi; ZUCCHINI, Francesco —
The large literature on legislative party unity identifies the confidence relationship, i.e., the threat of being voted out of office and losing agenda-setting powers, as well as cabinet membership, as two crucial institutional sources of party discipline. However, by focusing on the dramatic change in the Italian political system following the 1994 election, the article shows that the impact of these factors on party unity (and the direction of this impact) hinge crucially on the possibility of government alternation rather than mere cabinet turnover. This is illustrated by an index of party unity that explicitly focuses on the behavior of individual MPs derived from a roll-call analysis of the Italian Chamber of Deputies during the period 1988–2008. [R]
62.6204 DAHLSTRÖM, Carl; SUNDELL, Anders —
The emergence of anti-immigrant parties in Western Europe has provoked very different responses from mainstream parties. Some have tried to counter the anti-immigrant parties while others have tried to recapture lost voters by taking a tougher stance on immigration. Country comparative studies have tried to determine the effectiveness of different strategies, but systematic testing has been impaired by small-n problems. This paper therefore exploits sub-national variation in 290 Swedish municipalities to investigate the effect of mainstream party strategy on anti-immigrant electoral success. The paper finds that a tougher stance on immigration on the part of mainstream parties is correlated with more anti-immigrant party support. This result indicates that mainstream parties legitimize anti-immigrant parties by taking a tougher position on immigration. [R, abr.]
62.6205 DASSONNEVILLE, Ruth; HOOGHE, Marc; VANHOUTTE, Bram —
Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany; more recent data suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, throughout the 1992–2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. [R, abr.]
62.6206 DELLA SUDDA, Magali —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(1), Feb. 2010: 37–60. See Abstr. 60.3736.
62.6207 DESMET, Pieterjan; VAN SPANJE, Joost; DE VREESE, Claes —
The extent to which democracy functions successfully in the EU is a hotly debated issue. Some citizens feel that EU democracy functions well as it is, whereas others perceive a democratic deficit. Which factors contribute to this variation in opinion? We focus on the effect that the quality of national institutions has on citizens’ perceptions of the democratic performance of the EU. From voter survey data from 21 EU member states (N = 32410), we find that better quality national institutions correlate to lower rates of satisfaction with the EU's democratic performance. In addition, this effect is stronger amongst citizens who are more knowledgeable about national politics. We discuss the implications of our findings for our research field in particular and for society in general. [R]
62.6208 DIGOL, Diana —
This article addresses the transformation of the diplomatic elite in the post-communist period. The analysis demonstrated that in the majority of the countries surveyed diplomats were drawn disproportionately from a very exclusive segment of society: the urban intelligentsia. Furthermore, the picture of a diplomat from a post-communist country is similar to that of a diplomat from any western country. In other words, the diplomats in post-communist countries are recruited from the same strata from which the diplomats in countries experiencing political stability would normally be recruited. In those few countries where a break up with the regime prevented the majority of the urban elite from being considered reliable by new regime, preference was given to persons with rural background, overwhelmingly men. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6715]
62.6209 DIMITROVA, Daniela V.; STRÖMBÄCK, Jesper —
This study compares election news coverage in two different countries — Sweden and the US — focusing on the use of the strategic game frame and the conflict frame and the association between these two frames and different types of news sources. The content analysis includes early evening newscasts from CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News and ABC World News in the US and Rapport, Aktuellt and TV4 Nyheterna in Sweden. The findings show that the strategic game frame is used more frequently in US coverage and is correlated with the use of media analysts and campaign operatives in both countries. [R, abr.]
62.6210 DIZOLELE, Mvemba Phezo; KAMBALE, Pascal Kalume —
The 2011 elections were the first polls of the post-conflict period in which the government of the DRC, rather than the international community, drove the process, providing most of the funds and managing most aspects of the balloting. Credible elections would have marshaled the political and social forces necessary to consolidate peace and democracy. Instead, the Congolese government and its international partners failed to live up to these promises and expectations. The presidential majority's determination to maintain power at all costs and the international actors’ lack of commitment to democracy in the DRC have led to a paralyzing crisis of legitimacy. [R]
62.6211 DJUPE, Paul A.; NEIHEISEL, Jacob R. —
We revisit several longstanding controversies in the study of how religion affects political participation among Latinos, examining the influence of religious affiliation, church attendance, and involvement in the “ancillary” activities of the church on three types of participation: voting, community problem solving, and contacting public officials. Data from the 2001 US Congregational Life Survey and hierarchical methods are used to test a comprehensive model of religious influence. [R, abr.]
62.6212 DOBRA, Alexandra —
This paper [examines] the view that the internet can serve as a laboratory of political experimentation for reconfiguring the repertories of political actions. In order to comprehend how ICT can serve as a democratic enhancer, this paper critically examines the African anthropology of the state and of the public sphere. It captures the African endogenous productions of political modernity and the subsequent way ICT is appropriated and indigenized by African local instances. African states and civil societies do not fit into prescriptive Western paradigms. In order to encourage the effective use of new technologies, this paper has developed the “African model of ICT practice”, which proposes a set of hypotheses to enable the effective usage and integration of ICT within the democratic process in the context of an African self-defined political reality. [R, abr.]
62.6213 DOLEZAL, Martin, et al. —
Election manifestos are one of the most prominent sources of data for the study of party politics and government. Yet the processes of manifesto production, enactment, and public reception are not very well understood. This article investigates the “life-cycle” of election manifestos from the drafting stage to their use in the campaign and post-election periods. Specifically, it investigates the Austrian case between 1945 and 2008, employing a wealth of qualitative and quantitative data. While the research is thus mostly exploratory, it develops systematic expectations about variation between parties according to their ideology, organization, government status, and characteristics of their electorates across the stages of the manifesto life-cycle. Of those factors, organizational characteristics and status as government or opposition parties were found to be relevant. [R, abr.]
62.6214 DOORENSPLEET, Renske —
Democracies are inhabited by many so-called “dissatisfied democrats”: citizens who are strong supporters of the democratic ideal, but are unhappy with the way democracy is working in their country. It is not clear how to explain this phenomenon, but based on a review of the existing literature, two different approaches can be distinguished: an optimistic and a pessimistic one. This article investigates why some people are dissatisfied democrats while others are not in eight African democracies — Benin, Botswana, Ghana, Lesotho, Mali, Namibia, Senegal and South Africa. The empirical evidence seems to support the complex mix of both the optimistic and pessimistic approaches: to be sure, dissatisfied democrats are critical citizens compared with dissatisfied non-democrats, but they are not more politically active than the rest of the population. [R, abr.]
62.6215 DRAKE, Philip; HIGGINS, Michael —
The 2010 general election was the first in the UK in which a series of televised leaders’ debates were broadcast. This article [examines] the relationship between celebrity and politics through an analysis of these debates. By discussing how the candidates perform “personality”, the article highlights the use of performance in constructing informality and a personalized audience address, contrasting these with where candidates engage in conventional political speech-making. The article also examines the strategic use of language, particularly where it is designed to align speakers with the public in opposition to the political establishment. The article argues that celebrity should not be viewed as an innate quality but instead as an interpretative set of frames, the terms of which are established through performance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6362]
62.6216 DRIBBUSCH, Heiner —
During the great financial [crisis] of 2008–2010, labor unions reexperienced a level of public esteem not been seen for a long time. This article deals with the preconditions, instruments but also the limits of IG Metall's trade union policy during the crisis. The main feature of this policy is the attempt to reconcile the safeguarding of jobs with competitiveness. A characteristic of the automotive industry is the disruptive potential of workers and the mobilizing capacity of the union. Both these features are significant reasons why the institutions of interest representation and the collective bargaining system retained their defensive protective potential, and moreover, why governments and companies had an interest in a negotiated crisis solution in Autumn 2008. [R, abr.]
62.6217 DUBOIS, Eric —
This short note updates the model of E. Dubois and C. Ben Lakhdar [“More on seasonal determinants of turnout: holidays and French presidential elections”, ibid. 5(2), July 2007: 144–159; Abstr. 58.822], which showed the significant impact of holidays on the turnout at French presidential elections. Holidays are still relevant in the explanation of turnout after the sample was expanded in both spatial and temporal dimensions. More precisely, estimates from a sample composed of the maximum number of territories (96 Metropolitan departments) and of the maximum number of periods (9 elections between 1965 and 2012) indicate that holidays affect the turnout rate by about 1 point. [R]
62.6218 DUNN, Kris —
In both social and political matters, individuals trust those they believe will treat them fairly. Individuals in democracies have little objection to abiding by policies instituted by parties they did not vote for because the system by which the parliament is formed is considered fair. However, even among democracies, some electoral systems are fairer than others. It stands to reason that trust in parliament is affected by the perceived fairness of the electoral system. This research demonstrates that actual or perceived provision of voice in parliamentary representation does increase individual trust in parliament. Systems designed with the intent to provide fair representation and those that provide the illusion of fair representation produce higher levels of trust in parliament. [R]
62.6219 EDWARDS, Geraint O. —
Since Nick Griffin's appointment as chairman of the far-right British National Party (BNP) in 1999, the party has undergone a drastic makeover in terms of the language it employs in the public domain, adopting a moderate discourse of unobjectionable concepts, while privately maintaining its core ideology of racial prejudice. This article examines BNP literature in order to ascertain what discursive techniques the BNP is adopting and how their language is changing to appeal to a wider electoral base. Using Corpus Analysis as a base, and drawing upon aspects of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this study compares the 2005 and 2010 BNP manifestos. Its focus is the way in which “in-group” categories such as nationhood are invoked to imply inclusivity, yet on closer inspection are racially defined. [R, abr.]
62.6220 EHAZOUAMBELA, Doris —
Islam, introduced by successive waves of immigration, made its appearance in the beginning of the 1970s, with the conversions of the “mamadou” (politicians) around the tutelary figure of former president Omar Bongo-Ondimba. through a political strategy of accumulation of power. Bongo-Ondimba became the caliph general of the Gabon Muslims. Through this national emphasis on Islam, Gabon developed a multilateral cooperation with the rest of the Muslim world, as well as allowing the country access to petrodollars supplied by the Arab/Muslim states. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6355]
62.6221 EICHENBERG, Richard C.; STOLL, Richard J. —
Gender is now recognized as an important dividing line in American political life, and scholars have accumulated evidence that national security issues are an important reason for gender differences in policy preferences. We therefore expect that the dynamics of support for defense spending among men and women will differ. In contrast, several scholars have shown that population subgroups exhibit a “parallel” dynamic in which the evolution of their preferences over time is very similar, despite differences in the average level of support. Unfortunately, there is little time-series evidence on gendered reactions to policy, including defense spending, that would allow one to arbitrate between these competing perspectives. We assemble a time-series of support for defense spending among men and women and model the determinants of that support for the period 1967–2007. [R, abr.]
62.6222 ELLIOTT, Carolyn —
This article is an ethnography portraying the processual and performative dimensions of the 2009 state assembly election in Andhra Pradesh. It shows how upper castes have persisted in power in a multicaste and increasingly democratic society through the distribution of welfare and patronage benefits to more marginalized segments of society. Conceptually, it argues for the importance of “political society” over “civil society”, when examining state-society relations in neoliberal, democratic India. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6344]
62.6224 ENZENBACH, Isabel —
To be openly anti-Semitic in Germany today is indeed taboo; however, opinion surveys show widespread anti-Semitism in politics and culture. In a 2000 survey 25 per cent of the participants responded in the negative when asked if Jews living in Germany should be granted the same rights as non-Jews. Similarly, almost 40 per cent in 2010 agreed that many Jews try to exploit to their advantage the past of the Third Reich. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.6225 ERICKSON, Kris; LILLEKER, Darren G. —
Political campaigns increasingly use new media tools to broadcast messages to and communicate with potential voters. Such use of a range of new and traditional media channels synergistically has been theorized to offer specific advantages to campaigns, leading some media scholars to attach the term “hypermedia” to the practice. The 2010 Labour leadership contest [allows] evaluating the use and effectiveness of these strategies in a live campaign. We analyzed traffic and visitor behavior on the Ed Balls Labour leadership campaign website for 100 days leading up to the election. The hypermedia strategy was deemed partially successful: while the candidate's website successfully attracted a large number of visitors, data suggest that the wedge issue strategy was less effective for the Balls campaign team in the context of the Labour leadership race. [R, abr.]
62.6226 EVANS, Elizabeth; HARRISON, Lisa —
While most UK political parties have now accepted the need to increase the number of women representatives, the stark reality is that women remain under-represented. The under-representation of women in UK politics is not just evident in the national legislature but is a pattern repeated, to varying degrees, in second-order elections at local, devolved and European levels. Recent developments in political recruitment processes allow us to explore the extent to which political parties take advantage of different electoral systems to promote women candidates in second order elections. Providing analysis of (s)election data from across second order elections, this article explores the interaction between systemic and institutional strategies, questioning which combination of electoral system and party strategy is most beneficial for increasing levels of women's representation. [R]
62.6227 FARRELL, Nathan —
This article reviews a framework developed [in 2004] by J. Street [Abstr. 56.275], which positions aesthetics, style and performance, and celebrity politics as legitimate features within representative democracy. It applies this framework to the example of (RED), a political consumerism campaign fronted by U2 singer Bono, which raises funds for African AIDS victims. It accounts for the use of style by Bono as a celebrity politician to represent himself as an authoritative figure and (RED) as a legitimate response to the epidemic, and relates this representation to the organizational arrangements underpinning the campaign. Further, it examines the relationship between the interests of these organizations and the manner in which (RED) represents AIDS. The article argues for a further integration of textual readings of celebrity politicians based on their aesthetic qualities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6362]
62.6228 FETZER, Anita; BULL, Peter —
The interactional organization of leadership was examined in the context of fifteen political speeches, delivered by leading politicians from the three major political parties in Britain. The study utilized a sociopragmatic methodology, supplemented by corpus linguistics and social psychology. Leadership was conceptualized in interactional-sociolinguistic terms, as brought in and brought out in the interaction through self-references collocating with four main verb forms (event, communication, subjectification and intention); these generate implicatures targeting political competence and responsiveness. It was proposed that action and intention verbs primarily target competence, while subjectification and communication verbs primarily target responsiveness; overall, each of the four principal verb forms may be utilized to perform leadership throughout a political speech as a whole. [R, abr.]
62.6229 FETZER, Thomas —
Research on economic patriotism has so far focused on public policy and only marginally addressed the role of non-state actors. This contribution examines the emergence of a European economic patriotism discourse among trade union representatives at General Motors since the late 1990s, which underpinned the operation of the company's “European works council”, a statutory body of employee representation mandated by a 1994 EU directive. It argues that the new trade union emphasis on “European interests” vis-à-vis subsidiaries in other world regions, and vis-à-vis GM's global headquarter in Detroit, reflected a (partial) “upward shift” of patriotism from the national to the European level in response to corporate globalization. It also highlights the limited and fragile nature of European patriotism, which was severely challenged during the recent global economic crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5678]
62.6230 FLINDERS, Matthew; MATTHEWS, Felicity; EASON, Christina —
Flowing out of wider debates regarding representative democracy, the diversity of political institutions has gained salience. Normatively, it is simply unfair for white, middle-aged males to dominate decision-making structures. Instead it has been argued that representative diversity can enhance the legitimacy of political institutions and processes, while improving the quality and inclusivity of policy-making. Although most of these arguments have been applied to elected institutions and their bureaucracies, they are also germane in the context of appointments to the boards of public bodies. Drawing upon original research conducted in the UK, this article argues that the capacity of political actors to make appointments to public boards offers an as yet unrealized democratic potential by offering more opportunities for social engagement and participation in public governance. [R, abr.]
62.6231 FORGETTE, Richard; GARNER, Andrew; WINKLE, John —
Has the shift from a one-party Democratic South to an (increasingly) Republican South been marked by partisan conversion or partisan competition of legislative district seats? That is, as Democratic incumbents retired, did the districts switch from uncontested Democratic incumbents to uncontested Republican seats (conversion), or did the two parties contest the district after the period of Democratic retirement (competition)? We analyze all [US] state legislative elections since 1967 to explain southern partisan change. We report rates of uncontested legislative elections, and we model candidate entry in southern and nonsouthern legislative elections. [R, abr.]
62.6232 FRANKLIN, Mark N.; VAN SPANJE, Joost —
The Italian party system largely collapsed in the early 1990s, providing us with a natural experimental situation in which voters were confronted with new parties — indeed, with an entirely new party system. How did they react? This paper develops a number of expectations on the basis of existing theory and tests these expectations using a dataset consisting of election studies conducted in Italy between 1985 and 2008. We find that a new party system causes confusion as to where parties stand in left-right terms, making it difficult for voters to make their choices on the basis of ideological cues. The confusion is greatest among older voters — those already set in their habits of voting. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6282]
62.6233 GALVIN, Daniel J. —
Institutional theorists have made major progress in recent years examining gradual processes of endogenous institutional change. Building on this line of theorizing, this article highlights an often overlooked source of incremental change in political institutions: investments in institutional resources. Unlike path-dependent processes, which are relatively open at the front end and relatively closed at the back end, resource investments made in one period serve to widen an institution's path and enhance its capacity to undertake a broader range of activities in subsequent periods. Drawn out over time, these investments can gradually transform institutional operations and purposes. To illustrate these dynamics, this article reconsiders the transformation of the national party committees into “parties in service” to their candidates. [R, abr.]
62.6234 GAMBLE, Andrew —
Since Labour lost office in 2010, the memoirs about the New Labour era at their best provide rival insider accounts by the actors themselves of the events in which they were involved. A variety of memoirs are considered, in particular those focusing on the three chief architects of New Labour — T. Blair, G. Brown and P. Mandelson — and the complicated political and personal relationships between them. The memoirs throw new light upon G. Brown's campaign to oust T. Blair as prime minister, and the reasons why Blair did not seek to move Brown as chancellor. They provide reflections on the nature of political leadership and the different styles and policy priorities of Blair and Brown, why the New Labour years ended in a major defeat, and why the New Labour project lasted as long as it did. [R, abr.]
62.6235 GEBAUER, Ronald —
This contribution focuses on the career trajectories of the functional elites of the collapsed state-socialist GDR after reunification. There is no consensus whether cadres of the middle and upper stratum of the service class could usually continue their careers after 1989/1990. Past research indicates career continuity. [However], there is also evidence of a considerable career interruptions or even disruptions in the early 1990s. In this respect, the contribution discusses the option of matching data from different sources by approaches of “statistical matching” or “data-fusion”. Here an event-history analysis, on the basis of German Socio-Economic Panel data, that qualifies for the criteria of having a near-identical “statistical twin”, is applied. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6715]
62.6236 GERSHON, Sarah —
The news media often serve as an intermediary between elected officials and constituents, informing voters of the ways in which they are being represented. While the media play a critical role in allowing representatives to communicate with constituents, previous research indicates that coverage of women and minority members of [the US] Congress may be unfavorable. Contrary to previous research, I find that being either a woman or a minority alone does not negatively impact coverage. However, faced with the “double barrier” of race and gender, minority congresswomen often receive more negative and less frequent media coverage than all other representatives. [R]
62.6237 GERSHON, Sarah Allen —
The news media play a key role in American democracy, often serving as the primary means by which voters learn about their elected representatives. However, the news media vary in coverage of representatives, presenting voters with more frequent and favorable information about some House members than others, which may in turn influence voters’ decisions at the polls. Although many scholars have examined the determinants of congressional news coverage, few have focused on the role of the actors who perhaps exert the most direct effect on such coverage: congressional press secretaries, journalists, and editors. I explore the influence of these actors on the tone and frequency of local congressional news coverage. [R, abr.]
62.6238 GHERGHINA, Sergiu; CHIRU, Mihail —
This article illustrates the importance of recruitment procedures for early representational role-formation. Using data from elite interviews and socio-demographic characteristics of 34 Romanian candidates in the 2009 EP elections, our analysis fulfills two goals. Apart from substantiating the relationship between the degree of selection centralization and party-oriented roles, this study tests and validates new causal dimensions. Thus, a strong perception of the selectorates’ inclusiveness discourages the MEPs to act as party delegates. At the same time, longer party membership seems to have the opposite effect and seems to strengthen party loyalty. [R]
62.6239 GLASER, Stefan; SCHNEIDER, Christiane —
On the web the Extreme Right has for some time been dressing up in modern attire. Young people have also become their prime target public. What topics and strategies are being used, and what effective countermeasures could be applied to fight “propaganda 2.0”? Extreme ideologies may be fought back provided all involved actors engage, in all countries: the online community is after all borderless. [See Abstr. 62.6342]
62.6240 GOEMINNE, Gert —
In this deliberately provocative commentary, I interrogate the relationship between two critical perspectives on the one-sided scientific framing of the climate issue: a constructivist interpretation of climate modeling on the one hand and the debate in political theory on the depoliticization of the public sphere on the other. I argue how they could be tied together in order to provide an enriched understanding of climate denial as a symptom rather than a cause of dysfunctional climate politics. It is my claim that in attempting to translate the universal validity of scientific knowledge into the contours of an inclusive, consensual negotiation model, the constitutive role of exclusion in the emergence of scientific objectivity is overlooked. [R] [First of three articles on “Climate denial”. See also Abstr. 62.5720, 6260]
62.6241 GÓMEZ PERALTA, Héctor —
This article explains the different political positions and actions that the Catholic Church in Mexico has had throughout the 20th c., culminating with the transition to democracy that the nation experienced in 2000. It is about the contemporary history of the Church-State relationships in Mexico. The author [argues] that the Catholic Church in Mexico has not been an “ideological state apparatus”, [but] has played a role as auditor of public life, being a strong critic of the post-revolutionary political system, even becoming an agent who helped to establish in Mexico a competitive and plural party system. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Political development, faith-based schooling and secularization”. See also Abstr. 62.5731, 6150]
62.6242 GRAČEV, Gennagij A. —
The author applies a uniparametric model of the Pareto principle to an assessment of the political stability in Russia by the results the latest parliamentary and presidential elections. This evaluation of the structural effectiveness on the basis of a comparison of rank distributions allows a critical analysis of different variants of electoral legislation reform. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6259]
62.6243 GUESSOUS, Nouzha —
In Morocco, for over 30 years, women's and human rights NGOs have acted to promote women's rights. The main disputes have concerned the distinction between what is within the requirements of Islam and what is the consequence of traditional social beliefs and practices. The Family Law (2004) — [following] consultation and national debate — possible substantial progress in terms of proclaimed values of equality of rights between men and women, with the support of most national political and social leaders. Several lessons can be learned from the Moroccan experience. The crucial role of civil society, the political support of the state at its highest level, the working methodology of the Royal Advisory Commission and the final process for the adoption of the new code were from the most determinant parameters. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6716]
62.6244 HAFNER FINK, Mitja —
This article addresses the issue of political participation in the context of the process of democratization, social development, and social changes in general. Particular emphasis is placed on the attempt to explain the differences between European countries, and the role that values play in these differences. Based on data from the European Social Survey (ESS), multiple linear regression analysis was used to examine the analytical model of the factors of political participation in various European countries at both the individual level and the macro societal level. In so doing, changes over time and differences between old and young democracies were also observed. The results suggest that the differences between old and new democracies persist. [R, abr.]
62.6245 HAMIDI, Camille —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(4), Aug. 2010: 719–744. See Abstr. 60.7693.
62.6246 HANLEY, Seán —
The stable and closed nature of the Czech party system and the failure of most new political parties have been among the most salient features of Czech democracy over the past two decades. The results of the 2010 parliamentary elections seemed to mark a break with this pattern: support for two main parties slumped to historically low levels and two new parties, TOP09 and Public Affairs (VV), entered parliament. This article puts the “political earthquake” of 2010 into perspective by mapping the development of new parties in the Czech Republic from the mid-1990s and relating them to comparative literature and typologies of new party emergence. Of the two successful new parties in 2010, Public Affairs was, by far, the more novel and important phenomenon. [R]
62.6247 HARGREAVES, Leigh; JOHN, Sarah —
Understanding the relationship between voting methods and electoral outcomes is one of the central challenges of electoral systems research. In the case of ordinal voting systems, theory and empirical models directly conflict as to whether particular ordinal voting methods significantly affect electoral outcomes. This conflict is partially due to the lack of a model that can simulate real legislative elections reliably enough to empirically test theoretical claims. We argue that South Australian lower house elections constitute a unique legislative case where sufficient data are publicly available to generate such a model. We then describe the new model and critically examine its accuracy and limitations. Our model is sufficiently robust to form a basis for future research into the impact of ordinal voting systems on outcomes in legislative elections. [R]
62.6248 HARRISON, Brian F.; MICHELSON, Melissa R. —
An increasingly predominant strategy used by organizations seeking to increase support for gay marriage is to personalize the issue by focusing on individuals in the LGBT community. However, competing theoretical traditions (e.g., G. Allport's contact theory, group threat, implicit bias) raise questions about whether this strategy has the desired effect. This paper presents results from an original field experiment conducted in coordination with a marriage equality organization. Callers who self-identified as members of the LGBT community were less effective in soliciting donations compared to callers who did not self-identify, suggesting that personalization has a negative effect on persuasion efforts. The findings cut against the grain of the Allport (The Nature of Prejudice, 1954) hypothesis and have important implications for social advocacy organizations in terms of rhetorical and message strategy. [R]
62.6249 HAWKINS, Benjamin —
This article examines the framing of the EU in British media debates surrounding the negotiation of the Lisbon Treaty. As such, it analyzes the discursive context in which both citizens’ attitudes and government policies towards the EU are formed. It identifies a predominant, Euroskeptic discourse that dictates the terrain on which wider debates about the EU are conducted. This discourse views the EU through the lens of the nation-state and frames the relationship between the UK and the EU in terms of separation and threat. The UK is excluded from the EU mainstream, which works to undermine its interests. [R]
62.6250 HEITMEYER, Wilhelm —
Few liberal democracies define themselves as the German Federal Republic in terms of fighting any form of right-wing extremism. Yet inquiries into the murders committed by the neo-Nazi NSU focus predominantly on information deficiencies and administrative errors. Thus the view of social reproductive processes and schemes when dealing with hatred of ethnic groups is neglected. [See Abstr. 62.6342]
62.6251 HERRICK, Rebekah, et al. —
Following an innovative study showing rapid inferences about the competence of candidates based on photos correlated with electoral success, we examine the effects of the sex of the subjects and candidates on these results. Our results indicate that the relationship between inferences of competence and electoral success are more complex than previously believed. We found a gender gap in evaluations of competence and maturity of candidate faces and in support for women candidates; however, an overall preference among all subjects for men candidates. Additionally, the relationship between competence and victory is affected by a host of variables unconsidered previously. [R]
62.6252 HILL, Walter W. —
Realism tells us that states are unitary actors and foreign policy ends at the water's edge. This essay questions this view in the context of recent US policy on Afghanistan. In early 2008, Senator B. Obama won several early primary victories and gained a substantial lead in the Democratic presidential nomination contest. Both Democratic Senator H. Clinton and to a lesser extent the apparent Republican nominee, Senator J. McCain, questioned Obama's leadership ability. The future president responded in part by announcing his intent to expand the US military presence in Afghanistan. The policy of increased militarization crystallized publicly in response to domestic campaign pressure rather than because of events on the ground in South Asia. [R]
62.6253 HINNFORS, Jonas; SPEHAR, Andrea; BUCKEN-KNAPP, Gregg —
It is puzzling that social democratic parties are rarely the main focus of attention in the migration policy-making literature, despite their crucial role in most European party systems and their frequent tenure in government. We address this shortcoming by examining key immigration policies advocated by the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) over the past 40 years. The SAP believes there are distinct limits to the ability of “the people's home” to make room for immigrants. Given social democracy's clear adherence to notions of solidarity, inclusiveness and internationalism, the empirical findings of this article are counter-intuitive. Specifically, the Swedish Social Democrats have, since the late 1960s, continuously backed, and indeed initiated, strict immigration policies. Party ideology has been the missing factor in understanding these concrete immigration policies. [R]
62.6254 HOLMES, Jennifer S.; GUTIERREZ DE PIÑERES, Sheila Amin —
While many Latin American party systems are experiencing new levels of volatility, the Colombian case allows us to examine the effects of performance factors such as violence and unemployment, while controlling for the consequences of structural change. What best explains changes in the Colombian party system? In the 1980s and 1990s, national-level institutional changes created a uniform shock to the party system. Meanwhile, the country faced crucial problems of political violence and economic crisis. Have these challenges undermined the stability of the party system? We test two hypotheses: (1) high levels of political violence will increase support for nontraditional parties; (2) economic crisis will increase support for nontraditional parties. [R]
62.6255 HORVAT, Vedran; TOMAŠEVIĆ, Tomislav —
The article analyzes the performances of Green parties in Europe, exploring factors crucial for understanding the differences of their success. Concentrating on two areas of interests — the parliamentary representation of Green parties across Europe and the complex interaction between the Europeanization process and European integration on one side and the development of Green parties in Europe on the other — the authors [seek] potential routes of future development of green politics in Europe and question to which extent party evolution will be linked to adjustment strategies in different cultural and political environments. Special attention is paid to the assessment of the importance of the EU membership and on the dynamic relationship between transnational political structures that are a new form of political organization in Europe. [R, abr.]
62.6256 HUNG Ho-fung; IP Iam-chong —
Hong Kong's civil society has remained vibrant since the sovereignty handover in 1997, thanks to an active defense by the democratic movement against Beijing's attempts to control civil liberties. Hong Kong is becoming mainland China's offshore civil society, serving as a free platform for information circulation and organizing among mainland activists and intellectuals. [R]
62.6257 IHL, Olivier —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(1), Feb. 2010: 9–36. See Abstr. 60.3806.
62.6258 IMHOFF, Maximilian Elias —
The quantitative study examines the causes, extent, and nature of anti-Semitism in the political left and lays the foundations for a quantitative analysis of anti-Semitism in the left-wing party, Die Linke. Anti-Semitism is measured as a criticism of Israel which utilizes anti-Semitic resentments. Since anti-Semitic criticism of Israel correlates with anti-Jewish statements, the author argues for the recognition of anti-Semitic criticism of Israel as an existing form of anti-Semitism and not solely as a “grey area” [P. Ulrich and A. Werner, ibid. 58(4), 2011: 424–441; Abstr. 62.2211]. This particular form of anti-Semitism resembles anti-Judaism. The study's results favor and support S. Salzborn and S. Voigt's [ibid. 58(3), 2011: 290–309; Abstr. 62.795] assumption that anti-Semitism is primarily located within the anti-imperialist and orthodox-communist spectrum. [R, abr.]
62.6259 INOZEMCEV, Vladislav L. —
The author seeks to forecast the most probable way of development of Russian politics after the contested elections to the Duma in December 2011 and of the President in March 2012. Considering recent political, economic and social trends, he argues that the explosive growth of political activity will cool down, the economy will remain relatively strong and the acquired social habits will prevent Russian citizens from rethinking their political and economic priorities. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Russia and Putin. Together again?”. See also Abstr. 62.6108, 6242]
62.6260 JACQUES, Peter J. —
“Why is there a social counter-movement that rejects climate change?” This article first names this counter-movement “climate denial” and works through the various apparent options by specifically looking at the scholarship on Holocaust denial for insight. Through this insight, we can understand the counter-movement as a reactionary force working to sow confusion for ideological reasons that promote a specific privilege. At the same time, privilege is also protected by the presentation of climate-change science as a binary position of “acknowledgement or rejection” that itself promotes privilege and dysfunction across the intersection of science and society. In the end, at least one answer to the question “why denial?” appears to be “because it is serious and threatening” and this, at least partially, explains the existence of this counter-movement. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6240]
62.6261 JANES, Jackson —
The US has an election culture characterized among other things by a large number of elections, a high level of media attention, numerous cleavages in voter behavior, and a low rate of voter participation. This unique culture has developed continuously since the earliest days of the US, expanding the franchise from a limited number of wealthy white males to almost all American citizens. Today, US elections continue to change as Americans reprioritize their affiliations, demographic shifts push voters with different political worldviews into positions of electoral importance, and Americans realign geographically along political lines. Furthermore, US elections suffer from surprising credibility challenges and a paradoxically low level of voter turnout. This article explains the status of the American election culture as it faces shifting foundations and an uncertain future. [R]
62.6262 JANSEN, Giedo; De GRAFF, Nan Dirk; NEED, Ariana —
This article examines the extent to which changes in the effect of religion on voting in The Netherlands since the 1970s can be explained by “bottom-up” and “top-down” approaches. The first includes religious integration and education. The latter category encompasses the restructuring of the party system and changes in party positions. Hypotheses are tested employing logistic and conditional logistic regression analyses of the Dutch Parliamentary Election Studies (1971–2006) supplemented by data from the Comparative Manifesto Project. Weakening religious integration largely explains the decline of political boundaries between non-religious voters and Catholics and Calvinists. In line with earlier research, the article finds that the creation of a single Christian Democratic Party (CDA) has reduced the religion-vote relationship. However, this merger effect largely disappears after taking into account party positions. [R, abr.]
62.6263 JASCHKE, Hans-Gerd —
In the context of the German Extreme Right, civil society institutions have gained importance. But the first location for primary prevention next to the family remains the school. The latter may not be entirely able to block the emergence of prejudice, but it can help in making it more difficult to absorb. Thus it remains a cornerstone for combating extremism. [See Abstr. 62.6342]
62.6264 JENKINS, Shannon —
Research has established that female legislators act differently [from] their male counterparts in state legislatures. But the effect of gender on roll-call voting is less clear, due in part to the fact that research has not properly differentiated between the multiple ways gender can influence roll-call voting. In order to better understand the relationship between gender and roll-call voting, structural equation modeling is used to examine roll-call voting in numerous issue areas in five state legislatures. [R, abr.]
62.6265 JENSENIUS, Francesca Refsum —
India has had political quotas for Scheduled Castes (SCs) since 1950. Using the 2004 National Election Study, this paper finds that neither SCs nor non-SCs feel that their vote is more/less efficacious living in SC constituencies. Yet, some evidence is found in this study that SCs are approached for their vote more often in SC constituencies. Overall, this suggests that quotas are neither associated with a strong positive reaction among SC voters nor a strong negative reaction among non-SC voters. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6344]
62.6266 JERAM, Sanjay —
Democratization has been heralded as both a “curse” and a “cure” for ethnic conflict. Using a comparative analysis of ethnic conflicts in Senegal and Nicaragua, this article [argues] that the breadth of accommodation provided by a central government following democratization is a key variable that can provide a deeper understanding of why conflict sometimes worsens and sometimes ameliorates. By adopting a framework that conceptualizes the range of accommodation provided to territorial minority ethnic groups in advanced capitalist democracies as falling into three general categories, “loyalty”, “voice”, and “recognition”, the article illustrates that using a combination of these three strategies helped Nicaragua quell violent ethnic conflict. On the other hand, the conflict in Senegal continued because the newly democratic government refrained from using strategies to provide “voice” and “recognition” for the Diola minority. [R]
62.6267 JOHNS, Robert; BENNIE, Lynn; MITCHELL, James —
Recent major surveys of the Scottish electorate and of Scottish National Party (SNP) members have revealed a distinct gender gap in support for the party. Men are markedly more likely than women to vote for the SNP, and they comprise more than two-thirds of its membership. We use data from those surveys to test various possible explanations for the disproportionately male support for the SNP. While popular accounts have focused on the gendered appeal of recent leaders and on the party's fluctuating efforts at achieving gender equality in its parliamentary representation, we find much stronger support for a different explanation. Women are less inclined to support and to join the SNP because they are markedly less supportive of its central objective of independence for Scotland. [R, abr.]
62.6268 JOHNSTON, Ron, et al. —
Many voters are canvassed by British political parties in the months and weeks immediately preceding a general election — but many are not. The parties focus on those in marginal constituencies who are likely to vote for them — and having identified them early in the process they contact them again, seeking to sustain that support in the seats where the contest overall will be either won or lost. A large panel-survey conducted immediately before and after the 2010 general election allows detailed insight into that pattern of canvassing, identifying who the parties contacted, and where, in the six months prior to the election being called, and then who were contacted during the month immediately preceding polling day, and in how many different ways. [R, abr.]
62.6269 JUST, Aida; ANDERSON, Christopher J. —
Little is known about how immigrants participate in politics and whether they transform political engagement in contemporary democracies. This study investigates whether citizenship (as opposed to being foreign-born) affects political and civic engagement beyond the voting booth. It is argued that citizenship should be understood as a resource that enhances participation and helps immigrants overcome socialization experiences that are inauspicious for political engagement. The analysis of the European Social Survey data collected in nineteen European democracies in 2002–2003 reveals that citizenship has a positive impact on political participation. Moreover, citizenship is a particularly powerful determinant of un-institutionalized political action among individuals who were socialized in less democratic countries. These findings have important implications for debates over the definition of and access to citizenship in contemporary democracies. [R]
62.6270 KAILASH, K. K. —
This paper examines “no opinion” and “don't know” responses in the National Election Study 2004. Comparing responses on social and political questions, it finds that the marginalized sectors of society are more likely to be socially opinionated than to express substantive political opinions. This paradox might explain why the “democratic upsurge” did not produce radical political transformation in India. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6344]
62.6271 KARAGIANNOPOULOS, Vasileios —
This article focuses on the internet-facilitated revolutions of the Green Movement in Iran in 2009 and the recent 2011 events in Egypt that led to the ousting of H. Mubarak. In both cases of political unrest, the internet and mainly social media were considered important influences that helped spark and organize the protests. However, the hype created on the internet's relation to facilitating these events has hindered a deeper understanding of some more crucial ways, as well as the potential extent that digital communications can influence contemporary political insurgencies. This article sheds some light on less explicitly articulated aspects of these political events and the role of digital communications in them, looking at the socio-political background and the protests and countermeasures that took place in Iran and Egypt. [R]
62.6272 KATSOURIDES, Yiannos —
The article focuses on the Cypriot communist party, AKEL, in the post-1990s era. The analysis centers on two processes and their impact upon two types of results: (1) the party's pattern of change and adaptation as this was guided by its strategic decision to redefine and maintain its pivotal role within the political and party systems of Cyprus; and (2) its governing aspirations and participation. The interest lies in the effects of these processes on the party's electoral success and its radical character. Electorally, the process of change rendered AKEL probably the most successful party within the European communist party family, preserving its peculiar radical identity. Nevertheless, this identity is under constant threat, not least because the party decided to pursue a governing strategy within the EU framework. [R, abr.]
62.6273 KAYA, Ayhan —
This paper is critically engaged in the elaboration of the securitization and stigmatization of migration and Islam in the West, which is believed to be leading to the rise of Islamophobic sentiments and to the backlash of both multiculturalism and republicanism. Migration has been framed as a source of fear and instability for the nation-states in the West in a way that constructs “communities of fear”. Both securitization and Islamophobia have recently been employed by the neoliberal states as a form of governmentality in order to control the masses in ethno-culturally and religiously diverse societies at the expense of deepening the already existing cleavages between majority and minorities with Muslim background. [R]
62.6274 KEIL, Silke; GABRIEL, Oscar —
After 58 years in the position of dominant political party, the Christian Democrats suffered from an electoral defeat in the Baden-Württemberg 2011 regional election; as a result, the first Green prime minister was elected and headed a Land government formed by the Green and the Social Democrat parties. The main reasons for this political landslide were the unique constellation of political issues and the voters’ attitudes towards the candidates for the office of prime minister. Instead of economic issues traditionally “owned” by the Christian Democrats, the nuclear catastrophe in Fukushima and the bitter conflict over the reconstruction of the Stuttgart railway station brought “new politics” issues to the top of the agenda. [R, abr.]
62.6275 KELLY, Catherine Lena —
Despite Senegal's democratic reputation after the Senegalese Democratic Party unseated the Socialists in 2000, the regime actually remained competitive authoritarian under President A. Wade (2000–2012). In the March [2012] presidential election, Wade lost to M. Sall, leader of the Alliance for the Republic (APR) party. Paradoxically, Wade's repression and pursuit of a constitutionally questionable third term fostered developments that could eventually trigger full democratization. Recent politicization of civil society has increased the scope of opposition coordination. The citizen mobilization that occurred through the Assises Nationales and the June 23 Movement (M23) may constrain Sall and help him rule with transparency. [R]
62.6276 KERTZER, Joshua D.; McGRAW, Kathleen M. —
IR scholars have long debated whether the American public is allergic to realism, which raises the question of how they would “contract” it in the first place. We argue that realism isn't just an IR paradigm, but a belief system, whose relationship with other ideological systems in public opinion has rarely been fully examined. Operationalizing this disposition in ordinary citizens as “folk realism”, we investigate its relationship with a variety of personality traits, foreign policy orientations, and political knowledge. We then present the results of a laboratory experiment probing psychological microfoundations for realist theory, manipulating the amount of information subjects have about a foreign policy conflict to determine whether uncertainty leads individuals to adopt more realist views, and whether realists and idealists respond to uncertainty and fear differently. [R, abr.]
62.6277 KHEMISSI, Hamidi; LARÉMONT, Ricardo René; TAJ EDDINE, Taybi —
During the summer of 2011, the University of Algiers and Binghamton University undertook a public opinion survey of youth in Algeria to assess their views of Sufism and Salafism and governmental policy towards religion in Algeria. In this survey that included more than 2000 respondents from all regions of the country, an analysis of the data obtained reveals mass disillusionment among youth with both political parties and religious institutions in the country. This widespread disenchantment may explain why we have not observed high levels of social mobilization in Algeria in the wake of the 2011 revolutions and revolts known as the “Arab Spring”. Our survey reveals that Algerian youth see Sufi organizations as oriented towards peaceful change, yet they also see Sufis as practitioners of unacceptable religious practices (bidaa). [R, abr.]
62.6278 KIMET, Young Mie; GARRETT, Kelly —
Re-examining the relationship between the on-line and memory-based information processing models, this study presents a theoretical basis for the co-occurrence of on-line and memory-based processes and proposes a hybrid model. The study empirically tests the hybrid model by employing real-time tracking of participants’ reactions to two candidates in a US presidential primary election debate. The findings confirm an independent, but complementary relationship between on-line and memory-based information processing in an individual's candidate evaluation and vote choice. The co-occurrence of the two modes applies to an individual's comparison of candidates as well. The implications of the hybrid model for the functioning of democracy are discussed. [R]
62.6279 KINGSLEY, Jeremy J. —
I discuss particular points of social tension and outbreaks of violence that occurred on the island to assist the reader in understanding anxieties in Lombok about potential election violence. I [then] center on the influential local religious leaders, Tuan Guru, and their involvement in conflict-management during the 2008 elections. These religious leaders and their organizations played a broadly positive role during the elections. Their socio-political role is complex, however, and their actions in the past have sometimes led violence, particularly in relation to their involvement in the creation of local militia groups and their arguably irresponsible behavior towards minority religious groups (including the Ahmadiyah sect). The article then examines, as a case-study, the 2008 NTB gubernatorial elections and the conflict-management strategy successfully deployed during that contest. [R]
62.6280 KIRKPATRICK, Jennet —
S. Wolin's theory of fugitive democracy has been both lauded and criticized for its radical departure from the mainstays of democratic theory: formal institutions, political offices and constitutional arrangements of power. For Wolin, democracy is correctly understood as an ephemeral event that appears unexpectedly when ordinary citizens, united by a shared grievance, collectively interrupt normal political proceedings and reject constitutionalism. This article critically analyzes Wolin's theory in light of a historical phenomenon in which citizens collectively interrupted politics: frontier vigilantism in the American West from 1850 to 1900. Critical of Wolin's wholesale rejection of constitutionalism, the article reveals the potentially legalistic patterns of extra-legal collective action, and it argues for de-fetishizing democratic practice that occurs outside of institutional channels. [R]
62.6281 KLEMMENSEN, Robert —
Recent studies have shown that variation in political attitudes and participation can be attributed to both genes and the environment. This finding raises the question of why genes matter to participation, and by which pathways. Two hypotheses suggest that feelings of civic duty and sense of political efficacy intermediate the relationship between genes and political participation and, thus, that these traits have a common heritable component. If so, how robust are the relationships across cultural contexts? Utilizing two new twin studies on political traits, one in Denmark and one in the US, we show that the heritability of political participation and political efficacy is remarkably similar across cultures. Moreover, most of the co-variation between efficacy and political participation is accounted for by a common underlying genetic component. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5756]
62.6282 KONZELMANN, Laura; WAGNER, Corina; RATTINGER, Hans —
The rising share of older voters could lead to their ever-increasing level of political representation compared to younger voters not only because of the imbalance of numbers between the young and the old, but also because turnout rates among the old have always been above-average. The argument applies only if the “life-cycle effect” is assumed to be dominant. However, diverse socialization backgrounds, captured by the cohort effect, also have to be taken into account. It is also unclear what the interplay of these two effects of time implies for future aggregate turnout. Focusing on the German case, we base our analyses on the Representative Electoral Statistic (RES) and population forecasts to estimate consequences of the demographic shifts for all federal elections from 1953 until today, as well as for future elections. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “Generational differences in electoral behavior”, edited and introduced, pp. 245–249, by Wouter VAN DER BRUG and Sylvia KRITZINGER. See also Abstr. 62.5628, 6178, 6232, 6382, 6384]
62.6283 KOSTER, Ferry; KAMINSKA, Monika-Ewa —
This article investigates to what extent EU citizens support three dimensions of welfare state values — developed role of state, equal opportunities and equal outcomes — and whether national level institutions and social policies can explain cross-national variation in these values. Two different mechanisms are distinguished, namely that institutions can have a norm-shaping function and thus are associated with stronger public support or that the public opinion can function as a thermostat if they are dissatisfied with the current institutions. Using data from 150,000 citizens of 25 EU countries between 2002 and 2008, empirical evidence for both the norm-shaping and the thermostat functions are found. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed. [R]
62.6284 KRISTÓF, Luca —
This article examines social continuity and discontinuity in the Hungarian political, economic and cultural elites between 1988 and 2009. In these two decades, four empirical surveys (five among the economic elite) have been carried out at the Institute of Political Science of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences to explore the composition, recruitment, lifestyle, and attitudes of different elite groups. This large amount of data (4773 persons, in total) allows us to follow long-term trends not yet analyzed and distinguish between several types of social processes in the Hungarian elite. The analysis complements but also augments some of the main findings of the earlier literature on elite circulation and reproduction under post-communism. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6715]
62.6285 LANDAUER, Matthew —
This paper analyzes parrhesia, or frank speech, in non-democratic regimes. I suggest that most accounts of parrhesia overlook the degree to which its practice at Athens implied a comparison of the demos to an unaccountable ruler — a tyrant. As a practice, parrhesia was paradigmatically undertaken by speakers addressing an audience with the power to sanction them in the event that their advice proved uncongenial. As such, it could be useful in both democracies and autocracies, serving as a possible counterweight to flattering rhetoric. But in both regime types, it was in essence a remedial virtue, necessitated by a basic structural feature common to both autocratic and Athenian democratic decision procedures: at the center of both was an unaccountable decision-maker able to hold its advisors to account. [R, abr.]
62.6286 LATTE, Stéphane —
Based on a survey on [French] associations of victims of collective accidents, this article examines the virtues and limitations of concepts such as “moral shock” proposed by social movements studies for highlighting the catalytic effect of dramatic events on the onset of collective action. The author explains how the narratives of the event in terms of “shock” is less dependent on emotions felt by victims than on norms imposed by the disaster frame, journalistic expectations and the social role of victims. The ethnographic approach demonstrates how the event functions as a screen that obscures the fact that many victim groups are based on deeply rooted social identities and preexisting organizational network. The victims are not only captive of the event, but they take hold of the event as an opportunity for collective action. [R]
62.6287 LE HAY, Viviane; SINEAU, Mariette —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(5), Oct. 2010: 869–900. See Abstr. 61.966.
62.6288 LE PESANT, Tanguy —
The re-election of Ma Ying-jeou on 14 January 2012 was not as close as had been anticipated. This was in particular because he managed to win the support of some young voters who at the beginning of the campaign were massively in favor of Tsai Ing-wen. In order to highlight the reasons why Taiwanese in the 20-to-29 age-bracket changed their minds, this article analyzes their perception of the two candidates, their main preoccupations, and their position in relation to the main themes of the campaign: the economic and social situation, identification with Taiwan, the island's international status, and relations with China. [R]
62.6289 LE PESANT, Tanguy —
English version: see Abstr. 62.6288.
62.6290 LEE, Francis L. F. —
This study examines the impact of historical events on contemporary public opinion through the case of Hong Kong people's attitude toward the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident in China. It analyzes whether attitude toward Tiananmen continues to shape present political attitudes and beliefs. Moreover, drawing upon theories and research on collective memory, this study examines generational differences in the significance of an historical event. Analysis of data from two surveys consistently shows that the linkages between attitude toward Tiananmen and other political attitudes are strongest among people older than 25 in 1989. The findings defied the “critical age hypothesis” in collective memory research, but are consistent with the emerging “event-content perspective” regarding the influence of historical events on different generations. [R]
62.6291 LEES, Charles —
This article examines the impact of party-system change in Germany on the role, status and power of the two catch-all parties (CDU/CSU and SPD) in the light of the 2009 federal election. Party-system change has had a paradoxical impact: the decline in the overall catch-all vote undermines the two parties’ integrative function, [while] the presence of three small parties means that, with the possible exception of the Greens, no single small party has the potential to be “kingmaker” and, because of their relative positions in ideological space, nor can they act in concert to extract concessions from the two catch-all parties. Despite the impressive performance of the FDP in the 2009 federal election and the SPD's electoral meltdown, in office-seeking terms, the catch-all parties are currently less vulnerable to small party threats of defection to alternative coalitions. [R, abr.]
62.6292 LEÓN, Francisco José —
This paper tests whether motivations characteristic of homo reciprocans, as described in experimental economics, can account for the support for the redistributive role of the state. Using data from the 2008 European Social Survey, we show how this picture of human motivations provides a fertile framework to interpret support for redistribution among the general public. We test this claim through two ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models. The evidence clearly shows that variables associated with “reciprocity” are better predictors of support for the redistributive role of the state than those associated with “self-interest”, including the traditional socio-economic variables, although both types of variables offer useful insights into the question of why people give support for redistribution. [R]
62.6293 LESTER, Libby; HUTCHINS, Brett —
Complex environmental science issues are regularly reported by the news media in highly personalized and symbolic terms in order to make the consequences of environmental degradation and risk comprehensible to the public. This article presents a case study showing how the tension between political statements, human-interest narratives and scientific credibility in this style of reporting can undercut citizen-led claims about environmental risk factors. This tension creates discursive openings that government and industry use to deny the existence of these factors or contest their consequences. The evidence presented in support of this argument relates to episodes of Australian Story, a popular “soft journalism” program, shown on the national public service broadcaster during the 2010 Tasmanian state election campaign. [R, abr.]
62.6294 LESTON-BANDEIRA, Cristina —
This article considers whether new media have shifted the focus and style of parliamentary representation in Portugal. The Portuguese case has been characterized by a strong responsible party model and very distant MP-citizens relationships. The system is characterized by a heavily party-based parliament where individual MPs have little say and constituencies little meaning. Drawing on interviews with MPs and content-analysis of websites of parliament, parliamentary groups and MPs, the article concludes that over time, the online presence of Portuguese party groups replicates the offline delegate style of representation. At the margins, however, individual MPs from the two main parties have created their own websites, providing some evidence of a move away from a pure responsible party model of representation towards a trustee model. [R, abr.]
62.6295 LEWIS, Patricia —
Tehran's dash to enrich uranium is a ticking time-bomb that is causing consternation around the world. The author asks if this is what the Iranian people really want. [R]
62.6296 LOVELUCK, Louisa —
Eleven months after the fall of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptians are voting for what is hoped to be the first freely elected parliament in decades. Although an encouraging development, these elections do not yet signal a new dawn in Egyptian politics. The memory of six decades of authoritarianism still cast a shadow over the electoral process, and the legacy of previous manipulations will influence acceptance of the new vote. The value of Egypt's elections therefore lies in the integrity of the process, rather than the result. [R]
62.6297 LUCAS, Jennifer C.; HYDE, Mark S. —
This study compares men and women lobbyists who work in the American states in 1995 and 2005, arguing in contrast to previous research that there is a consistent pattern of sex differences that cannot be explained by differential patterns of experience. Men and women are contrasted across three dimensions using original survey data from lobbyists in all 50 states. First, we examine lobbyists’ background and experience, such as having previously held political office and years of experience lobbying. Second, differences between tactics employed by men and women are investigated. Third, the article draws a distinction between the attitudes of male and female lobbyists toward their profession. [R, abr.]
62.6298 LUPPES, Jeffrey —
This article discusses the respective origins and developments of the German expellee organizations’ chief days of commemoration, the Tag der Heimat and the Volkstrauertag, and investigates key elements of the commemorative ceremonies that take place on these occasions, in particular, their liturgical setups, thematic mottos, recitations of Totenehrungen, and the performance of “Ich hatt’ einen Kameraden”. Despite assertions that the expulsion has been insufficiently commemorated in the Federal Republic, and despite calls for a national day of remembrance to rectify this commemorative lacuna, this article shows how the expulsion has been memorialized on various levels for decades. Moreover, it argues the expellee organizations’ historical narratives have been one-sided and de-contextualized and sheds light on how the ceremonies bring these understandings of the past to life by highlighting German wartime suffering. [R]
62.6299 MAKULILO, Alexander B. —
The independent candidate question in Tanzania has, since 1992, remained a subject of debate among political parties, judiciary, parliament, executive, the attorney general's chamber, academics, civil societies, and election observers. The issue is whether or not independent candidates should be introduced in the electoral system. The ruling party and its government have been against the independent candidates on the ground that it would jeopardize the entire electoral system. This article first presents my rejoinder to the issues raised by F. Mateng'e's article, “Protesting the independent candidacy in Tanzania's elections: a bona fide cause?” [Journal of Politics and Law 5(1), March 2012: 18–32.] concerning one of my earlier works about the independent candidate issue in Tanzania. Second, I engage the contribution of Mateng'e to the independent candidate debates. This entails also interrogating his concept of “de facto independent candidacy”. [R]
62.6300 MANDACI, Nazif —
The European radical right seems to have given a warm hug to their Balkan counterparts. Although they flourished in different geographies and different goals, the family of the European radical right has currently become more vocal with the new adherents. On the other side, the rise of radical-right movements both in Europe and in the Balkans is likely to [affect] Turkish foreign policy toward Europe. This study essentially [examines] to what extent the radical-right parties are a potential threat to Turkey, which once finalized negotiations for accession to the EU and began to wait for the ultimate decision of the member states and the EP. [R]
62.6301 MARTIN, Aaron —
In The Good Citizen: How a Younger Generation is Reshaping American Politics [Washington, D. C., 2008], R. Dalton argued that young people are “reshaping American politics”. Dalton's good citizen thesis argued that young people, in the US and in other advanced democracies, are much more likely to engage in non-electoral forms of participation (such as attending a demonstration and signing a petition) and less likely to participate in electoral forms of activity (such as voting and joining a political party). Using data from the International Social Survey Program, this article examines the extent to which this is the case in Australia. I find that non-electoral forms of engagement are much more attractive to the young, and the influence of electoral politics seems to be waning. [R, abr.]
62.6302 MATTHEWS, Neil —
Following the first full term of regional government in the province since 1972, the Northern Ireland Assembly election held on 5 May 2011 saw the continuation of several trends. Foremost, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin bolstered further their positions as leaders of their respective communities, with the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Ulster Unionist Party losing yet more ground. Building on their decision to enter power-sharing government together in 2007, the two largest parties framed themselves as the progressive choice for voters. As this was the first Assembly election since 2006, much of the campaign dialogue centered on the prospect of a Sinn Féin First Minister. The absence of inter-party conflict led to the campaign being perceived as the most mundane in living memory. [R, abr.]
62.6303 MAUSSEN, Marcel —
Public policy responses to Muslim immigration in the Netherlands are often presented as crucially shaped by “pillarization”. This article takes issue with this perception by challenging two related assumptions: (1) that the Dutch church-state model is essentially about pillarization; and (2) that strategies of pillarization were applied to accommodate Muslim immigrant groups. The latter claim comprises three main hypotheses: (1) that there actually exists an Islamic pillar in the Netherlands; (2) that the forming of an Islamic pillar was a policy objective; and (3) that pillarization shaped institutional and discursive opportunities for the institutionalization of Islam. On the basis of a reconstruction of public policy over 35 years, the article concludes that pillarization did not play this crucial role in shaping the development of Islam in the Netherlands. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6003]
62.6304 MAYER, Russell K.; NICHOLS, Wendy; TOTH, David —
This study investigates which factors cause college student to express an interest in participating in what we classify as nontraditional community service opportunities. The particular form of community service that we examine — participation in a volunteer computing project — differs from traditional forms of college student volunteerism in that it involves no face-to-face contact with others, requires a minimal time commitment, is a small part of a highly technical enterprise and focuses on the global rather than the local community. We find that some of the variables that explain participation in traditional forms of community service, in particular belief that one can make a difference, also explain a penchant for nontraditional participation. [R, abr.]
62.6305 McALLISTER, Ian; BEAN, Clive; PIETSCH, Juliet —
Leadership change formed the backdrop to the 201 0 Australian federal election, with the replacement of K. Rudd as Prime Minister by J. Gillard, the country's first female Prime Minister. This article uses the 2010 Australian Election Study to examine patterns of voter defection between the 2007 and 2010 elections. The predominant influence on defection was how voters rated the leaders. Gillard was popular among female voters and her overall impact on the vote was slightly greater than that of T. Abbott. Defectors from Labor to the Greens disapproved of Rudd's dismissal from office. Policy issues were second in importance after leadership, particularly for those moving from the Coalition to Labor, who were concerned about health and unemployment. [R, abr.]
62.6306 McKAY, Joanna —
This article analyzes the Berlin Land election of September 2011, which resulted in a degree of continuity but also some change. It examines the campaigns of the main parties, the results — some predictable, others less so — and offers possible explanations. It then looks at the process of coalition-formation which eventually resulted in a red-black coalition senate headed by incumbent governing mayor, K. Wowereit. Attention is also paid to the question of whether or not electoral convergence has now occurred between the two halves of the capital. [R]
62.6307 MICHELAT, Guy; SIMON, Michel —
Based on public opinion surveys performed since 1966, an interpretation of the evolution of French attitudes and political behavior.
62.6308 MORALES QUIROGA, Mauricio —
The Concertación lost the recent presidential elections in Chile after 20 years in office. This article proposes three explanations for this result. First, the Concertación's candidate-selection process through primaries was exclusionary, without opening up participation to all potential applicants. This combined with a deep erosion of the coalition, reflected in the resignation of deputies and senators from parties that compose it. The process was accelerated with the emergence of an independent candidate, formerly from the Concertación. Second, the candidate from the right increased his vote in the poorest sectors and expanded the right's constituency to middle-class segments, traditional Concertación electoral strongholds. Third, the right achieved greater electoral consistency than the Concertación by reducing the number of voters who split their tickets. [R, abr.]
62.6309 MUDDE, Cas —
Since the late 1990s, a true cottage industry of “Euroskepticism studies” has emerged, [generating] hundreds of publications in increasingly prominent journals. This article looks at two of the most important “schools” of Euroskepticism studies: Sussex and North Carolina. The two differ in many ways — e.g., definition, data and methods, scope — but account for much of the academic output on the topic. I briefly describe the major publications of the two schools, before comparing and contrasting them on the basis of some key dimensions (definition, data, scope, explanations). The article then discusses the crucial “so what question” by focusing on the Achilles heel of Euroskepticism studies: salience. Finally, I propose ways in which the two schools can be better integrated and suggest some avenues of research for the post-crisis period. [R]
62.6310 NALEPA, Monika —
How do perceptions of procedural fairness shape the preferences that citizens have for transitional justice (TJ) in post-authoritarian countries? This article uses original opinion poll data collected in Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to investigate this question. It shows that differences in the demand for TJ are explained by how citizens perceive whether the TJ process commits errors: whether the innocent are condemned (falsely convicted) or the guilty are exonerated (falsely acquitted). This is so even after accounting for threat perceptions of former autocrats and voting behavior. After comparing the ways in which citizens’ perceptions of errors in the TJ process shape their demand for lustration in the three post-communist countries, the author discusses the implications of these findings for scholars of democratic consolidation, social psychologists, and policy-makers designing TJ systems. [R]
62.6311 NAM Taewoo; STROMER-GALLEY, Jennifer —
By analyzing Pew Internet and American Life Project's post-election survey, this article examines whether there continues to exist a democratic digital divide in the 2008 US presidential election season. The research focuses on the divide patterns of four different types of political internet use: information-seeking, communication, mobilization, and use of social networking sites. The research results suggest a higher likelihood for the socio-economically advantaged to do online political activities. A generational gap is less apparent with regard to communication than information-seeking and mobilization. [R, abr.]
62.6312 NEMOTO, Kuniaki, et al. —
How do electoral systems affect legislative organization? The change in electoral systems from Single Member District plurality (SMD) to Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) in New Zealand can illuminate how electoral incentives affect the distribution of cabinet positions. Because in SMD the outcome of individual local districts determines the number of seats a party wins collectively, New Zealand parties deploy cabinet posts in order to shore up the electoral fortunes of individual members. In MMP, the total number of seats a party receives is determined by the votes in the proportional representation (PR) portion for the party, which eliminates the incentives to reward electorally unsafe members with cabinet positions. We show that strong cabinet members, measured through experience as prior terms in the cabinet position, are still likely to be retained. [R]
62.6313 NICHOLSON, Stephen P.; SEGURA, Gary M. —
Some observers of American politics have argued that Republicans have redrawn the social-class basis of the parties by displacing the Democrats as the party of the common person. While others have addressed the argument by implication, we address the phenomenon itself. That is, we examine whether the populist rhetoric used by conservatives has reshaped the American public's perceptions about the social class basis of American political parties. To this end, we used NES data and created novel survey questions for examining the class-based images of the parties. We examine whether the public holds populist images of the Republican Party and whether the working class and evangelical Christians are especially likely to hold this belief. Contrary to this argument, most Americans view the Democrats as the party of the people. [R, abr.]
62.6314 NOCETTI, Julien —
The Web has seen a spectacular development in Russia, opening an intermediary political space through which protesters against the regime have been able to coalesce, as shown by the events in late 2011 and early 2012. As use of the Web in this way becomes more common, authorities are adapting by working to integrate digital means into the governance of the country through sophisticated network controls. In Russia in 2012, policy goes digital and digital gets politicized. [R] [See Abstr. 62.5788]
62.6315 NORDBRUCH, Götz —
Describing oneself as either “Turkish”, “Arab” or “Muslim” offers a sense of direction to many young immigrants in Germany. By doing so, they react to their experiences of non-recognition and discrimination made in society. But an ethnocentric view will prevent on both sides the sense of sharing a common ground, be it the Ummah or any specific organization. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.6316 O'LEARY, Eimear —
The 2011 general election resulted in one of the most dramatic shifts in Irish party politics since the foundation of the State. A series of events and decisions made by the Fianna Fáil-led coalition government saw the country plunge into an unprecedented economic recession. A record number of candidates stood for the general election, [which was] was dominated by national policy issues. The outcome of the election broadly reflected the results of the opinion polls that had been conducted in the months and weeks preceding polling day. Although Fine Gael did not win enough seats for a single-party government, the party entered coalition with the Labour Party. However, it was the collapse of the Fianna Fáil Party that was the major talking point of the election. [R, abr.]
62.6317 OBUĆINA, Vedran —
The attacks in Norway showed the horrifying strength of radical right thought in contemporary Europe, Breivik's ideology as well as his actions are rooted in the radical way of thinking that is embracing Europe today. radicals are gaining more votes than ever, and by challenging the globalized world, they are putting forward the idea of “re-inventing” European national states in terms of anti-immigration, nationalism, patriarchal values and ethnic purity. [R]
62.6318 OLIVE, Andrea —
This research note asks whether the gender of a landowner matters when it comes to endangered species conservation. Based on interviews with landowners in Ohio and Utah [US] who share their property with endangered snakes or tortoises, it is argued that effective policy must confront existing gender differences. Women and men care equally about the tortoise in Utah while women care significantly less about the snake in Ohio. Moreover, women appear to extend an ethic of care to tortoises but not snakes. Thus, there is reason to believe that gender can matter and, when it does, policy needs to address this difference. [R]
62.6319 öNIŞ, Ziya —
The AKP, following its third successive electoral victory, appears to be far more entrenched than its earlier center-right counterparts in Turkish politics. This article highlights the key political economy fundamentals that have rendered the AKP experience unique within the Turkish context. Accordingly, strong economic performance in context of “regulatory neo-liberalism” helped by a favorable global liquidity environment in the early part of the decade was a key contributor to the party's continued electoral success. The party also made effective use of a variety of formal and informal redistributive mechanisms, “controlled neopopulism”, to enlarge its electoral coalition. The AKP government was effective in managing the global financial crisis politically and took advantage of its assertive “new” foreign policy approach. The AKP also benefited from the fragmented opposition. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6370]
62.6320 ONO, Yoshikuni —
How do the dynamics of portfolio-allocation work within parties? While much of the existing literature focuses on portfolio-allocation among parties in coalition governments, bargaining over cabinet portfolios also takes place within parties because many parties have internal divisions or factions that influence these decisions. By analyzing data on portfolio-allocation in the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan from 1960 through 2007, this study demonstrates that, contrary to the proportionality proposition (Gamson's Law), substantial variance exists in allocation outcomes over time because party leaders allocate cabinet portfolios among factions as a means of preventing defections and challenges from their party's members. The resulting portfolio-allocation reflects the bargaining dynamics within the party: I find that party leaders surrender more portfolios as they become more vulnerable to challenges posed by internal rivals. [R]
62.6321 OPALO, Kennedy Ochieng’ —
This essay examines the existing variation in democratization trajectories in African states since the early 1990s. In particular, it shows that variations are tightly correlated with the quality of legislative elections. Evidence presented suggests a potential mechanism to explain the “democratization through elections” hypothesis. African states with clean legislative elections also exhibit a trend toward greater democratization. A brief presentation of the cases of Cameroon and Zambia show that legislative empowerment is key to democratization. [R]
62.6322 PAGIS, Julie —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(1), Feb. 2010: 61–90. See Abstr. 60.3903.
62.6323 PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi; CAN, Francesc —
Even if educational levels are assumed to determine the frequency of consumption of TV, radio, and newspapers, the analysis of when and why this relationship takes place is underdeveloped. Departing from the information-processing capacity and the knowledge-gap hypotheses, this study suggests that the impact of education on media exposure depends on the level of political conflict across political systems. The more conflictive the political system is in terms of ideological polarization, sudden changes in democratic stability and lack of free press, the higher the tendency of more educated people to get involved in the public sphere through media exposure. The findings have been confirmed across 23 political systems through hierarchical linear models using the European Social Survey 2006 and 2008. [R]
62.6324 PEDERSEN, Rasmus Bru; CHRISTIANSEN, Flemming Juul —
Does EU membership affect coalition-formation in national parliaments? Our analysis shows that this is the case in the Danish Folketing over time and across governmental periods and policy areas. We demonstrate that coalition-formation in relation to legislation affected by the EU is different from the coalitions formed when it comes to ordinary domestic legislation. Furthermore, we find the existence of a stable coalition of “European parties”, which, besides negotiating the general agreements regarding the Danish EU policy, also provides the government with a majority behind the ratification of EU-initiated legislation in the Folketing. We argue that the variation in coalition patterns is caused by the government's loss of agenda control, since the EU dictates the content and timing of this type of legislation. [R, abr.]
62.6325 PELLIZZONI, Luigi —
Political consumerism is consumer choice beyond self-interest. Allegedly blurring the public-private threshold and overcoming the limits of traditional politics, it epitomizes in many respects late modern governance. Reflecting on the meaning and scope of consumer political agency, scholarship has engaged with the governmentality perspective. Important studies have ensued, together with irresolvable disputes and a neglect of the relationship that consumers establish with their objects of concern. To address this question, and drawing on the philosophical contributions of R. Esposito, the article elaborates on the notion of immunization. Being immune means having nothing in common with others, no obligations towards them. This analytical register may significantly broaden our understanding of current changes in political agency. [R, abr.]
62.6326 PEPINSKY, Thomas B.; LIDDLE, R. William; MUJANI, Saiful —
Across the Muslim world, Islamic political parties and social organizations have capitalized upon economic grievances to win votes and popular support. But existing research has been unable to disentangle the role of Islamic party ideology from programmatic economic appeals and social services in explaining these parties’ popular support. We argue that Islamic party platforms function as informational shortcuts to Muslim voters, and confer a political advantage only when voters are uncertain about parties’ economic policies. Using a series of experiments embedded in an original nationwide survey in Indonesia, we find that Islamic parties are systematically more popular than otherwise identical non-Islamic parties only under cases of economic policy uncertainty. When respondents know economic policy platforms, Islamic parties never have an advantage over non-Islamic parties. [R, abr.]
62.6327 PETITHOMME, Mathieu —
This article deals with the ways parties depoliticize European matters in EU referendums. Through the two cases of the RPR in the Maastricht Treaty referendum and the PS in the ECT referendum, it investigates how mainstream parties contain the “sleeping giant”, how they manage intraparty dissent over EU matters. It reflects on the specific strategies they use to confine the effects of the European cleavage on their party organizations. It relies on a comparative case-study analysis based on newspaper archives to reassess the distinct political contexts and the evolving positions of party leaderships over time. [R, abr.]
62.6328 PETITHOMME, Mathieu —
This article [examines] party spending in EU election campaigns through a comparison between the cases of France and Spain between 1994 and 2009 (and, to a lesser extent, Great Britain and Ireland). It shows that mainstream parties have become increasingly more reliant on state funding in EU elections as compared with national campaigns. Mainstream parties have also restricted or even limited the resources that they have been willing to mobilize in EU election campaigns, a trend that contrasts with minor parties and with the ever-increasing expenditure that characterizes national elections. Overall, the weak and even sometimes declining financial mobilizations of the relevant party organizations in European campaigns can throw new light on the persistent “second-order” national character of EU elections. [R, abr.]
62.6329 POGGIONE, Sarah, et al. —
A recent paper in this journal proposed that post-impact public evaluations of governmental disaster performance may be usefully understood and analyzed along six “5C+A” dimensions: capability, competence, compassion, correctness, credibility, and anticipation. Using postdisaster public opinion data from El Salvador in 2001 and Peru in 2007, we offer the first empirical tests of this 5C+A approach, finding that it cannot be disconfirmed at this point and that public perceptions of the five “Cs” are clearly related to the public's overall estimations of governmental disaster response and evaluations of presidential disaster performance in some settings. Interestingly, the proposed “A” dimension drops out for both governments and leaders. [R, abr.]
62.6330 POPESCU, Nicu —
Adrift without the ideological compass of Soviet communism, almost every political force in post-Soviet Russia has flirted at one time or another with nationalism. Russia's disputed December 2011 parliamentary elections triggered the biggest popular protests in the country of the past two decades. One of the most striking and unexpected features of these events was the partnership of liberals and nationalists in the ranks of the protesters. It is not clear how long the cooperation between these two groups will persist, but the extent to which they are able to join their efforts is likely to have a critical effect on the future of Russian politics. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6802]
62.6331 POSCHMANN, Finn —
Ultimately these elections signify nothing: they cannot address the toxic economic bonds that make fiscal policy a burning cross-border issue within the Eurozone. [R]
62.6332 POST, Charles —
This essay examines various explanations on the US left for the rise of the new, neo-populist, right-wing “Tea Party” phenomena in 2009–201 0. The Tea Party's rise is not the result of either a shift to the right in US public opinion or the machinations of capitalist elites. Instead, the Tea Party represents a radicalization of relatively well-off segments of the professional-managerial middle classes under the impact of the global slump that begin in 2007–2008. The weakness of the US labor and social movements, the result of their “strategic alliance” with the neoliberal Democratic party, has provided the political and social space for the emergence and growth of right-wing populism in the US. [A]
62.6333 PUPCENOKS, Juris —
This article argues that American Arab-Muslim political mobilization in response to conflicts abroad is predominantly influenced by their ethnic divisions and sectarian cleavages rather than shared religious commonalities. The article provides an analysis of Detroit's Arab-Muslim reactions to the conflicts in the Middle East from 2001–2009. While Arab-Muslims were particularly active in expressing their views on the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah War and the winter 2009 Israeli incursion into the Gaza Strip, the Iraq War of 2003 did not generate noteworthy activism. Varied expressions regarding different Middle Eastern conflicts are predominantly influenced by the different national origins of various Arab populations. [R]
62.6334 QUENT, Mathias —
The extreme right in former East Germany is also a heritage of the GDR, as its counterpart in the Western part originates in the history of the Federal Republic. The new Länder need to tackle the socio-economic changes without having caught up with the economic development of the western part. Micro-regional effects and variations belie the East-West dichotomy in terms of the causes of perceived differences. [See Abstr. 62.5901]
62.6335 RANDOLPH, Gregory M.; TASTO, Michael T. —
Special interest groups exert a great deal of influence over political outcomes in the US. Understanding the determining factors for the formation of special interest groups is important. However, the literature has excluded the role of spatial neighbors. This article employs spatial econometric techniques to discriminately analyze the factors determining the number of special interest groups in a state. While geographic location is not a factor, gross state product, state general expenditures, union membership, and the percentage of manufacturing employment relationships between states are crucial in the formation of special interest groups across states. [R]
62.6336 RAOS, Višeslav —
This paper portrays the importance of regionalist parties in the EU. The processes of globalization and European integration in the last two decades have substantially redefined the role of the nation-state in Europe. When we talk about the dimensions of politics in the EU, we speak of a national and a supranational level, yet a third, sub-national or regional level should not be overlooked. The Europeanization of national party politics and growing cross-border cooperation has increased the importance of regionalism and regionalist parties as an important factor of European politics and party competition. This article explores the role regionalist parties play in the EU, spanning across several groups and party families in the EP, working towards a Europe of Regions, instead of a Europe of Nations or a European Federation. [R]
62.6337 REIS PRÁ, Jussara; EPPING, Léa —
This article examines actions of citizenship and protection of women's human rights. It addresses the articulation of the global women's movement and feminists and their impact on the international agreements and in the national government agendas of the last three decades. The analysis seeks the connection between feminist studies, gender and social capital to reflect on the patterns of political insertion of women in the world and in Brazil, to assess the meanings of this participation and its impact on the legal and cultural changes oriented to gender equity and to the women's citizenship expansion. [R]
62.6338 RICH, Timothy S. —
We know little about Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions. This paper proposes data-mining, using automated content-analysis — computer software to analyze text — to track trends in North Korean rhetoric. Using daily news reports from the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) for 2010 provides an empirical basis for making claims on how Pyongyang attempts to frame nuclear issues. This paper suggests that North Korea largely identifies nuclear issues with the US in contrast to the other parties in the Six Party talks. Furthermore, references to nuclear issues, as well as to Kim Jong Un, are remarkably absent during the two major military actions of 2010 (the Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong island). [R, abr.]
62.6339 RICHTER-DEVROE, Sophie —
Popular resistance has, following the recent uprisings in different Arab countries, received increased media and scholarly attention. Yet, the role that women and gender play in civil resistance movements remains understudied. I analyze different forms, contexts and framings of Palestinian women's protest activism after 2000, arguing that their acts can potentially affect social and political change. Although so far unsuccessful in sustaining concrete material changes, women's embodied protest politics, by radically challenging conventional male-dominated political discourse and practice, might provide visionary outlines of a non-masculinist, non-militarist, yet proactive form of political culture in Palestine. [R]
62.6340 RODAN, Garry —
In both post-authoritarian and authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia there are continuing struggles over the forms and extent of political representation. Importantly, many of the same ideologies are present across these different categories of regime. Ideas of, and constituencies for, non-democratic representation exist in democratic societies and vice versa. Alongside democratic notions of representation, populist, localist and consensus rationales compete for support. However, in contests to shape political representation, historical factors, including legacies of the Cold War and structural impacts of global capitalist development, are not favorable to the pursuit of interests through the independent, collective action — especially cohesive social movements involving trade unions — that characterized the experiences of democratization in Western Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5736]
62.6341 RODAN, Garry; HUGHES, Caroline —
International aid agencies are increasingly placing social accountability at the heart of their governance reform programs, involving a range of social activist mechanisms through which officials are rendered answerable to the public. Crucially, aid agencies are not just promoting these mechanisms in emerging democracies, but now also in authoritarian societies. What then are the likely political regime effects of these mechanisms? We approach this by examining who supports social accountability, why, and the implications for political authority. Focusing on the Philippines and Cambodia cases, it is argued that, to differing degrees, social accountability mechanisms have been subordinated to liberal and/or moral ideologies favoring existing power hierarchies. [R, abr.]
62.6342 RÖPKE, Andrea —
Well before emerging, the radicalization of the Zwickau Trio (the German Neo-Nazi cell) was obvious. While remaining underground, it could rely on the support of a countrywide “brown” network, without fear of exposure. Early research into the National-Socialist Underground (NSU) corroborates that it did not work alone: regardless of the liaisons used, the authors endeavored to achieve recognition within conspiratorial environments. [First article of a thematic issue on “The Extreme Right”. See also Abstr. 62.6171, 6184, 6239, 6250, 6263, 6379]
62.6343 ROVNY, Jan —
Most studies of party competition consider the presentation of ambiguous positions a costly strategy. This literature, however, does not study party strategies in multiple issue dimensions. Although it may be rational for a party to emphasize a certain issue dimension, it may be equally rational to disguise its stance on other dimensions by blurring its position. This article argues that parties employ strategies of issue emphasis and position blurring in various dimensional contexts. Who emphasizes and who blurs thus depends on the actors’ relative stakes in different issue dimensions. The paper makes its case by performing cross-sectional analyses of 132 political parties in 14 West European party systems using Comparative Manifesto Project data, the 2006 Chapel Hill expert survey and the 2009 European Election Study. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5646]
62.6344 SADANANDAN, Anoop —
Successive national governments in India have invoked an emergency constitutional provision to impose direct central rule in states over 100 times since 1950. However, such central government usurpation of state governance has declined since the mid-1990s. This essay demonstrates how India's regional parties, by entering into opportunistic alliances with national parties and joining coalition central governments, have become effective barriers against central dominance. It also identifies the specific dynamics through which this effective veto power is exercised. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Changing patterns of democracy and political representation in India”, edited and introduced, pp. 239–246, by Jugdep S. CHIMA. See also Abstr. 62.6194, 6222, 6265, 6270, 6366, 6377, 6820]
62.6345 SALEM, Zekeria Ould Ahmed —
Despite their diversity, Islamist movements have generally evolved towards political pragmatism. This suggests that they are far from eternal hostages of their apparent dogmatism or of the religious rigor of some of their variants. The current transformation goes hand-in-hand with movements of counterreform. This article seeks to illustrate this trend through the trajectory of Mauritanian Islamists groups in general and the institutionalization of the main Islamist political party. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6355]
62.6346 SALHEISER, Axel —
This paper [surveys] elite change and continuity in East Germany as a post-socialist society. First, some peculiarities of the former cadre system and elites in the GDR are addressed with regard to social structure development and the arrangement of generations. Selected empirical evidence is based on cross-sectoral, longitudinal and cohort analyses and the inspection of prosopographic elite data compiled until the end of the 1980s which deconstruct the myth of a leveled egalitarian Socialist society. [Then], elite change and continuity after the political change of 1989/90 are discussed in the context of the transformation of institutions. Inspired by P. Bourdieu's analytic paradigm, one central thesis is the continued validity and efficacy of social and cultural capital obtained before the fall of the Wall, most of all formal qualification. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6715]
62.6347 SANDERS, David —
Deliberative Polls simulate public opinion in a given policy domain when members of the relevant mass public are better informed about the issues involved. This article reports on the results of a three-day Deliberative Poll, conducted before the June 2009 EP elections, to evaluate the effects of deliberation on a representative sample of EU citizens. Findings show that, compared with a control group, deliberators changed their views significantly on immigration (becoming more liberal), climate change (becoming greener) and the EU itself (becoming more pro-European). Five different explanations of why deliberation appears to work are tested: sampling bias, increased political knowledge, discussion quality, small group social conformity pressure and the influence of other Deliberative Poll actors, but none is satisfactory. [R]
62.6348 SAUNDERS, Chris —
The author examines the role that Cape Town played in the advent of Pan-Africanism in South Africa from abroad through the activist efforts of individuals from the West Indies, the US and West Africa in the early 20th c. He traces how Pan-Africanism in Cape Town went through a number of different phases, the most important politically being that of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1959–1960. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6734]
62.6349 SAWER, Marian —
This article explores institutional and other factors facilitating the substantive representation of women in parliament. It engages with a range of indicators of substantive representation, including process/responsiveness indicators, legislative/policy outcomes and attitudinal alignment of women representatives and women in the community. It presents an Australian case study of a successful initiative by a cross-party group of women parliamentarians to facilitate access to the abortion drug RU486. It finds that critical mass, critical actors and a critical juncture were important but so was institution-building, particularly the under-studied role of parliamentary groups. [R]
62.6350 SCHÄFER, Armin —
Does declining voter turnout harm center-left parties? Most empirical studies fail to support this thesis. This article shows that there is a negative effect of turnout decline on the Social Democratic Party and the Left Party in Germany. It analyzes systematically aggregate data of 1,500 districts in 34 large German cities. The effects of social segregation and voter apathy become visible only on that small scale since social indicators and turnout data correlate very highly. Urban districts differ not only in their electoral participation but also in the election results. Left-of-center parties fare much better in areas that over the last three decades have experienced the strongest decline of turnout. [R]
62.6351 SEABROOKE, Leonard —
Part of the state's job is to promote wealth creation that also provides public goods to enhance the broader population's life-chances. These systems for organizing economic life in a national political economy generally have to conform with widely held conceptions of how the economy should work to be legitimate and sustained. Support for the institutions that underpin citizens’ welfare can be understood as a form of “economic patriotism”. This article traces the role and development of mortgage institutions in Denmark and the US. I examine the challenges to these institutions from the recent financial crisis, including calls for their abolition or reform. I suggest that economic patriotism and everyday politics explains both the origins of these institutions and also why they will persist through current domestic, regional and international politicoeconomic troubles. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5678]
62.6352 SELB, Peter —
How quickly, to what extent and under what conditions do voters and elites adapt to new electoral institutions in order to not waste their votes and effort on hopeless competitors? A latent-curve model of strategic adaptation is developed and fitted to district-level election data from Spain. The extent of strategic adaptation is generally found to vary with the strength of the electoral system. However, grave ethnic tensions are demonstrated to seriously retard adaptation even under favorable institutional conditions. [R]
62.6353 SELINGER, Jeffrey S. —
The author reassesses the rhetoric of anti-partisanship of the early nation al period. The election of 1800 rendered parties legitimate and was the functional equivalent of a revolution. This achievement, however, did not become widely accepted by Americans for at least another quarter of a century. [R]
62.6354 SEMENOVA, Elena —
The article investigates continuities in the formation and careers of political elites in post-Soviet Russia. Data on the recruitment and careers of MPs (from 1993 until 2003), cabinet ministers (1991 until 2011) and governors (from 1991 to 2011) were used. We identified a partial reproduction of the political elite which may be defined as reproduction circulation. The first form is structural reproduction that is evident in continuities of the socio-demographic profile of political elites. The second-strongest form of path dependency is functional reproduction that was found in career paths of political elites. Finally, individual reproduction was prominent. This reproduction should decrease overt time, while functional and structural reproduction are likely to remain. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6715]
62.6355 SENIGUER, Haoues —
Just as Islam, Islamism (or political Islam) is a social construct, produced by actors situated in a specific time and space, and moved by representations of various sorts. In the same manner in which it is inappropriate to speak of Islam in the singular, in light of the diversity of ways of belonging to and identifying with this religion (or philosophy of life), it is inappropriate to speak of Islamism in the singular. While Islamism consists of a (conflictual) politicization of Islam that generally draws on the same set of doctrinal sources, e.g. the Egyptian Muslim Brethren; it is no less shaped by country specific historic and political factors. Like the grand secular ideologies such as socialism and liberalism, Islamism is, several decades on, undergoing a phenomenon of reconfiguration where it has taken root. This process follows on a crisis of meaning and objectives, provoked in large part by parliamentary experience. The experience of Moroccan islamists belonging to the PJD is a perfect illustration of this phenomenon. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Islam beyond categories”, introduced, pp. 329–350, by Fabienne SAMSON. See also Abstr. 62.6220, 6345]
62.6356 SHIELDS, Stuart —
This article interrogates the social impact of neoliberalization and the counterhegemonic forces this has engendered by exploring Poland's recent populist turn. It rejects methodologically nationalist attempts to isolate events in Poland from wider processes of structural change and the accompanying realignment within the global capitalist economy, analyzing the implications of a number of alternative and counter-hegemonic projects to the neoliberal mainstream. The article considers whether the populist turn signals a decisive rejection of neoliberalism, despite the absence of a coherent left alternative and the fact that the anti-neoliberal alternative has come from the nationalist right, dominated by politically regressive conservative social forces who have aimed to arrest welfare cuts and end the austerity associated with Poland's seemingly endless forms of reform. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5736]
62.6357 SIDMAN, Andrew H.; NORPOTH, Helmut —
The ingredients of wartime morale are the subject of lively debate, with casualties, prospect of victory, and elite cues representing the major points of view. This research covers the wars in Korea and Vietnam with expanded time-series of public support and rare surveys that probed perceptions of victory during those military interventions. The prospect of victory affected wartime morale during both of those conflicts. It did so quite uniformly in the American public, cutting across elite cues such as partisanship. Casualties left only a weak, if any, imprint on popular support for the wars in Korea and Vietnam. Wartime morale suffered during those interventions not so much because of battlefield casualties or the breakdown of elite consensus, but because the prospect of victory collapsed. [R]
62.6358 SIMON, Sara, et al. —
This investigation examines how wives of senior politicians perceived their role as the spouse of a politician, and how this perception affected their lives. Ten wives of Israeli senior politicians participated in the study. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted individually, with topics and issues specified in advance. Results demonstrated an inherent structural conflict between the personal and the public aspects of the role of “politician's wife”. The lifestyle of the participants influenced their perception of their roles and they reported a selection by preference of the roles that best fit their existing lifestyle. Four different attitudes relating to the women's roles and lifestyles emerged from their personal stories. Findings were interpreted in terms of the preference approach. [R]
62.6359 SIMONE, Michele —
In the 6–7 May (first round) and 20–21 May 2012 (second round) elections, participation was 66.88 percent, as against 73.75 percent in the first round five years earlier. In the second round, participation was 51.38 percent, 15.50 percent less than in the second round. Half of the citizens called upon to cast their votes in the second round abstained. That these were municipal elections, and doubts that their results would weigh significantly on the evolution of the Italian democratic system, certainly explain th ese figures. The size of non-voting is however new: never before had abstention concerned half of the voters in a second round election. [R, transl.]
62.6360 ŠAR;TEBE, Janez —
The study deal with the micro-level factors behind the perceived legitimacy of the democratic political system. Following S.M. Lipset, we searched for evidence of evaluative support for democracy when understood as representing certain procedures and institutions, compared with the equally important and widespread support base which understands democracy in terms of egalitarian values. Using recent data from a survey of Slovenian public opinion carried out in 2011 we confirmed that support for democracy per se is largely dependent on the former “liberal” or procedural understanding, while the support it derives from those with egalitarian priorities is more ambivalent. The consequences are discussed for the prospects of resolving the conflict surrounding current cuts in social benefits spending. [R]
62.6361 STIMSON, James A.; THIEBAUT, Cyrille; TIBERJ, Vincent
The theory of issue-evolution predicts that the dimensional space of party competition is simple. We contrast this prediction with the expectation that a complicated multi-party system, such as the one in France, produces a more complicated dimensional structure. To test this claim, we examine the longitudinal structure of the policy preferences that underlie public opinion in France. Using surveys of preferences as a basic data source, we extract two latent dimensions that almost fully explain the reported preferences. Both dimensions are defined by the left-right structure of the French party system. Whereas one is the traditional socioeconomic domain, the other comprises a wide array of new cultural issues. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5646]
62.6362 STREET, John —
This article [examines] the case of New Labour and the role that celebrity politics played in party political communication and in government policymaking. It places both in the context of New Labour's cultural policy more broadly. [It then examines] how celebrity politics might be seen within social and political change more generally. A contrast is drawn between the “late modernity” approach adopted by D. Marsh and his colleagues, and the media-oriented approach adopted by A. Davis. Both approaches, it is suggested, invite a turn to empirical investigation, and the article's final section reviews existing research into celebrity politics, and argues for more emphasis on (1) cross-national comparison of forms of celebrity politics, and (2) audience perceptions of celebrity politicians, going beyond the current focus on large-scale surveys and experimentation. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Celebrity politics”. See also Abstr. 62.5923, 5931, 6215, 6227]
62.6363 STREET, John; INTHORN, Sanna; SCOTT, Martin —
There is now [much] research on the impact of popular culture on aspects of the political process, from political knowledge to political engagement. This article reports on a study into how young people in the UK use forms of media entertainment (television, music and video games) to reflect upon the wider world of politics and their role within it. While popular culture does act as a source of political knowledge and does serve to motivate feelings about the conduct of politics, it does not do so straightforwardly, but rather by way of the aesthetic and other judgments made by young people of the “authenticity” and “realism” of the sources of their cultural pleasure. This has policy implications for the attempt to re-engage young people in politics by means of popular culture and “celebrity politics”. [R, abr.]
62.6364 SUTTNER, Raymond —
The ANC in South Africa was formed under difficult conditions, facing a Union government bent on extending racist laws and an unsympathetic British government to whom repeated petitions were addressed without success. By the 1930s, petitioning had run its course and the organization collapsed. In the 1940s, however, structures were established which laid the basis for mass activities in the following decade. In the 1950s, a range of campaigns of resistance gave rise to a large ANC constituency. The ANC now governs, having fundamentally, albeit unevenly, transformed the lives of many — but continued poverty, unemployment, extensive corruption and criminality risk leading to a deep systemic crisis affecting governance as a whole. [R, abr.]
62.6365 SUZDAL'CEV, Andrej I. —
The structural economic crisis, which struck Belarus in February 2011, called into question the country's political stability. While the authorities demonstrated this total economic and political helplessness, the population quickly understood that promises to resolve the economic situation did not take into account the state's real potential. Large parts of the population thus had to get used to the new and heavy economic conditions and rely above all on their own capacities. Tracing the origins and the development of the crisis allows for an analysis of the structural economic reforms that ensued as well as of the major elitite groups, and their role in modern Belarus.
62.6366 SYAL, Reetika —
This article finds, through statistical analysis of the National Election Studies (2004) data, that an increase in intergenerational education levels can positively influence an individual's political interest and political participation. Participatory trends in India are influenced by demographic factors such as caste, class, gender, income, and locality. However, this study finds that education can have a liberating effect from these various socio-economic constraints. It can provide greater access to resources and information, thus helping to increase active political participation. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6344]
62.6367 SZELE, Aron —
This article provides an example in which the historical method is used as a tool to define and study the ideology of the radical right. It does this by using Hungary as a case-study and explores the questions of continuity, core ideas, and inner logic of radical right wing discourses. The vehicle is a diachronic comparison of regenerative planning in the interwar and contemporary period, concentrating on the main themes of ideological content. The article shows an interesting amount of commonalities between the thought patterns of the interwar and the contemporary radical right wing in Hungary. [R]
62.6368 TAWFIK, Amal; SCIARINI, Pascal; HORBER, Eugène —
Based on a unique panel data-set of actual voter turnout covering 58 ballots and 12 years in the canton of Geneva, Switzerland, we analyze political participation from a longitudinal and contextual perspective. Focusing on a small number of individual sociological factors, we hypothesize about how the impact of these factors varies over time and as a function of different institutional ballot characteristics. By applying multilevel models for growth, we find suggestive evidence for three age effects: period, aging, and cohort. While the data exhibit the expected convergence in turnout between Geneva and non-Geneva citizens over time, the results suggest that women had already caught up with men by the beginning of our study. [R, abr.]
62.6369 TESLER, Michael —
This study argues that President B. Obama's strong association with an issue like health care should polarize public opinion by racial attitudes and race. Consistent with that hypothesis, racial attitudes had a significantly larger impact on health care opinions in fall 2009 than they had in cross-sectional surveys from the past two decades and in panel data collected before Obama became the face of the policy. Moreover, the experiments embedded in one of those re-interview surveys found health care policies were significantly more racialized when attributed to President Obama than they were when these same proposals were framed as President B. Clinton's 1993 reform efforts. [R, abr.]
62.6370 TEZCÜR, Güne Murat —
This article analyzes basic trends in the post-1980 Turkish party system. How has the Turkish party system evolved during the last eight elections? How do these characteristics change with the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP)? Utilizing statistical methods informed by fieldwork conducted during the parliamentary elections of 2002, 2007, and 2011, the article suggests that Turkish elections exhibit unmistakable patterns of regionalization, which in turn have strongly contributed to the AKP's electoral ascendancy. Barring external shocks such as major economic crisis or leadership replacement, these regional patterns make it difficult for the opposition parties to effectively challenge the AKP. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The issues and consequences of the 2011 Turkish elections”, edited and introduced, pp. 111–116, by Paul KUBICEK. See also Abstr. 62.6044, 6093, 6319, 6397, 6569, 6646, 6798]
62.6371 TRAÏNI, Christophe —
English translation of an article published in Revue française de Science politique 60(2), Apr. 2010: 335–358. See Abstr. 60.6200.
62.6372 TSAI Wen-Hsuan; KAO Peng-Hsiang —
This research takes the case of public nomination and direct election, currently being rolled out in China, to explain the function of elections in China. We believe that the goal of implementing this election system is to increase the governing ability of the Chinese Communist Party, thus sustaining the survival of the party-state system. [R]
62.6373 UFEN, Andreas —
This article differentiates between clientelist (Thailand and the Philippines) and cleavage-based parties and party systems (Malaysia and Indonesia) with reference to insights of historical institutionalism. Clientelist parties, in contrast to cleavage-based ones, often undermine democratization because, on average, representativeness is weak, bureaucracy is more politicized, and rent-seeking behavior is widespread. [R]
62.6374 UNAL, Mustafa Cosar —
The PKK has been a prolonged problem in Turkey, and various measures have been adopted to diminish and end the violence. In addition to the impacts on violence, these policies have also had an impact on public opinion and ethnic awareness of Kurds in Turkey. This article analyzes these policies and their effects on electoral support for the PKK by examining the vote shares of the pro-PKK political parties in national and local elections. Turkey has conceptualized the issue solely as a problem of terrorism, but the goal, strategy, organization, and format of violence used by the PKK reflect the nature of an insurgency. Therefore, Turkey has disregarded the legitimate parts of the cause and related popular support, and thus has responded mostly with deterrent measures. [R, abr.]
62.6375 VALENZUELA, Sebastián; KIM Yonghwan; ZÚÑIGA, Homero Gil de —
We examine the relationship between citizen-to-citizen discussions and online political participation considering various attributes of individuals’ social networks: Modality, discussants’ ties, diversity of opinions, and quality of argumentation. Using a national survey of US residents, we find that communication within networks is a significant predictor of web-based forms of political engagement, after controlling for offline participation, political orientations, news use, and socio-demographics. Consistent with the “strength of weak ties” argument, larger online networks and weak-tie discussion frequency are associated with online participation. While like-minded discussions are positively related to online participation, discussions with people who are not of like mind correlate negatively with it. [R, abr.]
62.6376 VAN OORSCHOT, Wim; REESKENS, Tim; MEULEMAN, Bart —
Popular perceptions of possible consequences of the welfare state are a crucial component of welfare-state legitimacy, but have received hardly any scholarly attention. Using the 2008 wave of the European Social Survey, we analyze how European citizens perceive the consequences of the welfare state, whether perceived positive consequences outweigh the negative consequences, and to what extent consequence perceptions are determined by individual and country-level factors. We conclude that the European public has a clearer eye for the positive social than for negative economic and moral consequences. Moreover, at the individual level these perceptions are mainly influenced by ideational factors, while they are affected by welfare state generosity at the country level. [R, abr.]
62.6377 VERMA, Rahul —
In 2004 and 2009, the incumbent central governments in India enjoyed a high level of voter satisfaction. Why then did incumbents lose elections in 2004, while winning them in 2009? The different electoral outcomes can be explained by a combination of satisfaction with a constituent's MP and the performance of the government at the state level, as well as satisfaction with the government at the national level. This analysis rejects the conventional argument of general satisfaction with the performance of the central government as being the determinant of electoral outcomes in national elections. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6344]
62.6378 VLAS, Natalia; GHERGHINA, Sergiu —
Starting from the growing importance of religion for politics, this article tests whether religion in Europe is connected with democratic attitudes. Analyzing and understanding such a relationship is essential for a better understanding of the prospects of present and future democratic consolidation. Our two-step approach aims to assess the variation and causal forces of democratic attitudes in Europe in the light of broader country-level factors and individual proclivities towards religion and politics. We use data from the European Values Study (1999) for the correlations and regression model. Our findings undermine the existing prejudices according to which Islam leads to authoritarian attitudes. Moreover, we illustrate the crucial roles played by satisfaction with democracy and confidence in the Church in shaping democratic attitudes across religions. [R]
62.6379 VOLKMANN, Uwe —
The German Basic Law conceives the ban on any political party as a basic tool to combat political extremism. The implementation of that provision is however rapidly becoming fraught with risks. But this should not ignore the options left untried existing below this threshold. [See Abstr. 62.6342]
62.6380 VRIES, Catherine E. de; HOBOLT, Sara B. —
Theories of issue-evolution and issue-manipulation suggest that “political losers” in the party system can advance their position by introducing a new issue dimension. A strategy of issue entrepreneurship — restructuring political competition by mobilizing a previously non-salient issue dimension — allows political losers to attract new voters and reap electoral gains. We examine the extent to which these expectations hold by exploring issue entrepreneurial strategies of political parties when applied to the issue of European integration. Using multi-level modeling to analyze European Election Study data, we first show that voters are more likely to cast their ballot for parties that are losers on the extant dimension based on concerns related to European integration. Secondly, a time-series cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that parties that employ an issue entrepreneurial strategy are more successful electorally. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.5646]
62.6381 WAGNER, Markus; JOHANN, David; KRITZINGER, Sylvia
Critics of giving citizens under 18 the right to vote argue that such teenagers lack the ability and motivation to participate effectively in elections. If this argument is true, lowering the voting age would have negative consequences for the quality of democracy. We test the argument using survey data from Austria, the only European country with a voting age of 16 in nation-wide elections. While the turnout levels of young people under 18 are relatively low, their failure to vote cannot be explained by a lower ability or motivation to participate. In addition, the quality of these citizens’ choices is similar to that of older voters, so they do cast votes in ways that enable their interests to be represented equally well. These results are encouraging for supporters of a lower voting age. [R]
62.6382 WAGNER, Markus; KRITZINGER, Sylvia —
How and how much are ideological dimensions associated with vote-choice among different age groups? Distinct socialization experiences and life-cycle effects should lead to age-group differences in the use of ideological dimensions. We test our hypotheses using a 2009 Austrian cross-sectional survey. We find that the extent of the association between ideological dimensions and vote-choice is significant and similar across all age groups. However, the nature of the association depends on the type of party considered. Positions on the socio-cultural dimension are associated with voting for New Politics parties far more than positions on the socio-economic dimension; the latter distinguishes well between support for the two Old Politics parties. Overall, age group differences are surprisingly small in both the extent and nature of the association between ideological views and vote-choice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6282]
62.6383 WAGNER, Ulrich, et al. —
A number of cross-sectional studies have demonstrated a significant covariation of patriotism and nationalism with prejudice against immigrants. This study examines the causal relationship between the three variables among 551 adult German respondents without migration background. Employing a longitudinal cross-lagged design with two measurements 4 years apart, a positive and significant effect of nationalism on prejudice was found. Patriotism predicted ethnic prejudice negatively when nationalism was controlled for. However, in a separate cross-lagged model where the common variance between nationalism and patriotism was not controlled for, patriotism had no causal effect on prejudice. In the discussion, these contradictory effects of patriotism on prejudice against immigrants are interpreted as the result of different dimensions composing patriotism, namely national identification and adherence to democratic norms. [R, abr.]
62.6384 WALCZAK, Agnieszka; VAN DER BRUG, Wouter; VRIES, Catherine Eunice de —
We study differences between generations in the degree to which long-term and short-term factors affect party preferences in established and consolidating European democracies. Scholarly literature has shown that younger cohorts in Western Europe are less likely to be guided by social class, religion and left/right than older cohorts. Little is known, however, about the extent to which such differences exist for the effects of short-term factors. Similarly, inter-generational differences in the effects of long- and short-term factors in post-communist countries have remained largely unexplored. Based on the European Election Study 2009, we show differences between generations that are compatible with de-alignment of younger generations along traditional cleavages. Yet, we also see an increased importance of attitudes towards immigration among the younger generations, which could signal a form of realignment. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6282]
62.6385 WANG Hongyu; HUNG, Eva P. W. —
This article employs a path-model analysis to test a mobilization version of social participation theory in the context of a non-Western society, Macau. We compare the relative importance of civic skills and political interest in transmitting the effects of associational life to political participation. We find that, as in the West, voluntary organizations in non-Western societies act as “schools of democracy” in which individuals acquire civic skills and become more interested in politics. There is no direct causal relationship between associational participation and political involvement; the effects of associational participation on political involvement are mediated through civic skills and political interest, with the former playing a bigger role as a mediator. [R]
62.6386 WEITZ-SHAPIRO, Rebecca —
In a context where clientelism is widespread, why do some politicians choose not to condition the delivery of goods and services to citizens on individual political behavior? I argue that clientelism decreases support from non-poor constituents even while it generates votes from among the poor. Taking into account these costs and other factors that shape politician incentives, I posit that the interaction between political competition and poverty will explain variation in clientelism. I test this claim using an original measure of clientelism that assesses mayoral involvement in social policy implementation in Argentine municipalities. The results of statistical analysis suggest that high levels of political competition are compatible with clientelism when poverty is also high. Only when high competition is coupled with low rates of poverty does clientelism decline. [R, abr.]
62.6387 WHITE, Jonathan —
The imagery of Left and Right has been a common way to conceive democratic politics in modern Europe, and commentators have suggested it be extended to the EU. This article examines the normative implications and plausibility of European politics being cast in these terms. It focuses on the challenges of rendering political division recognizable and acceptable at a transnational level, of evoking its continuities of structure, and of symbolizing the ties of political community. The article probes the Left-Right dichotomy's potential in these regards, together with the conjunctural factors likely to raise or diminish its appeal. [R]
62.6388 WHITE, Joshua T. —
Concerned with a rising tide of religious radicalism within Pakistan, many observers have wondered why moderates do not speak out against militancy. This article explores that question, arguing that the term “moderate” as used in Pakistan has conflicting meanings and is both more complicated and less useful as a tool of analysis than it once seemed. In particular, the inadequacy of extant definitions is best reflected in the reassertion of a radical Sunni Barelvi subculture and in the growing rift between some leading Islamist parties and the Pakistani Taliban. Ideological factors are typically given undue weight in explaining why and when Pakistanis choose to “speak out” against militancy and that a narrow, minimalist rendering of “moderate” provides the most useful definition for those trying to understand the new fault lines emerging within Pakistani Islam. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6738]
62.6389 WHITELEY, Paul, et al. —
This paper explains why voters made the choices that they did in Britain's Alternative Vote (AV) referendum on 5 May 2011. It utilizes four alternative theoretical models to analyze individual voting behavior: the cost-benefit, cognitive engagement, heuristics and mobilization models. The explanatory power of these models is investigated using a large survey data set gathered in the AV referendum study conducted in conjunction with the British Election Study. Multivariate analyses show that all four models contribute to explaining why some people voted in favor of electoral reform, with the cost-benefit model exhibiting particularly strong effects. The conclusion discusses public reactions to the referendum and possible implications of the decisive rejection of electoral reform after a campaign characterized by disaffection and disengagement. [R]
62.6390 WIESEHOMEIER, Nina; DOYLE, David —
Do Latin American citizens share a common conception of the ideological left-right distinction? And if so, is this conception linked to individuals’ ideological self-placement? Selecting questions from the 2006 Latino-barómetro survey based on a core definition of the left-right divide rooted in political theory and philosophy, this paper addresses these questions. We apply joint correspondence analysis to explore whether citizens who relate to the same ideological identification also share similar and coherent convictions and beliefs that reflect the ideological content of the left-right distinction. Our analysis indicates that theoretical conceptions about the roots of, and responsibility for, inequality in society, together with the translation of these beliefs into attitudes regarding the state versus market divide, distinguish those who self-identify with the left and those who self-identify with the right. [R]
62.6391 WILSON, Angelia R.; BURACK, Cynthia —
We argue that the Tea Party movement is the most conspicuous contemporary vehicle for reconciliation between Christian and economic conservatives. The analysis draws upon participant observation of two recent Christian Right events at which the Tea Party was a central preoccupation. Offering evidence of the dynamics of a shifting framing process, it is argued that the Christian Right elites are willing to accommodate strategically the precedence of economic issues but only if these are accompanied by a commitment to familiar Christian Right positions on social issues. [R]
62.6392 WILSON, Jeanne L. —
This article examines and compares the parameters of discourse of contemporary Russian and Chinese political elites regarding democracy. It focuses on the question of the extent to which Russian and Chinese political elites have acknowledged the validity of constructs of Western liberal democracy. I argue that democracy is conceived instrumentally as a means to economic modernization. The central dilemma facing both leaderships has been how to adapt elements of the liberal democratic model, while ensuring the maintenance of vertical political controls. [R]
62.6393 WILSON, Shaun; SPIES-BUTCHER, Ben —
The 2011 NSW election produced the largest two-party swing in recent Australian election history, ending 16 years of Labor government. It raises the prospect of the end of Labor's dominance of NSW politics. This paper focuses on the consequences of ALP instability for the Party's electoral opportunities and strategy in the lead-up to its 2011 defeat. The authors single out the mass departure of Labor MPs prior to the election and the loss of Greens preferences as interesting problems for empirical analysis. They explore both loss of incumbency and preference effects in a seat-level (n = 93) regression model and comment on the significance of the findings for NSW Labor. [R]
62.6394 WÖHLERT, Romy —
Against the background of increasing EU enlargement fatigue amongst EU countries, and with the official accession negotiation process with the Western Balkan countries currently underway, a comparative analysis of current reciprocal perceptions between both sides is carried out to identify potential conflict lines, and to trace how the EU is currently perceived from inside and from. In an exploratory media study three EU countries (Austria, Germany, and the UK) and two Western Balkan countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia) are compared. This paper shows that the reciprocal perceptions are shaped not only by assumed distance and difference, but also by proximity and similarities. However, the communicated boundaries and obstacles between EU and non-EU also show some indicate barriers for Western Balkan countries in the accession steps lying ahead. [R, abr.]
62.6395 WOLCHIK, Sharon L. —
The 2011–2012 protests in Russia raise the question of whether the Putin regime could fall to a “color” or electoral revolution like those that have ousted other autocratic regimes in post-communist Europe and Eurasia over the past decade and a half. In these prior cases, the main factor distinguishing successful from failed attempts was the extent to which an “electoral model” of regime-change was implemented. Structural factors, particularly a vulnerable incumbent, played some role in the success of electoral breakthroughs, but the main explanation, we found, lay in the implementation of the electoral model. [R] [See Abstr. 62.6802]
62.6396 YANG Yi Edward; LIU Xinsheng —
China scholars have examined the “China threat” theory from various theoretical perspectives, offered a range of explanations for the theory's emergence and forecast the potential implications for US-China relations. However, few scholars have empirically studied the theory through the lens of the US media. This is a critical oversight, because the media play a pivotal role in shaping US public opinion and US foreign policy, and the media are a key channel for “China threat” dissemination and popularization. This study empirically examines “China threat” coverage in the US print media over a 15-year period from 1992 to 2006. We use content-analysis methodology to systematically collect, code and analyze “China threat” data from five major US newspapers and to track the frequency and content of this coverage over time. [R, abr.]
62.6397 YANIK, Lerna K. —
This article focuses on the foreign policy sections of 2011 election manifestos of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People's Party) (CHP), the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (Nationalist Movement Party) MHP, and the Emek, Demokrasi ve Özgürlük Bloku (Labor, Democracy and Freedom Bloc) (EDÖB), the preelection Baris ve Demokrasi Partisi (Peace and Democracy Party) (BDP). Foreign policy is both an issue and a non-issue for Turkish electorate because although foreign policy issues have almost no impact on voters choices, the parties continue to devote space to foreign policy performances, promises, and projections in their election manifestos. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6370]
62.6398 ZHANG Jiadong; ZHENG Xin —
Nontraditional security issues (NTS) have become paramount in reshaping Sino-US relations, though there is no absolute boundary between NTS and traditional security. With both traditional security issues and NTS issues being solved according to the involved nations’ prior experience in dealing with traditional security matters, there is a very fine line, if that, between NTS and traditional security and that they are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Although the energy threat is more likely to be considered a traditional security matter than concerns such as the terrorism threat or climate-change issue, the energy threat actually contains some NTS characteristics, like how to get full use of natural resources and the relevance with climate change. This article explains the dynamic between traditional and nontraditional security through the case study of China-US relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.6058]
62.6399
A series of articles introduced by Gerhard HIRSCHER. Contributions by Hans-Peter UHL; Eckard JESSE; Jörg ZIERCKE; Wilhelm SCHMIDBAUER; Uwe BACKES.