Abstract
63.4607 ACKLAND, Robert; GIBSON, Rachel —
This study analyzes hyperlink data from over 100 political parties in six countries to show how political actors are using links to engage in a new form of “networked communication” to promote themselves to an online audience. We specify three types of networked communication — identity reinforcement, force multiplication and opponent dismissal — and hypothesize variance in their performance based on key party variables of size and ideological outlook. We test our hypotheses using an original comparative hyperlink dataset. The findings support expectations that hyperlinks are being used for networked communication by parties, with identity reinforcement and force multiplication being more common than opponent dismissal. The results are important in demonstrating the wider communicative significance of hyperlinks, in addition to their structural properties as linkage devices for websites. [R]
63.4608 ALBERTSEN, Andreas —
Luck egalitarianism is an influential theory of distributive justice. It asserts that distributions are just if, and only if, how people fare relative to each other reflects their exercise of responsibility. This theory is often criticized for not being able to justify help to those who, because of their own choices, are unable to fulfill basic needs. The strength of this criticism is only superficial, since it is possible to keep people above a certain threshold of needs without abandoning central luck egalitarian values. This can be done via redistribution between those who take on similar risks but have different luck in such gambles. [R]
63.4609 ALCACER, Juan; INGRAM, Paul —
Global economic transition such as FDI must extend over an institutional abyss between the jurisdiction, and therefore protection, of the states involved. Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) represent an important attempt to span this abyss. The authors use a network approach to demonstrate that the connections between two countries, through joint membership in the same IGOs, are associated with a large positive influence on the FDI that flows between them. Moreover, this effect occurs not only in the case of connections through economic IGOs but also through those with social and cultural mandates. This demonstrates that relational governance is important and feasible in the global context, even for the most risky transactions. We also examine the interdependence between the IGO network and the domestic institutions of states. [R, abr.] [See Andrew SCHRANK's comment, “Quantitative cross-national sociology and the methodological abyss,” pp. 1099–111]
63.4610 ALEMÁN, Eduardo —
This study discusses basic trends in articles on legislative politics in Latin America published in twelve journals between 2000 and 2010. It examines the distribution of the articles over time and by journal, the authors’ institutional affiliations and patterns of collaboration, the frequency with which various countries are studied, and common approaches and topics. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “New directions in legislative politics,” edited and introduced, pp. 3–13, by Magna INÁCIO and Mariana LLANOS. See also Abstr. 63.4827, 5021, 5079, 5082]
63.4611 ALONSO, Sonia; GÓMEZ, Braulio; CABEZA, Laura —
We propose a methodology for measuring political parties’ center-periphery preferences and positions. The proposal is based on an extension of the Manifesto Project's methodology that allows us to analyze manifestos in multi-level settings (i.e., manifestos written for sub- and supra-state electoral arenas). This adaptation requires extending the Manifesto classification scheme to include territorial preferences together with policy preferences specific to each electoral level. It has two major objectives: it allows us to apply content analysis to manifestos written for all possible electoral levels; [and] it measures parties’ center-periphery preferences beyond the widely used and uninformative categories of “centralization/decentralization” and “nationalism”. We applied our methodology to Spanish state-level and regional-level manifestos between 2009 and 2012 with encouraging results. [R]
63.4612 ALTMAN, David —
Most procedural definitions and measurements of democracy are missing one crucial component: direct popular decision-making. This is an important gap that does not allow users of data to ascertain some important variation among democracies. Thus, I propose a new measure that is strongly anchored in a procedural definition of democracy but includes this missing dimension. The proposed measure is well rooted in the literature and introduces a dimension whereby citizens may become the masters of their political fate at any time and without the consent of elected authorities, while avoiding the inclusion of extraneous attributes that are not highlighted in democratic theory. Tests of the validity of the new indicator, using Latin American cases, show that there is enough room for its inclusion without the typical co-linearity problems this literature faces. [R, abr.]
63.4613 AMORÓS, Pablo; PUY, M. Socorro —
[We examine] a two-party contest where candidates allocate their campaign resources strategically between two salient issues, analyzing the circumstances [in] which there is issue-convergence (both parties emphasizing the same issue) or issue-divergence (different parties emphasizing different issues) during a political campaign. A party has an absolute advantage on an issue if a majority of voters prefer its position on this issue to that of its opponent. A party has a comparative advantage on an issue if the percentage of votes that it would obtain if voters cared only about that issue is larger than those that it would obtain if voters cared only about the other issue. Issue-convergence can occur only if one of the parties has an absolute advantage on both issues, but its comparative advantage is not too large. [R, abr.]
63.4614 ANDERS, Birthe —
Private military and security companies’ (PMSCs) relationship with state actors has received significant scholarly attention; their interaction with other private actors such as humanitarian NGOs has remained largely neglected. This article looks at the evolving relationship between NGOs and PMSCs. First, it assesses the current state of NGO-PMSC interaction. Two aspects stand out: contracting and conflict. By drawing on existing research on different forms of inter-cultural cooperation such as military-military and humanitarian-military cooperation, the second part shows that conflict between PMSCs and NGOs can inter alia arise from their differing backgrounds, mandates, approaches to security, and short- and long-term goals. By looking at both differences and similarities between the two actors, the article sketches out possible pathways for the future. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4615 ANDERSEN, Torben M. —
Policy discussions center on economic policies and reforms. The driver in this process is the challenge of ensuring the financial viability of an extended welfare state due to demographic changes and reinforced by the economic crisis. Economic policies may appear defensive, solely enforced by necessities. However, a base for maintaining an extended welfare state has been ensured, and in comparative perspective this reflects a clear ideological choice. [R] [First of a series of articles on “The present reorientation of the Left,” edited and introduced by Christian F. ROSTBØLL, Hans Boas DABELSTEEN and Ulrik Pram GAD. See also Abstr. 63.4859, 5312, 5361, 5453]
63.4616 ANGSTROM, Jan —
In academic discourse, several fields of study including most of the debate centering on interpreting modern war, rely upon a distinction between civil and military. Both research and practice, however, tend to treat these categories as fixed and global. I argue — to the contrary — that what constitutes civil and military are malleable norms. This forms a particular challenge to analyses of civil-military relations and it calls for a different categorization of civil-military relations in Weberian ideal types. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4617 ANSOLABEHERE, Stephen; RIVERS, Douglas —
The rise of the internet has radically altered survey research by changing how we think about sampling, driving down the cost of interviewing, and creating new ways of asking questions. This technology has also opened the way to a new style of cooperatively organized survey research. Projects such as the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) and the Cooperative Campaign Analysis Project (CCAP) involve collaborations of dozens of research teams that can collect very large samples and many smaller surveys tailored to the research questions of particular teams. This review examines the organization and key findings of these projects as well as their sampling methodology and its validity. [R, abr.]
63.4618 ANTONIADES, Andreas —
This paper examines whether the new global debt relations generated by the 2007–2008 financial crisis have transformed global power politics, changing the way in which the global South and the global North interrelate and interact. It analyzes the G20 advanced and emerging economies, examining a number of key indicators related to debt, indebtedness and financial leverage. This research leads to two main findings: (1) the crisis has indeed given rise to new global debt relations: any reforms in the post-crisis global political economy will take place in an environment that favors the rising powers. (2) The US maintains its capacity to control the parameters of this new global debt politics and economics, but cannot directly impose the terms of a solution to the existing “global/hegemonic imbalances” on the rising powers. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4717]
63.4619 ARCENEAUX, Kevin; JOHNSON, Martin; CRYDERMAN, John —
Political observers of all types often express concerns that Americans are dangerously polarized on political issues and are, in part due to the availability of opinionated niche news programming (e.g., ideological cable, radio, and internet news sources), developing more entrenched political positions. However, these accounts often overlook the fact that the rise of niche news has been accompanied by the expansion of entertainment options and the ability to screen out political news altogether. We examine the polarizing effects of opinionated political talk shows by integrating the Elaboration Likelihood Model of attitude development into our own theoretical model of selective media exposure. We employ a novel experimental design that gives participants agency to choose among news and entertainment programming by including treatments that allow participants to select the programming they view. [R, abr.]
63.4620 ARJOMAND, Saïd Amir —
The author argues that, when considering the compatibility of [Islamic] tradition with democracy, we should focus on Islam's “ideology” and its effect on constitution-making. Despite some clear historical examples where Islamic ideology resulted in undemocratic Islamic “counter-constitutionalism,” there are also other cases where Islam has been compatible with democracy, namely whenever it was considered as a type of limitation on the state (Islamic constitutional democracy). He highlights important conceptual differences in the way revolutions affected the implementation of politicized Islam, from the Iranian Revolution to the Arab Spring revolutions. [R] [See Abstr. 63.5880]
63.4621 BANTA, Benjamin —
Utilizing critical realist philosophy of social science, this article contends that discourse may be studied as a causal mechanism in the generation of events — and one relationally connected to mechanisms of differing kinds. I argue that we should adopt critical discourse-analysis rather than the guidance of poststructuralist discourse theory. After establishing the key assumptions of poststructuralist discourse theory, some of the substantive analytical tendencies that secrete are discussed and illustrated through a look at the treatment of humanitarian discourse in the IR literature on the nature of Western warfare. The article then places discourse within a critical realist view of the social world. [R, abr.]
63.4622 BARNETT, Michael N. —
This review examines humanitarian governance, defined as the increasingly organized and internationalized attempt to save the lives, enhance the welfare, and reduce the suffering of the world's most vulnerable populations. Political scientists and IR scholars are using the familiar analytics of the global governance literature to explain the origins, design, and effectiveness of this collective activity. This essay, though, interjects an alternative perspective, drawing from critical theory, to widen the research agenda of the study of humanitarian governance. It [asks]: What kind of world is being imagined and produced? What accounts for the tremendous growth of humanitarian governance over the last century? Who governs? How is humanitarian governance organized and accomplished? What are the principal techniques of control? By what authority do humanitarians govern and what do they do with that authority? [R, abr.]
63.4623 BASTOS LIMA, Mairon G.; GUPTA, Joyeeta —
The large-scale production of crop-based biofuels has been one of the fastest and most controversial global changes of recent years. Global biofuel outputs increased six-fold between 2000 and 2010, and a growing number of countries are adopting biofuel-promotion policies. Meanwhile, multilateral bodies have been created, and a patchwork of biofuel policies is emerging. This article investigates the global biofuel policy context and analyzes its nature, its institutional architecture, and issues of access and allocation. Our assessment reveals a density of national policies but a paucity of international consensus on norms and rules. We argue that the global biofuel context remains a non-regime and that it has overlooked serious issues of access even as a risky North-South allocation pattern is created. [R, abr.]
63.4624 BATINI, Carlo —
eGovernment initiatives aim to deliver administrative services that may be useful to citizens and companies. To be effective, services must be characterized by quality and value in use. We provide a systematic introduction to services in eGovernment, starting with basic definitions and examples of the concepts of service, service system, service process, quality and value of service. We then introduce a model for service characterization in terms of functional and non-functional properties and qualities. Finally, we discuss shortly a methodology for the service life-cycle, where the three different points of view of public administration, private service-providers and users are considered. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles on eGovernment, by Alessandro OSNAGHI, Giorgio DE MICHELIS, Maria Agostina CABIDDU, Stefano MARCHETTINI]
63.4625 BEAZLEY, Mary Beth —
For generations, some candidates have argued that first-listed candidates gain “extra” votes due to primacy effect, recommending ballot rotation to solve the problem. These votes, however, are generally intentional votes, accurately cast, and rotation is controversial. This article argues that rotation is appropriate because it mitigates the electoral impact of not only primacy effect, but also of two categories of miscast votes. First, rotation mitigates the impact of proximity-mistake votes, which can occur even on well-designed ballots when voters mis-vote for a candidate in proximity to their chosen candidate. Second, rotation mitigates the impact of mis-votes caused by flawed ballot designs, providing a fail-safe that can prevent some electoral meltdowns. Ballot-rotation represents a last-best-chance to avoid the electoral impact of foreseeable and unforeseeable voter error and ballot-design issues. [R, abr.]
63.4626 BECK, Joachim —
The article analyzes how cross-border cooperation in Europe could be improved. Two central fields are interpreted in this regard: training/facilitating and applied interdisciplinary research. The article suggests that a more effective cross-border policy-making depends on a systemic capacity-building, based on the new operating principle of “horizontal subsidiarity”. For the moment, cross-border cooperation is only a functional sub-system, created by and largely depending on contributions coming from the states involved. Horizontal subsidiarity, combined with new approaches such as territorial impact assessment, multi-level governance or joint interest representation would allow for a better development of an integrated cross-border policy-making, based on the real challenges and potentialities of a 360° perspective on the cross-border territory. [R]
63.4627 BELL, Sam R., et al. —
Using a risk-assessment method developed by T. Gurr and W. Moore [“Ethnopolitical rebellion: a cross-sectional analysis of the 1980s with risk assessments for the 1990s,” American Journal of Political Science 41(4), Oct. 1997: 1079–1103; Abstr. 48.2793], we present a global, comparative, cross-national model predicting the states where political violence is likely to increase. Our model predicts more political violence when governments violate the physical integrity rights of their citizens — especially when they frequently imprison citizens for political reasons or make them “disappear”. These coercive techniques may create more citizen dissatisfaction than other types of violations of physical integrity rights, because citizens perceive political imprisonment and disappearances as the direct result of the deliberate policy choices of politicians. Our model also forecasts more political violence in weak states and states that allow dissatisfied citizens to coordinate their anti-government activities. [R, abr.]
63.4628 BENSKI, Tova, et al. —
The articles in this issue have explored the emergence, dynamics, and significance of the social mobilizations, contestations, and confrontations that started with the Arab Spring mobilizations and continue. This concluding article is focused on three main aspects that emerge from the editors’ dialogue with the different contributions. The first is the context, beginning with a political-economic account of neoliberalism, the various crises of legitimacy that it has fostered over the last three decades, and the role of new media (ICTs) in engendering these mobilizations, their coordination, and globalization. The second aspect focuses on some of the characteristics of this cycle of contention, mostly the actors and their networks, identities and the new practices of occupying public space. The last part evaluates the general trajectory of these mobilizations over the last two years. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4893]
63.4629 BENSKI, Tova; LANGMAN, Lauren —
We have recently seen the proliferation of a variety of progressive, democratic social movements across the globe, [as] vast numbers of people have challenged neoliberal globalization. We offer a theoretical frame for the analysis of the most recent challenges posed to neoliberal social and economic policies as they were shaped in late capitalism. We first note J. Habermas's thesis that legitimation crises take place at both the macro and micro levels, and that they foster various understandings as well as emotional reactions. We focus on the emotional aspects that are vital to social mobilizations, drawing on theoretical frames from social movement and the sociology of emotion perspectives. The value of our proposed structure of argument lies in the powerful combination of macro and micro processes and the combination of cognition and emotions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4893]
63.4630 BENZ, Arthur —
Federal systems need stable constitutions protecting the division of power, but they also need constitutional flexibility to adjust to changing social and political conditions. This article explains how this dilemma is dealt with in different federations. It shows that complex structures and processes of constitutional policy are conducive to balancing continuity and change in federal constitutions. Successful amendments can be expected if constitutional policy is dissociated from normal policy-making, if amendment proposals are negotiated in various connected arenas and in sequences, and if negotiations and ratification are loosely coupled. In contrast, a concentration of powers in intergovernmental bargaining or negotiations of party elites followed by parliamentary ratification is conducive to incremental change and can cause destabilizing dynamics. Focused case studies illustrate the variety of patterns of constitutional change and their different consequences. [R, abr.]
63.4631 BERGERON, James —
Crime is central to security concerns and to defense and policing activities. The author explores the nexus between transnational organized crime and international security, and the role that the military can play in combating organized crime. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Transnational organized crime and security,” edited by Frank G. MADSEN. See also Abstr. 63.4666, 4790]
63.4632 BERNAUER, Thomas —
Research in political science and related fields offers systematic and empirically well-supported explanations for why solving the climate problem has turned out to be more difficult than originally anticipated. After reviewing this research, I focus on four areas in which we know less: (1) institutional design features that may help in mitigating or overcoming fundamental problems in the global cooperative effort; (2) factors that are driving variation in climate policies at national and subnational levels; (3) driving forces of climate policy beyond the state, in particular civil society, the science-policy interface, and public opinion; and (4) sociopolitical consequences of failing to avoid major climatic changes. The article identifies key questions at the micro, meso, and macro levels that should be addressed by political scientists in the coming years. [R, abr.]
63.4633 BIEKART, Kees; FOWLER, Alan —
The waves of civic activism unfolding since late 2010 at a global level are striking. Does this scale and momentum signal a tipping point in a “globalization of disaffection”? Are we witnessing the emergence of a new age-cohort of activists, similar to the “1968 generation”? What were the common elements, and what energy was driving the activisms of the squares and the blog spots? This Introduction positions the notion of “Activisms 2010+” in terms of its nature and relevance to current debates about citizen-led socio-political change. We argue that contemporary activisms constitute a distinct shift in the character of civic engagement as they surf on waves created by the increased availability and use of social media, and by a common set of rights-based demands. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a series of articles on “Transforming activisms”. See also Abstr. 63.4731, 4750, 4831, 4874, 5254, 5328, 5402, 5861]
63.4634 BIROLI, Flávia —
This article analyses different approaches of the connection between autonomy, oppression and identities in feminist political theory. Starting from the concepts of “lived body” and “lived knowledge,” it discusses the possibilities of resignifying experiences and autonomously defining identities in social contexts where inequality prevails. It focuses on the fact that identities, although important to the individuals, may reproduce values which are the basis for subalternity, justifying the present forms of oppression. On the other hand, it considers how individuals would actively answer to the restricting alternatives offered by the power structures, being able to confront and redefine them. In this way, it onsiders theoretical alternaitves in those approaches that permit to surpass the duality between autonomous choices and coercion. [R]
63.4635 BISCHOFF, Ivo; SIEMERS, Lars-H. R. —
There are two well-established empirical regularities about voters: (1) they entertain systematically biased beliefs about how public policies affect economic outcomes. (2) Voters vote retrospectively: they punish the incumbent for poor and reward him for good macroeconomic performance. Thus, political parties face a trade-off: offering popular yet economically harmful policies increases the chance of being elected today, but decreases the chance of re-election. We provide the first rigorous game-theoretical analysis of the trade-off. The model addresses two questions: How can biased beliefs and retrospective voting be explained consistently? What policy outcomes emerge in party competition? To micro-found persistently biased beliefs we introduce the psychological concept of mental models. Deviating from earlier studies, we allow parties to choose strategic mixtures of populist (i.e., bad yet popular) and good (but less popular) platforms. [R, abr.]
63.4636 BLAKELEY, Ruth —
This article demonstrates the significance of human rights for challenging state violence and terrorism. Critical Security Studies has tended to focus on the individual as the agent of her/his own liberation. Yet many victims of oppression are not able to free themselves. Drawing on historical materialism, it is argued that collective agency on behalf of the oppressed has a necessary role to play in emancipatory politics. Emancipation is contingent on the capacity of specific agents, located socially and historically, to identify practices that might bring about change, structures that might be transformed, and appropriate agents that are in the best position to facilitate such change. Such collective social action has forced a reversal of some of the G.W. Bush administration's repressive policies, and partially succeeded in curtailing the arbitrary use of US state power. [R, abr.]
63.4637 BLUM, Gabriella; WEILER, J. H. H., eds —
Editors’ introduction, p. 13–16. Articles by Robert HOWSE, “Thucydides and just war: how to begin to read Walzer's Just and Unjust Wars”, pp. 17–24; J.H.H. WEILER and Abby DESHMAN, “Far be it from thee to slay the righteous with the wicked: an historical and historiographical sketch of the bellicose debate concerning the distinction between jus ad bellum and jus in bello”, pp. 25–62, with Marko MILANOVIC's “non-response,” pp. 63–66; Terry NARDIN, “From right to intervene to duty to protect: Michael Walzer on humanitarian intervention,” pp. 67–82; Anne ORFORD, “Mora internationalism and the Responsibility to Protect,” pp. 83–108; Michael J. GLENNON, “Pre-empting proliferation: international law, morality, and nuclear weapons,” pp. 109–128; Jack GOLDSMITH, “How cyber changes the laws of war,” pp. 129–138; Dino KRITSIOTIS, “Enforced equations,” pp. 139–150; Matthew C. WAXMAN, “Regulating resort to force: form and substance of the UN Charter regime,” pp. 151–190; Olivier CORTEN, “Regulating resort to force: a response to Matthew Waxman from a ‘bright-liner’,” pp. 191–198; Paul W. KAHN, “Imagining warfare,” pp. 199–226 with Samuel MOYN's response, “Drones and imagination,” pp. 227–234; David KRETZMER, “The inherent right to self-defense and proportionality in jus ad bellum”, pp. 235–282, with Georg NOLTE's response, “Multipurpose self-defense, proportionality disoriented,” pp. 283–290; Antonia CHAYES, “Chapter VII1/2: is jus post bellum possible?,” pp. 291–307, with Guglielmo VERDIRAME's response, “What to make of jus post bellum”, pp. 307–314; Larry MAY, “Jus post bellum proportionality and the fog of war,” pp. 315–334; Ruti TEITEL, “Rethinking jus post belum in an age of global transitional justice: engaging with Michael Walzer and Larry May,” pp. 335–342; Niaz A. SHAH, “The use of force under Islamic Law,” pp. 343–366; Andrew E. MARCH and Naz K. MODIRZADEH, “Ambivalent universalism. Jus ad bellum in modern Islamic legal discourse,” pp. 367–390; Gabriella BLUM, “The fog of victory,” pp. 391–422, with Charles J. DUNLAP, Jr., “Some observations,” pp. 423–432; Michael WALZER, “Coda: can the good guys win?,” pp. 433–444.
63.4638 BONCOURT, Thibaud —
Given the very diverse ways in which political science has been structured at the national level and the lack of interaction among national fields, the creation of the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) in 1970 was on the face of it improbable. This article explains the genesis of this transnational scholarly organization by reference to two phases: by creating the International Political Science Association (IPSA), UNESCO encouraged growth in the transnational circulation of actors and knowledge involved in the study of politics; this circulation subsequently contributed to transforming the physiognomy of European national fields and created the conditions for the emergence of a subversive project for a new scholarly organization. The present article thus reveals the hybrid structure of transnational spaces in terms of the knowledge and resources that are involved. [R]
63.4639 BOUDREAU, Cheryl —
Although citizens are often exposed to conflicting communications from political elites, few studies examine the effects of conflicting information on the quality of citizens’ decisions. Thus, I conduct experiments in which subjects are exposed to conflicting information before making decisions that affect their future welfare. The results suggest that a version of Gresham's Law operates in the context of political communication. When a credible source of information suggests the welfare-improving choice and a less credible source simultaneously suggests a choice that will make subjects worse off, subjects make worse decisions than when only the credible source is available. This occurs because many subjects base their decisions upon the less credible source or forgo participation. This occurs mostly among unsophisticated subjects, who are more easily led astray. [R, abr.]
63.4640 BOYER, Pascal; PETERSEN, Michael Bang —
We respond to comments raised by J. Eastwood [“Reflections on the implications of evolutionary psychology for the theory of institutions,” ibid. 8(4), Dec. 2012: 537–550; Abstr. 63.4686] in response to our article on the role of evolutionary psychology in understanding institutions [P. Boyer and M. B. Petersen, “The naturalness of (many) social institutions: evolved cognition as their foundation,” ibid. 8(1), March 2012: 1–25; Abstr. 63.4641]. We discuss how evolutionary psychological models account for cultural variation and change in institutions, how sociological institutionalism and evolutionary models can inform each other, how evolutionary psychological models illuminate the role of power in institutional design and the possibility of a “general theory” of institutions. [R]
63.4641 BOYER, Pascal; PETERSEN, Michael Bang —
Most standard social science accounts only offer limited explanations of institutional design, i.e. why institutions have common features observed in many different human groups. Here we suggest that these features are best explained as the outcome of evolved human cognition, in such domains as mating, moral judgment and social exchange. As empirical illustrations, we show how this evolved psychology makes marriage systems, legal norms and commons management systems intuitively obvious and compelling, thereby ensuring their occurrence and cultural stability. We extend this to propose under what conditions institutions can become “natural,” compelling and legitimate, and outline probable paths for institutional change given human cognitive dispositions. Explaining institutions in terms of these exogenous factors also suggests that a general theory of institutions as such is neither necessary nor in fact possible. What are required are domain-specific accounts of institutional design in different domains of evolved cognition. [R]
63.4642 BRES, Helena de —
If global distributive justice or injustice is to exist, there must be something that is just or unjust: something to which the moral assessments at issue attach. I argue against one popular candidate for that role: the “global basic structure”. I argue that principles of distributive justice that target the global basic structure fail to satisfy a crucial “action guidance” desideratum and that this problem points to an alternative target that philosophers of global justice have yet to widely acknowledge. We ought to direct our principles exclusively at subspheres of global politics: disaggregating global justice for a disaggregated world. [R]
63.4643 BROOKS, Thom —
This article presents the impact that political theory has made and the opportunities for future contributions. It considers the contributions made by leading political theorists to policy debates, the lessons learned from their successes, and how political theorists might further pursue existing and new opportunities to develop impact. The discussion closes with consideration of several potential threats that theorists should become more aware of in order to best avoid them. The growing importance of impact in British higher education policy represents important challenges that may help promote the field of political theory. Political theorists should welcome these developments. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4702]
63.4644 BROWNING, Christopher S.; McDONALD, Matt —
We argue that we can indeed talk about a “critical security studies” project orienting around three central themes: a fundamental critique of traditional (realist) approaches to security; a concern with the politics of security — the question of what security does politically; the ethics of security — the question of what progressive practices look like regarding security. We suggest that it is the latter two of these concerns with the politics and ethics of security that ultimately define the “critical security studies” project. Taking the so-called Welsh School and Copenhagen School frameworks as archetypal examples of “critical security studies” (and its limits), we argue that despite its promises, scholarship in this tradition has generally fallen short of providing us with a sophisticated, convincing account of either the politics or the ethics of security. [R, abr.]
63.4645 BUCHSTEIN, Hubertus —
In contrast to the restricted function of lotteries as tie-breakers in German parliaments, ancient democracies made wide use of lotteries for the selection of political personnel. The historical triumph of modern representative democracy, however, was closely linked to the triumph of elections over all other available methods of recruiting political personnel. Nevertheless, this kind of electoral parliamentarism has some shortcomings of its own. The author argues for the establishment of assemblies, which consist of 100 to 200 randomly selected citizens vested with political decision-making powers. These “Houses of Lots” should serve as decision-making powers only on those few issues on which the (majority or all) professional members of parliaments have an exclusive collective self-interest. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 63.4785]
63.4646 BUCKLE, Tobias —
This paper develops a new method of examining ideology in mass populations. It presents results from an in-depth survey of 252 people examining their ideology, which is understood as an interlinked series of conceptions of essentially contestable concepts. In contrast to the traditional left-right spectrum, measures of the presence of five ideological families in respondents’ thought behavior (liberalism, socialism, republicanism, conservatism and libertarianism) were created. This was done by examining the degree to which they agreed with alternate conceptions of political concepts such as freedom, fairness and justice. This paper provides a short introduction, a theoretical framework, and presents the model used. Finally, it considers how the internal parts of the ideologies studied link to each other and to concrete policy preferences in aggregate data. [R]
63.4647 BUENO DE MESQUITA, Ethan —
I study a model of mobilization and rebel tactical choice. Rebel leaders choose between conventional tactics that are heavily reliant on mobilization, irregular tactics that are less so, and withdrawal from conflict. The model yields the following results, among others. Increased nonviolent opportunity has a non-monotone effect on the use of irregular tactics. Conflict has option value, so irregular campaigns last longer than the rebels’ short-term interest dictates, especially in volatile military environments. By demonstrating lack of rebel capacity and diminishing mobilization, successful counterinsurgencies may increase irregular violence. Conflict begets conflict by eroding outside options, thereby increasing mobilization. [R]
63.4648 CAIRNEY, Paul —
This article injects clarity into debates of evolution and establishes its ability to describe and explain policy change. It first identifies the explicit and implicit uses of evolutionary theory in policy studies. Second, it considers how such accounts relate to each other and the wider literature on public policy. Third, it identifies the causal mechanisms involved in evolutionary accounts. Finally, it considers how to translate abstract theory into a more concrete set of methods and plans for empirical research. [R]
63.4649 CAMPBELL, David E. —
In recent years, the study of political participation has benefited from growing attention to the study of social networks. Historically, most explanations for political participation have focused on characteristics of individuals. Although these individual-level correlates do a “pretty good” job of predicting who participates, incorporating social networks deepens our understanding of the factors that lead people to express voice in the democratic process. Even though the participation literature has long been split between scholars who favor a focus on individuals and others who emphasize social networks, the two approaches need not be in tension. Instead, they complement one another. The individualistic factors known to correlate with participation — including education, religious attendance, political knowledge, political conviction, and civic duty — all have a social dimension. [R]
63.4650 CAMPBELL, Rosie; CHILDS, Sarah —
The opposition between M. Flinders [Abstr. 63.4702] and P. John [Abstr. 63.4757] is largely a false one. On the major issue — that political science must engage in political and public debate — Flinders and John agree. What matters is that political scientists should be engaging with, and responsive to, public debate. We set out an “impact imperative” and its sister, the “feminist imperative,” arguing that feminist scholarship has always sought to engage with the real world of politics. We set out a series of recommendations to institutionalize and normalize impact, engagement and dissemination into work models and working practices, which if well managed should not detract from serious scholarship or require an aggressive campaign strategy for dissemination. Instead our approach is based on cooperation between academics, across disciplinary silos and the methodological divide. [R]
63.4651 CAMPOS E CUNHA, Luís —
The paper draws attention to three of the various problems posed by democratic life: the divorce between the people, on the one hand, and the political class and the parties, on the other hand; a closed partisan system that feeds on the oligopolistic allowances awarded to it by the Constitution; and, lastly, a partisan bloc dependent on private interests. A number of alterations are proposed which, altogether, would make a change in the Portuguese political panorama. Some of the effects would be immediate, others would take more time, until the country reacquires confidence in its politicians and parties. [R] [See Abstr. 63.5166]
63.4652 CARIA PATRICIO, Raquel de —
This article analyzes the current vacuum of international leadership created by the international crisis of 2007–2009 in order to observe that the possibilities of the emerging world to replace the rich countries as the leaders of the global economy are very limited. There many disagreements among the emerging countries, as there between them and the wealthiest nations, as it [is shown] through analysis of Sino-Brazilian relations. However, it should not be taken for granted that these facts will drive the world into a picture of conflicts, since the neorealist and liberal approaches suggest that international non-cooperation produces far bigger costs than those associated to the international cooperation. Therefore, states will cooperate to rebuild the international system. The system is adapting itself to the new realities brought by the crisis. [R, abr.]
63.4653 CARMENT, David; SAMY, Yiagadeesen; LANDRY, Joe —
The authors examine why some countries that were once considered fragile have successfully recovered, while others have been less successful and remain fragile for long periods of time. Using a recently updated panel dataset on state fragility and case studies, they focus on three types of countries: those that are stuck in a fragility trap, those that have exited fragility and are now emergent and stabilized, and those that have moved in and out of fragility. They then use the results of that analysis to draw out policy implications for transitioning states out of fragile contexts. [R]
63.4654 CARROLL, David J.; DAVIS-ROBERTS, Avery —
This article provides an overview of recent efforts by the Carter Center to establish an analytical framework for election observation assessments based in public international law. The authors argue that by basing the framework on international legal commitments that states have accepted freely, election assessments can be more transparent, objective, and acceptable to host countries. The authors also argue that an obligations-based approach to election assessment provides a promising avenue for fostering consensus on the elements of democratic elections, as well as the assessment criteria used by observer groups. This article includes details of the practical tools used by Carter Center observation missions including the Database of Obligations for Democratic Elections, and forthcoming publications such as the Center's methodology handbook. [R] [See Abstr. 63.5601]
63.4655 CASTELLI, Emanuele —
In his seminal 1989 book, V.D. Hanson [The Western Way of War: Infantry Battle in Classical Greece, New York, 1989] contends that the roots of Western military thinking can be found in the warfare of the hoplites, and especially in how ancient Greeks waged war between the 7th and the 5th c. B.C. I show that only one of the features highlighted by Hanson, the search for a decisive battle, is consistent with the historical record. Throughout more than 2.500 years, Western armies have often tried to defeat their enemies with a quick and violent battle, which could lead to an unambiguous and immediate result. But the Western preference for a decisive battle has mainly to do with material causes (such as the human, economic and financial costs of the war) rather than to a specific cultural legacy. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4928]
63.4656 CECCORULLI, Michela —
That migration represents an increasingly hot challenge in a globalized world should not be surprising. What is of increasing interest, though, are the linkages that relate migration to a broadly intended concept of security. As a matter of fact, as migration is a multi-faceted phenomenon, so are the possible ways through which it impacts and extended security understanding. Hence, migration can directly threaten security; it can be a by-product of security challenges and finally, it can be a vehicle for new threats of security. This article delves into each of these linkages with the help of theoretical argumentations and examples from the ongoing reality. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4928]
63.4657 CERVERA-MARZAL, Manuel; DUBIGEON, Yohan —
Since Aristotle and Montesquieu, it has been traditionally admitted that sortition was inherently democratic and anti-oligarchic. However, do the renewed interest for sortition from political elites and some theorists of representative government, and its recent experimental use in Porto Alegre and in British Columbia constitute a factual denial to the Aristotelian thesis of a fundamental contradiction between sortition and liberalism? While rejecting the essentialist assumption that there is a nature of sortition, this article takes the opposite of the liberal thought which, insisting too much on the neutralizing virtue of sortition, came to overshadow its egalitarian virtue, its subversive logic and its link to the idea of radical democracy. The hypothesis of a liberal sortition is undermined by the historical, sociological and philosophical approaches of the subject. [R, abr.]
63.4658 CHAPMAN, Terrence L.; CHAUDOIN, Stephen —
What types of countries have ratified the Rome Statute establishing the ICC? Because the court relies on state cooperation, it is a good example of a regime facing a “participation problem”. In order to be effective, the regime requires active members, but states that fear regime effectiveness will therefore find it potentially costly to join. We analyze the extent to which this problem plagues the ICC. We find that countries for whom compliance is likely to be easiest — democracies with little internal violence — are the most likely countries to join the ICC. On the other hand, countries with the most to fear from ICC prosecution, non-democracies with weak legal systems and a history of domestic political violence, tend to avoid ratification. [R, abr.]
63.4659 CHEN Chow-meng, et al. —
This paper reports new findings about differential impacts political events have on share prices of firms connected to government in power compared to firms with no political connections. Significant share-price increases of 4% or more abnormal returns accrue to connected firms relative to unconnected firms when identical political events occur. The impact is very pronounced during a severe economic crisis, when the stakes were high about an incumbent government being re-elected. Our finding is due to the expected value of preferential treatments, preference in project selections and access to state benefits. Thus, share prices of politically connected firms react with greater impacts than non-politically connected firms to announcements of identical political events. [R, abr.]
63.4660 CHENOWETH, Erica —
From 1968 to 1997, wealthy, advanced democracies generally did not suffer from high levels of chronic terrorism, with two exceptions: (1) advanced democracies that interfered in other countries’ affairs through military intervention or occupations were frequent targets of transnational terrorism, and (2) poor democracies with territorial conflicts often experienced related domestic terrorist attacks. Intermediately wealthy and transitioning democracies with internally inconsistent institutions were more likely to experience domestic terrorism than advanced democracies and authoritarian regimes. There is very little agreement about why these trends persist. I identify the competing explanations that have emerged within the literature as well as remaining controversies. I also present preliminary evidence suggesting that since 9/11, terrorism persists in the usual pattern but may be increasingly prevalent in nondemocratic countries. [R, abr.]
63.4661 CI Jiwei —
Three stakes and three corresponding types of poverty can be distinguished. They bear on subsistence, status, and agency and examine the relations in which the three types of poverty stand to one another. This allows for a comprehensive view of what significant forms poverty can take in our world, what is bad about each of them and about their combination, and how one might begin to think constructively and with some hope about removing or reducing arguably the most damaging aspect of poverty without unrealistic expectations regarding the plenitude of material resources. The picture of poverty that will emerge in this way is one in which the problem of sheer material deprivation is at once the most urgent and, in principle, the least important.
63.4662 CLARK, Sean —
The most common explanation for military victory and defeat is numerical preponderance. This is the causal assertion that the preponderant will use their material advantage optimally and win the military conflicts they engage in through attrition. When it comes to battle, more is better, whether it be troops in the field or raw economic potential. Regrettably, this big-battalions theory has rarely been tested, particularly against a series of cases with great historical breadth. This article analyzes data from 754 battles spanning nearly 3,500 years, and contrasts these empirical details against the core hypotheses of preponderance theory. Unfortunately for the theory, the returns to preponderance are highly ambiguous. Historically, armies both large and small emerge victorious in nearly equal fashion — a result highly contrary to the theory's central claim. [R]
63.4663 CLIFF, Christina; FIRST, Andrew —
This article tests the application of contagion/diffusion theories of political violence to terrorist activity. In order to apply theories of contagion/diffusion to terrorism, Granger causality analysis of terrorist activity in three state dyads — Lebanon-Israel, Peru-Colombia, India-Pakistan — is conducted. Within each dyad, terrorist activities in general and specific terrorist tactics in particular are analyzed. The test results show that there are correlations of terrorist events that indicate evidence of contagion and/or diffusion in all three dyads tested, although the patterns of contagion/diffusion are different for each dyad. [R]
63.4664 CLOPTON, Zachary D. —
This article begins a comparative study of foreign- and native-affairs law by examining the application of domestic laws to foreign facts (“extraterritoriality”) and to indigenous peoples, often called “nations” (“extranationality”). Using a distinctive double-comparative perspective, this Article analyzes extraterritoriality and extranationality across three countries: the US, Canada, and Australia. [R, abr.]
63.4665 COBB, Michael D.; NYHAN, Brendan; REIFLER, Jason —
Recent research has extended the belief-perseverance paradigm to the political realm, showing that negative information about political figures has a persistent effect on political opinions even after it has been discredited. However, little is known about the effects of false positive information about political figures. In three experiments, we find that discrediting positive information generates a “punishment effect” that is inconsistent with the previous literature on belief perseverance. People attempt to adjust for the perceived influence of the false claim when the information is discredited: when trying to account for the effects of discredited positive information about a politician, people overestimate how much correction is needed and thus end up with a more negative opinion. These results suggest that bogus credit claiming or other positive misinformation can have severe repercussions for politicians. [R, abr.]
63.4666 COCKAYNE, James —
Experience of conflict over the last two decades — from Haiti to Liberia to Afghanistan — points towards the likelihood that armed groups will adopt criminal strategies as a way of maintaining power during and after conflict, exploiting the state's vulnerability. However, policy responses have yet to prove effective in dealing with this threat. The author explores the relationship between criminal groups and political power, debunking long-held myths that such groups are primarily economic actors, before considering how a more strategic, evidence-based approach to tackling organized crime in conflict-affected states might be developed and implemented. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4631]
63.4667 COLEMAN, Liv —
The internet is currently facing the gravest challenge in its 30-year history as IPv4 addresses, the fundamental numbers required for a machine to connect to the internet, run out. Despite the economic importance of the issue, states have played little role in its governance. This article uses organization theory to examine how the internet community of technical experts in the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) and Regional Internet Registries (RIRs) has been protective of their expert authority and maintained autonomy to manage the address exhaustion problem on their own, guarding against “political” interventions in internet governance by states. [R]
63.4668 COLETTA, Damon —
Principal-agent theory recasts democratic civil-military relations, featuring as agent a unique, military “bureaucrat” refining goals of the state, a role normally assigned to the principal. At the same time, principal-agent applications reached international institutions as a collective actor in their own right. Drawing from civil-military relations and international institutions, this article poses still greater expansion for principal-agent dynamics. Principal-agent theory offers significant promise in complex international operations mixing inter-state, state, sub-state, and NGOs because it clearly delineates culturally bounded normative arguments from resource-based logics; it also suggests moves such as building flexible membership institutions ahead of time to improve cooperation among international actors during the next crisis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4669 CONCEIÇÃO-HELDT, Eugénia da —
This article provides new critical insight into the literature on two-level games and their contribution to the study of international trade cooperation. I outline the relevant literature to establish what we already know about international bargaining and domestic sources of multilateral trade cooperation. I first examine the domestic political approach and the systemic (international) perspective by presenting a critical review of the literature. I then identify new avenues for theoretical and empirical research. I suggest that to bridge the present rigid division between Comparative Politics and IR, we need two-level games studies in the following areas: cross-country comparisons on domestic political processes; actor interactions at different levels; comparison of international bargaining processes; and middle-range theory-building. [R, abr.]
63.4670 CONRAD, Courtenay R.; HAGLUND, Jillienne; MOORE, Will H. —
The Ill-Treatment and Torture (ITT) Data Collection Project uses content-analysis to measure allegations of government ill-treatment and torture made by Amnesty International (AI) from 1995 to 2005. ITT's country-year (CY) data quantify AI allegations of ill-treatment and torture at the country-year unit of observation and further across different responsible government agents and across different econo-socio-political groups of alleged victims. This paper introduces the Ill-Treatment and Torture country-year data, describes quantitative patterns likely to be of interest to researchers focused on the study of international NGOs (INGOs) and human rights, and suggests a number of theoretically motivated questions that can be explored using the ITT country-year data. [R]
63.4671 CONRAD, Justin; MILTON, Daniel —
Are countries with large Muslim populations more likely to experience or produce transnational terrorist attacks than countries with fewer Muslims? And if there is a difference, is it attributable to the influence of Islam, or to the economic, social, and political conditions that are common in predominantly Muslim countries? Analyzing all transnational terrorist attacks between 1973 and 2002, this study uses decomposition analysis to identify the relative contributions of the observable and behavioral characteristics of a state on the amount of terrorism that it experiences and produces. [R, abr.]
63.4672 CONSIDINE, Mark —
Governmental systems are deeply inscribed by processes of path dependence and lock-ins, yet they are also required to play a central role in both policy reform and institutional transformation. This paper offers an account of governance networks and posits a solution to the traditional problem of dynamic inertia in governmental institutions and thus provides the foundations for a theory of transformation. By first identifying network governance as a typology of institutional ensembles, the paper describes how the “complementary configurations” of institutions may provide crucial pathways for change. Such networks are also identified as viable enabling structures for the learning, storage, and sharing of hidden alternatives to established institutional routines. The key to their success is identified in administrative rather than political authorization. [R]
63.4673 CORBETTA, Renato —
In recent years, (social) network approaches have been gaining ground in the field of IR. Networks between states effectively explain patterns of international conflict and cooperation. One issue where conflict and cooperation converge — and where network analysis finds fruitful application — is the issue of third-party states’ intervention in conflicts. This study investigates whether, and how, conflict expands in the international social space through the cooperative and antagonistic networks generated by states’ supportive and oppositional interventions in international disputes. The study adopts a sociological theory of social units’ interaction in the social space as a function of their multidimensional affinity to investigate further how such networks form. [R, abr.]
63.4674 CORNELL, Agnes —
During the last decades democracy aid, which aims at fostering democracy in aid recipient countries, has become a popular type of foreign aid among major donor countries. This article asks whether the effect of democracy aid differs between different types of authoritarian regimes. According to previous research the rulers’ risk of losing power varies among types of regimes. Theoretically, we may assume that when the risk of losing power is low, authoritarian rulers tend to be more willing to accept democracy aid, given the other benefits that foreign aid could bring to the ruler. In addition, it is also easier to implement democracy-aid projects where certain political institutions are in place. The theoretical argument is tested using time series cross-section analysis on a global data set covering 143 aid-receiving countries from 1990 to 2007. [R, abr.]
63.4675 CUDWORTH, Erika; HOBDEN, Stephen —
Theorizations of the political in general, and international politics in particular, have been little concerned with the vast variety of other, nonhuman populations of species and “things”. This anthropocentrism limits the possibilities for the discipline to contribute on core issues and limits scope for study. As a response to this narrow focus, this article calls for the development of a post-human approach to the study of international politics. By post-human, we mean an analysis based on complexity theory, rejects Newtonian social sciences, and decenters the human as the object of study. We argue for a decentering of “the human” in our scholarship as imperative to understanding the complexity of the world. However, this approach also has a political incentive, which we describe as “complex ecologism”. [R]
63.4676 DAVIS, James W.; MECKEL, Miriam —
Through the massive leaking of classified government documents, WikiLeaks has provoked a debate on the link between transparency and political accountability. The central issues are the degree to which secrecy is compatible with democratic processes and whether WikiLeaks meets its own standard of transparency. This paper explores the link between transparency and accountability. Does an increase in the former necessarily imply an increase in the latter? At the empirical level, it examines whether WikiLeaks contributes to the public's ability to hold governments and organizations accountable by increasing transparency and providing necessary information. That is, do leaks shift the balance of power between publics and governments? If not, can we nevertheless regard internet-based digital leaking a symbolic act of political protest in support of a democratic ideal? [R, abr.]
63.4677 DAXECKER, Ursula E.; HESS, Michael L. —
The question of how coercive government policies affect the duration and outcome of terrorist campaigns has only recently started to attract scholarly interest. This article argues that the effect of repression on terrorist group dynamics is conditional on the country's regime type. Repression is expected to produce a backlash effect in democracies, subsequently lengthening the duration of terrorist organizations and lowering the probability of outcomes favorable to the government. In authoritarian regimes, however, coercive strategies are expected to deter groups’ engagement in terrorism, thus reducing the lifespan of terrorist groups and increasing the likelihood of government success. These hypotheses are examined using data on terrorist groups for the 1976–2006 period; support is found for these conjectures on terrorist group duration and outcomes. [R]
63.4678 De JUAN, Alexander —
Institutions can contribute to regulating interethnic conflict; however, in many cases, they fail to bring about lasting peace. The negligence of subgroup identities accounts for some of this failure. Ethnic groups are often treated as unitary actors even though most consist of various linguistic, tribal, or religious subgroups. When interethnic conflict is settled, subgroup differences may come back to the fore. This “resurgence” can lead to subgroup conflict about the political and economic resources provided through intergroup institutional settlements. This can in turn undermine the peace-making effect of intergroup arrangements. Different subgroup identity constellations make such destructive effects more or less likely. The article focuses on self-government provisions in the aftermath of violent interethnic conflict and argues that lasting intergroup arrangements are especially challenging when they involve “contested” ethnic groups. [R]
63.4679 DE VRIES, Leonie Ansems —
M. Foucault problematizes biopolitics as a mode of governance through which life's potentialities are both produced and immobilized via the continuous (re)production of circulations, or the constitution of the milieu. The question is whether governance can be (dis)ordered such that this problem of biopolitical foreclosure is overcome. This problématique is broached by staging an encounter between Foucault's problematization of biopolitical life and G. Deleuze and F. Guattari's biophilosophy, which offers the promise of an ontological movement to think political life anew. Engaging Deleuze and Guattari's concept of the milieu, the article explores whether a shift of focus to an understanding of political life in terms of its potentialities of mobile and relational becoming within a wider play of forces can offer a viable strategy to counter the problematic foreclosure of politics to which Foucault draws attention. [R, abr.]
63.4680 DEITELHOFF, Nicole; ZIMMERMANN, Lisbeth —
S. Engelkamp, K. Glaad and J. Renner [“In der Sprechstunde. Wie (kritische) Normenforschung ihre Stimme wiederfinden kann (Office time. How (critical) norm research can regain its voice,” ibid. 19(2), Dec. 2012: 101–128; Abstr. 63.1444] claim that mainstream research on international norms lacks a concept of power, is Eurocentric and non-reflective. As an alternative, the authors propose a critical research program on international norms based on a post-structuralist perspective. This perspective should allow researchers to unmask hegemonic norms and values, to reconstruct and strengthen non-Western, local norms and values and to become aware and reflective of their position in truth production. We demonstrate that this proposal fails to enable a critical research program because (1) it misjudges the strengths and weaknesses of constructivist norm research, (2) it furthers a non-reflective application of concepts such as “western” and “local,” and (3) it develops no intellectual tools to normatively judge political processes. [R]
63.4681 DOHERTY, David —
Representatives face clear incentives to respond to district preferences. I report findings from a series of experiments that examine whether the public understands these incentives and rewards representatives who respond to them. The findings show that although many people say they want legislators to prioritize national preferences, when evaluating instances of legislators’ behavior they recognize the institutionally prescribed incentives representatives face and reward legislators who prioritize their districts. I also find that, to the extent that people hold their own legislators to unique standards, these differences are not the product of an expectation that one's own representative prioritize the district while others prioritize the country. Instead, the differences suggest that people understand that their own legislator is accountable to them, personally, whereas other representatives are not. [R, abr.]
63.4682 DOLONEC, Danijela —
This article discusses the application of the QCA method in the social sciences, especially as it relates to comparative politics. The article first presents a critical overview of the key methodological literature on the QCA method. The main advantage of this method is in its ability to bridge the gap between qualitative and quantitative studies by including an intermediary number of cases in the analysis, increasing the variance of both the exploratory factors and the observed outcome, and thus improving the validity of conclusions and their scope for generalization. Since the QCA method requires a formalization of explanatory conditions and the outcome, the analysis is easily replicable, which brings it closer to accepted standards of the scientific method. [R, abr.]
63.4683 DOORENSPLEET, Renske; PELLIKAAN, Huib —
While some scholars argue that an electoral system with proportional representation combined with a decentralized system works best, and that the type of electoral system is crucial, others state that a proportional electoral system with a centralized system lead to better performance. Still other scholars claim that decentralization is crucial, particularly in countries with deeply divided societies. In this article, we argue that A. Lijphart's earlier 1960s work needs to be combined with his more recent 1990s work, which results in an eightfold classification. This cube with eight different types of democracy not only enables us to compare the three rival claims in a systematic way, but is also a helpful tool for future studies focusing on types of democratic systems, and their origins and consequences. [R, abr.]
63.4684 DRAGOJLOVIC, Nick —
This article investigates transnational source cue effects using two source-cue experiments that test the persuasiveness of German Chancellor A. Merkel and UK Prime Minister D. Cameron in a Canadian context. The experiments were embedded in an online survey administered to student participants at a Canadian university in January 2011. As might be expected, the foreign leaders exerted positive source-cue effects among participants who held positive impressions of the leaders and backlash effects among those who held strongly negative impressions. These effects, however, were moderated by participants’ level of political awareness, with the largest effects observed among participants who had an intermediate level of awareness. This nonlinear moderating effect can be attributed to the countervailing effects of attitude stability and source familiarity (both associated with political awareness) on individuals’ susceptibility to source cue effects. [R, abr.]
63.4685 DUFOUR, Frédérick-Guillaume; TURGEON, Nancy —
The authors present and analyze the theoretical project of D. Chakrabarty, an important figure of postcolonial studies, aiming at “provincializing” some European socio-historical developments, as well as the critique of Eurocentrism made by J.M. Hobson, a well-known advocate of neo-Weberian historical sociology in IR. Following the presentation of these contributions to postcolonial approaches and to the turn toward anti-Eurocentrism in neo-Weberian analysis, the authors argue that these theories tend to build on a critic of a long-deserted kind of Marxism, which makes them disregard the articulation between the modernity of international relations and the emergence of a global capitalist order. The authors state the importance of a return to classical social theory to sharpen the evaluation of the role of past and contemporary Eurocentric practices in International Relations. [R]
63.4686 EASTWOOD, Jonathan —
In this paper I consider the implications of work in evolutionary psychology for institutional analysis. I respond to Pascal Boyer and Michael Bang Petersen [“The naturalness of (many) social institutions: evolved cognition as their foundation,” ibid. 8(1), March 2012: 1–25; Abstr. 63.4641], who put forward a programmatic statement in this connection. I argue that their discussion overstates the explanatory power of evolutionary psychology and does not take sufficient account of what we already know about institutions. At the same time, I suggest that they, and the empirical work upon which they draw, make an important contribution by helping us to establish more clearly the boundary conditions of institutional analysis. I call for ongoing cooperation and for the establishment of a unified research tradition that brings together both evolutionary psychology and institutionalism. [R]
63.4687 EDKINS, Jenny —
Although photographs of atrocity and war have frequently been discussed, little attention has been paid to images that do not show suffering but still seem, at least potentially, to be politically effective. How do these photographs work? What form of personhood do they instantiate and what politics do they point to? How are they different from other photographs? This article examines what might be special about a photograph, especially a photograph of a face, and how its political impact might be understood. Drawing on Lacanian psychoanalytic concepts of trauma and subjectivity, the article suggests that a photograph embodies in its very temporal structure a personhood that is inimical to contemporary structures of sovereign power. [R, abr.]
63.4688 EGNELL, Robert —
The last decade has witnessed a cascading proliferation of strategic concepts that emphasize the importance of civil-military cooperation, coordination, or integration for effectiveness in complex operations. This article introduces a new approach to civil-military coordination that incorporates the challenges and possibilities at both the national/strategic level and the tactical level in field of operations. By integrating and coordinating these efforts at the strategic level, this approach allows policy-makers to achieve separation of actors and responsibilities in the field of operations. The proposed approach [addresses] more specific questions about when coordination is necessary for effectiveness, what its aims are, what actors need to be involved, and to what extent and at what level of command the actors need to be coordinated. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4689 EHRHART, Helene —
This article analyzes the impact of the electoral calendar on the composition of tax revenue (direct versus indirect taxes). It thus represents an extension of traditional political budget-cycle analyses assessing the impact of elections on overall revenue. We appeal to the opportunistic political budget model of A. Drazen and M. Eslava [“Electoral manipulation via voter-friendly spending: theory and evidence,” Journal of Development Economics 92(1), 2010: 39–52] to predict the relationship between taxation structure and elections. Panel data from 56 developing countries over the 1980–2006 period reveals a clear pattern of electorally-related policy interventions. Taking the potential endogeneity of election timing into account, we find robust evidence of lower indirect taxes being applied by incumbent governments in the period just prior to an election. [R, abr.]
63.4690 ELFF, Martin —
This article presents a new method of reconstructing actors’ political positions from coded political texts. It is based on a model that combines a dynamic perspective on actors’ political positions with a probabilistic account of how these positions are translated into emphases of policy topics in political texts. It shows how model parameters can be estimated based on a maximum marginal likelihood principle and how political actors’ positions can be reconstructed using empirical Bayes techniques. A Monte Carlo Expectation Maximization algorithm is used that employs independent sample techniques with automatic Monte Carlo sample-size adjustment. An example application is given by estimating a model of an economic policy space and a non-economic policy space based on the data from the Comparative Manifesto Project. [R, abr.]
63.4691 ENGLISH, Richard —
This article addresses a key challenge in international politics — how states can best respond to non-state terrorist innovation — focusing on the particular realities of, and potential lessons from, one major non-state terrorist innovation: the IRA's attack on UK Prime Minister M. Thatcher in 1984. International responses to terrorist innovation would be more effective if the implications of this local case study were heeded, and if seven inter-linked principles were respected when states responded to non-state terrorism: learn to live with it; where possible, address underlying root problems and causes; avoid the over-militarization of response; recognize that intelligence is the most vital element in successful counter-terrorism; respect orthodox legal frameworks and adhere to the democratically established rule of law; coordinate security-related, financial and technological preventative measures; and maintain strong credibility in counter-terrorist argument. [R, abr.]
63.4692 ENTERLINE, Andrew J.; STULL, Emily; MAGAGNOLI, Joseph —
Will a strategy-change toward one of “hearts and minds” alter the eventual outcome of the American-led allied war effort in Afghanistan? We analyze 66 cases of counterinsurgency warfare from the 20th c. in which a foreign power seeks to defend a central authority in a state or colonial territory against an insurgency. We identify whether and when a foreign power implemented a change in its counterinsurgency strategy, whether said change involved a shift toward a strategy reflecting a “hearts-and-minds” emphasis, as well as the foreign power's eventual success or failure in prevailing over insurgents. We find that while shifting toward a strategy of hearts and minds increases the chances for success, the improvement is modest and requires nearly a decade to produce. [R, abr.]
63.4693 EPSTEIN, Lee; KNIGHT, Jack —
Among political scientists, not only is it uncontroversial to say that judges seek to etch their political values into law; it would be near heresy to suggest otherwise. And yet this article does just that because research conducted by scholars (mostly outside of political science) has demonstrated that the policy goal is not the only motivation; it may not even be dominant for many judges. The evidence is now so strong that it poses a serious challenge to the extremely (un)realist(ic) conception of judicial behavior that has dominated the study of law and legal institutions for generations. In addition to reviewing this evidence, we offer a more realistic conception of judicial motivations and suggest how different approaches to the study of courts can contribute to this new avenue of research. [R]
63.4694 ETZIONI, Amitai —
The notion that the decline of the US and concurrent rise of new global powers endanger the liberal, rule-based international order is based on assumptions that are not compatible with the historical evidence. The thesis that the US is the champion and protector of a liberal rule-based global order and faces illiberal nations that do not buy into and need to be encouraged to accept prevailing norms, is a complex combination of beliefs many in the West truly hold. Rather, it can be viewed as part of an ideological challenge to the legitimacy of the policies and regimes of other nations, mixed with a measure of self-congratulatory exceptionalism. This posture stands in the way of a more realistic approach to rule-making and establishing norms that can be truly shared with other nations. [R]
63.4695 EVERS, David; DE VRIES, Jochem —
With the fundamental rescaling of socio-economic relationships, the mega-city region (MCR) has emerged as an important geographical space for governance. At the same time, it is highly fragmented institutionally, making it difficult to overcome collective action problems such as providing regional public transport and protecting open spaces. In practice, different arrangements are employed to address these problems, including hierarchical approaches, competitive self-coordination and joint decision-making. Drawing on experiences in five MCRs in Europe and the US, the relative use and success of these approaches was investigated. The analysis suggests that the composition of the actor constellation (e.g., the number and kind of parties involved) and local political support proved to be important factors in explaining the performance of a particular governance approach. [R, abr.]
63.4696 FATÁS, Antonio; MIHOV, Ilian —
We present evidence that policy volatility exerts a strong and direct negative impact on growth. Using data for 93 countries, we construct measures of policy volatility based on the standard deviation of the residuals from country-specific regressions of government consumption on output. Undisciplined governments that implement frequent and large changes in government spending unrelated to the state of the business cycle generate lower economic growth. We employ both instrumental variables and panel estimation to address concerns of omitted variables and endogeneity. [R, abr.]
63.4697 FEAVER, Peter D. —
The field has traditionally studied civil-military relations in one of two domains: supreme command, where the great questions of war and peace were decided by the top leaders, or society, where the military institutions sought to establish themselves in relations to the broader civilian world. This special edition emphasizes a third domain: the modern battlefield of complex operations. In that setting, the lines between civilian and military are even more blurred than in traditional settings (where they were already quite blurred), and concerns about effectiveness cannot be ignored for the sake of the traditional focus on control. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4698 FELBAB-BROWN, Vanda —
Military conflict increasingly involves political violence, organized crime and illicit economies, while law enforcement often resembles warfare. [R]
63.4699 FINKE, Daniel —
Governmental preferences are crucial to our understanding of European and international treaty reforms. Nevertheless, current research fails to explain why and [in] what circumstances governments prefer certain proposals for institutional reform. This article analyzes the conditional nature of governmental reform preferences over different dimensions of institutional design. It integrates endogenous and exogenous explanations for governmental reform preferences into a single theoretical framework. The longitudinal research design enables an explicit empirical analysis of the observed short-term changes in the governments’ positions on European treaty reforms. In terms of political integration, these changes not only represent short-term trends in public opinion but also reflect the partisan composition of governments and parliaments. Both causal effects are mediated by the institutional design of the domestic preference-aggregation process. [R, abr.]
63.4700 FISHER, David —
The international realm is not a morality-free zone. Leaders may hijack the language while ceding little to its substance, but moral concerns have repeatedly played a part in shaping policy and public discourse. [R]
63.4701 FLEMING, Peter; ROBERTS, John; GARSTEN, Christina, eds. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 337–348. Articles by Dominik VAN AAKEN, Violetta SPLITTER, and David SEIDL, “Why do corporate actors engage in pro-social behaviour? A Bourdieusian perspective on corporate social responsibility,” pp. 349–371; Lars Thøger CHRISTENSEN, Mette MORSING, and Ole THYSSEN, “CSR as aspirational talk,” pp. 372–393; Jana COSTAS and Dan KÄRREMAN, “Conscience as control — managing employees through CSR,” pp. 394–415; Carl CEDERSTRÖM and Michael MARINETTO, “Corporate social responsibility à la the liberal communist,” pp. 416–432; Daniel NYBERG, André SPICER, and Christopher WRIGHT, “Incorporating citizens: corporate political engagement with climate change in Australia,” pp. 433–453; Richard MARENS, “What comes around: the early 20th century American roots of legitimating corporate social responsibility,” pp. 454–476.
63.4702 FLINDERS, Matthew —
The “tyranny of relevance” captures a widespread sense of concern among social and political scientists that their academic freedom and professional autonomy [are] under threat from a changing social context in which scholars are increasingly expected to demonstrate some form of social “relevance,” “impact” or “engagement” beyond academe. This article reframes the current debate by reflecting upon the history of the discipline and different forms of scholarship in order to craft an argument concerning the need for political scientists to rediscover “the art of translation”. This, in turn, facilitates a more sophisticated grasp of key concepts, emphasizes the need for the discipline to engage with multiple publics in multiple ways. Political science has generally failed to promote and communicate the social value and benefit of the discipline in an accessible manner. [R, abr.] [First article of a “Symposium on relevance and impact in political science”. See also Abstr. 63.4643, 4650, 4752, 4757, 4854, 4870, 4885, and the conclusion by Matthew FLINDERS and Peter JOHN, “The future of political science,” pp. 222–226]
63.4703 FORSBERG, Erika —
There is a commonly expressed concern that granting territorial concessions to separatist groups may create “domino effects”. This study systematically examines whether the granting of territorial concessions to an ethnic group does indeed spur new separatist conflicts. I suggest that such domino effects may be generated by two processes. First, the accommodation of an ethnic group's separatist demands may trigger a general inspiration process among other groups within and across borders. Second, by acquiescing to separatist demands, a government signals that it may also yield to the demands of other groups it confronts, making it more likely that other groups choose to pursue secessionism. Statistical analysis of data on territorial concessions globally 1989–2004 provides no evidence of domino effects. This holds true both within and across borders. [R, abr.]
63.4704 FUERSTEIN, Michael —
In the normal circumstances of pluralistic deliberation, the “liberal principle of justification” (LPJ) is a necessary condition for warranted epistemic trust, and therefore a necessary condition for healthy public inquiry about politically significant questions. This claim concerns the general institutional and social conditions under which certain forms of epistemic cooperation are epistemically appropriate, rather than the social and psychological conditions which actually tend to induce such cooperation. Rational epistemic trust is uniquely fragile in the political context in light of both the radical inclusiveness of the relevant epistemic community and the conflicting interests bound up in policy debate. Thus, the LPJ should be understood as a vital response to the special epistemic challenges that the political context poses.
63.4705 FUJII, Lee Ann —
This article proposes the concept “extra-lethal violence” to focus analytic attention on the acts of physical, face-to-face violence that transgress shared norms about the proper treatment of persons and bodies. Examples of extra-lethal violence include forcing victims to dance and sing before killing them, souvenir-taking and mutilation. The main puzzle of extra-lethal violence is why it occurs at all given the time and effort it takes to enact such brutalities and the potential repercussions perpetrators risk by doing so. Current approaches cannot account for this puzzle because extra-lethal violence seems to follow a different logic from strategic calculation. To investigate one alternative logic — the logic of display — the article proposes a performative analytic framework, focusing attention on the process by which actors stage violence for graphic effect. [R, abr.]
63.4706 GANGHOF, Steffen —
Political scientists regularly justify particular democratic institutions. This article explores two desiderata for such justifications. The first is a formal equality baseline which puts the burden of justification on those who favor more unequal institutions. This baseline is seen as an implication of the rule of law. The second desideratum, the comparison requirement, builds on the first: adequate justifications of particular institutions must compare them to the best alternative, and this comparison must consider the costs for political equality. The two desiderata are applied to political science debates about the proportionality of the electoral system and bicameral systems of legislative decision-making. [R]
63.4707 GAROUPA, Nuno —
The author discusses justice as a public conflict-solving system promoted by the state, as well as the reforms necessary for its effectiveness in a globalized world. While the logic of privatization appears to be consensually disconnected from the field of justice, the paradigmatic changes seem to be more intricate both in their genesis and implementation. The meager results of the various reform packages of the last years should alert us to the complexity of justice. [R] [See Abstr. 63.5166]
63.4708 GAUS, Daniel —
Current political theory applies the concept of reconstruction almost exclusively to methods of critique. Given this focus, it is often overlooked that the concept of reconstruction also has important methodological implications regarding the empirical analysis of politics. This imbalance particularly applies to how J. Habermas's discourse theory of democracy has been perceived in political theory. The article first offers an interpretation of discourse theory as a contribution to a “reconstructive sociology of democracy” that goes beyond the mere purpose of critique. Second, it illustrates the added value of Habermas's method of rational reconstruction to the empirical analysis of politics. [R]
63.4709 GEMENIS, Kostas —
The past few years have seen the advent and proliferation of Voting Advice (or Aid) Applications (VAAs), which offer voting advice on the basis of calculating the ideological congruence between citizens and political actors. Although VAA data have often been used to test many empirical questions regarding voting behavior and political participation, we know little about the approaches used by VAAs to estimate the positions of political parties. This article presents the most common aspects of the VAA approach and examines some methodological issues regarding the phrasing of statements, the format of response scales, the reliability of coding statements into response scales and the reliability and validity of scaling items into dimensions. The article argues that VAAs have a lot of potential but there is also much space for methodological improvements. [R, abr.]
63.4710 GEST, Justin, et al.
This article provides a systematic understanding of international norm-emergence and illuminates the various strategic pathways to altering global dialogue and standards of practice. It traces the steps leading to global norm-emergence and identifies the range of conditions that are necessary or sufficient for potential norms to move from one step to the next. Accordingly, it analyzes the progress of six separate international norm agendas to develop a more systematic understanding of the process of global norm-creation, which can be applied to fledgling efforts to establish a new regime of international migrants’ rights. Based on this examination, it introduces a typology that categorizes the stages of norm-development and the range of possible outcomes. [R]
63.4711 GHOLZ, Eugene; PRESS, Daryl G. —
Plentiful spare capacity persists in the oil production and tanker industries, contrary to M. Levi's contention in his response to our earlier article, “Protecting ‘the prize’” OPEC leaders retain excess capacity to minimize cartel members’ cheating, and tanker companies retain considerable flexibility that allows them to adapt to political-military and other fluctuations in the market. Oil supplies are not on a knife-edge; exaggerated claims of energy vulnerability distort US national security policy. [R] [See also Abstr. 63.4783]
63.4712 GIRARD, Violaine; LAMBERT, Anne; STEINMETZ, Hélène —
Promoting home-ownership for low-income households has become a political motto in a variety of national and historical contexts. However, at least in France and the western countries, the sociological study of working-classes has often focused on social housing estates. This issue analyzes the making of policies supporting the rise of homeownership among working-classes, and the role of high-ranking civil servants, experts, local authorities or home-builders in it. It also questions the impacts of such housing policies on social inequalities. How do the residential careers of homeowners, partly shaped by such public policies, contribute to redefine social hierarchies? Introducing the different contributions of this issue, this paper highlights how they participate to a renewed study of social classes, and calls for further research on this matter. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Home ownership and the working classes,” edited by Violaine GIRARD. See also Abstr. 63.4998, 5147, 5175, 5226, 5233, 5327, 5923]
63.4713 GÖHLER, Gerhard —
Seemingly, feelings and emotions have no place in deliberation. In the conceptions of deliberative democracy inspired by J. Habermas, the cognitive dimension of rationality solely matters. This narrowing is problematic. If every community and thus every form of democracy rests upon the symbolic representation of its values (E. Voegelin, S. Landshut, C. Schmitt), then this symbolic presence is always both cognitive and emotional, because symbols always have these two sides. In such conditions, does deliberation loses its rationality? That would be an unwanted conclusion, but it does not seem like a necessary one. The issue at stake is more to define deliberation and its rationality in a new, more realistic way, by taking into account its symbolicity. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4876]
63.4714 GOLDEN, Miriam; MIN, Brian —
We inventory more than 150 studies of distributive politics in more than three dozen countries other than the US. We organize existing studies under two theories: theories of democratic accountability and theories of government responsiveness. Studies that concern democratic accountability conceptualize distributive allocations as attempts by politicians to protect themselves electorally by targeting specific groups of voters. We identify four subsets: (1) studies of whether politicians target goods to core or swing voters; (2) studies of general political favoritism in targeting government goods; (3) studies of whether goods are disbursed according to the electoral cycle; and (4) studies of whether elected officials gain votes from the disbursement of government goods. We illustrate each with examples from the literature. We then discuss distributive politics as responsiveness to the median voter. [R, abr.]
63.4715 GRAHAM, Erin R.; SHIPAN, Charles R.; VOLDEN, Craig —
Over the past fifty years, top political science journals have published hundreds of articles about policy diffusion. This article reports on network analyses of how the ideas and approaches in these articles have spread both within and across the subfields of American politics, comparative politics and international relations. Then, based on a survey of the literature, the who, what, when, where, how and why of policy diffusion are addressed in order to identify and assess some of the main contributions and omissions in current scholarship. It is argued that studies of diffusion would benefit from paying more attention to developments in other subfields and from taking a more systematic approach to tackling the questions of when and how policy diffusion takes place. [R]
63.4716 GRANT, Keith A. —
The overexpansion of alliance portfolios can diminish the overall security of states. Due to the fear of abandonment, states have an interest in expanding the size and capabilities of their alliance portfolio to ensure the receipt of adequate assistance in the event of a conflict. However, each ally's incentive to intervene — their expected reward — decreases as alliance portfolios become larger and more powerful. In such situations, states’ efforts to address the alliance abandonment problem may serve to exacerbate it. Hypotheses regarding the influence of alliance portfolio size and capabilities on conflict intervention are tested. Analysis suggests that states must possess some minimal threshold of military capability before an expanded alliance portfolio increases the likelihood of intervention in conflict. [R, abr.]
63.4717 GRAY, Kevin; MURPHY, Craig N. —
This issue goes beyond the state-centrism of existing approaches by examining how challenges to global governance by rising powers are rooted in specific state-society configurations. Through studies of Brazil, India, China, Turkey and South Africa, the papers examine the way domestic structures, arrangements, actors and dynamics influence the nature of the international interventions and behavior of rising powers. They ask how their increased political and economic enmeshment in the international system impacts upon their own internal societal cohesion and development. By examining these issues, the papers raise the question of whether the challenge posed by the rising powers to global governance is likely to lead to an increase in democracy and social justice for the majority of the world's peoples. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 63.4618, 4842, 4907, 5670, 5673, 5677, 5686, 5693, 5819]
63.4718 GREEN, Jeffrey Edward —
Legislative performance can be understood in terms of results (the quality of the laws enacted) or in terms of the literal performativity of legislators (the quality of their appearances on the public stage). This article examines two different ethical frameworks for evaluating legislative performance in this latter, performative sense: a deliberative model, which restricts just political performances to deliberative exchanges among citizens, and a plebeian model, which expands just political performances to include those where political and economic elites endure special burdens as a condition of their elevated status. Given certain drawbacks of the deliberative model and parallel advantages of the plebeian model, I endorse the plebeian approach to political performativity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4845]
63.4719 GREEN, Jessica F. —
This paper examines privately-created standards within the regime complex for climate change and their relationship to public authority. Public rules in the Kyoto Protocol serve as a “coral reef,” attracting private rule-makers whose governance activities form part of the regime complex. Using original data, I conduct a network analysis of public and private standards for carbon management. Surprisingly, I find evidence of policy convergence — around both public rules and a subset of privately created rules: there is an emerging order in the complex institutional landscape that governs climate change. The observed convergence arises from private standards’ concerns about demonstrating credibility and providing benefits for users. [R, abr.]
63.4720 GRUBE, Dennis —
Under the traditions of the Westminster system, prime ministers and ministers give countless public speeches each year, while their loyal public service quietly and anonymously carries out the daily business of public administration. Current practice suggests that this traditional picture no longer holds true. In the 21st c., bureaucratic leaders are prepared to give public speeches on their own authority — adopting a “public face” as contributors to public debate. This article examines the extent to which key bureaucratic leaders in Canada have adopted an independent public face through public speeches, and how the Canadian experience compares to other Westminster jurisdictions. it argues that contemporary Canadian practice has taken a middle road between independent policy advocacy and quiet anonymity. [R]
63.4721 GRYGIEL, Jakub —
The study of pre-modern history would greatly improve our understanding of current and future strategic challenges. Pre-modern international relations, in fact, have certain characteristics that are reappearing in our times. I underline three such features: the presence of non-state actors, the pursuit of nonmaterial objectives, and the difficulty of diplomacy and deterrence. As a result, international relations were often characterized by conflicts “below the military horizon,” timeless violent confrontations rather than wars. The paper analyzes current trends that are bringing back some of these pre-modern traits and suggests several hypotheses for further research. [R]
63.4722 GVALIA, Giorgi, et al. —
We suggest that state- and individual-level variables can play a greater role in explaining the foreign policy behavior of small states and that small states sometimes choose to balance rather than bandwagon, especially when elite ideology is deeply embedded in formulating foreign policy. We develop this claim in terms of elite ideas about the identity and purpose of the state and examine its plausibility using primary sources and exclusive interviews with the security and foreign policy elite in Georgia. We find that this approach offers a more plausible explanation for Georgia's otherwise puzzling foreign policy behavior than frameworks that focus on the international or regional system. Georgia can advance an understanding of the conditions under which standard explanations of small-state foreign policy behavior may miss their predictive mark. [R, abr.]
63.4723 HAFNER-BURTON, Emilie M.; HUGHES, D. Alex; VICTOR, David G. —
Experimental evidence in cognitive psychology and behavioral economics is transforming the way political science scholars think about how humans make decisions in areas of high complexity, uncertainty, and risk. Nearly all those studies utilize convenience samples of university students, but in the real world, political elites actually make most pivotal political decisions such as threatening war or changing the course of economic policy. Highly experienced elites are more likely to exhibit the attributes of rational decision-making; and [many] studies suggest that such elites are likely to be more skilled in strategic bargaining than samples with less germane experience. However, elites are also more likely to suffer overconfidence, which degrades decision-making skills. We illustrate implications for political science with a case study of crisis-bargaining between the US and North Korea. [R, abr.]
63.4724 HÄKLI, Jouni —
The state space concept is part of attempts to dismantle the “territorial trap” and the concomitant dichotomy between national “inside” and international “outside”. This paper contributes to this scholarship by proposing the concept of transnational field as a tool for a nuanced understanding of the intermingling of the national and the global. The paper argues that the formative logic of globalization is not simply the growth of economic interconnections and dependencies, but also the dynamism related to competition and collaboration structuring inclusions, exclusions and awards in transnational fields. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4806]
63.4725 HALDÉN, Peter —
Although the public-private distinction is a historical construction it has been deeply internalized and taken for granted in Western ways of thinking about society and politics. Therefore, we often apply it uncritically as a way to categorizing and coding non-Western societies. Doing so unreflectively may distort our observations as well as policies of state-and peace-building. I outline the history of the public-private distinction by emphasizing its role in state-formation processes. This distinction was essential to the formation of the state and society as distinct categories. Indeed, it was and is a pre-condition of the autonomy of the state. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4726 HALE, Henry E. —
Works on the 1848 revolutions, 1989 collapse of European communism, 1998–2005 postcommunist color revolutions, and 2011 Arab uprisings frequently cross-reference each other, implying what is called here the concept of a “regime change cascade”. Research on these “Big Four” events shows that cascading can occur in protest calling for regime change as well as revolution in the name of regime change, but these rarely lead to actual regime change. Regime change cascades can occur through demonstration effects and active mediation, although common external causes and contemporaneous domestic triggers can cause events outwardly resembling them. Cascading to hybrid regimes or autocracy may be more likely than cascading to democracy. [R, abr.]
63.4727 HALL, Peter A.; LAMONT, Michèle —
Political science can gain from incorporating richer conceptions of social relations into its analyses. In place of atomistic entities endowed with assets but few social relationships, social actors should be seen as relational entities embedded in social and cultural structures that connect them to others in multifaceted ways. Understanding those relationships requires a deeper understanding of how institutional and cultural frameworks interact to condition the terrain for social action. More intensive dialogue with sociology can inform such an understanding. We review the analytical tools cultural sociology now offers those interested in such a perspective and illustrate it in operation in studies of inequalities in population health and the effects of neoliberalism. We outline several issues to which this perspective can usefully be applied. [R, abr.]
63.4728 HAN Kyung Joon —
The huge inflow of asylum-seekers to European countries in the early 1990s drove those countries to initiate policies that restricted asylum-seekers’ rights and benefits. Were these policies spontaneous responses to the mounting inflow or instead political outcomes determined by political factors such as partisanship and election timing? Analyzing data on the introduction of policies that restricted asylum-seekers’ welfare benefits and rights in 13 European countries from 1981 to 2000, this article finds that upcoming elections increase the likelihood of policy introduction. This election effect is greater in the presence of right-wing parties. These results imply that policies regarding asylum-seekers’ welfare benefits have been utilized by right-wing parties for electoral purposes. Therefore, these policies should be understood as the outcome of political choices. [R]
63.4729 HANKLA, Charles R. —
I develop a theory for the impact of legislative fragmentation on budgetary politics in presidential democracies. I argue that unified presidential systems should tend most toward fiscal solvency but that increasing fragmentation should actually facilitate budget balancing when government is divided. The logic is that presidents, who are likely to prefer balanced budgets due to their broad constituencies, will be better able to craft acceptable governing coalitions from divided legislatures than from ones controlled by a single opposing party. They will also be better able to circumvent such fragmented legislatures should a coalition prove impossible. I test these propositions quantitatively in all presidential democracies from 1976 to 2007. [R, abr.]
63.4730 HANSON, Robin —
When speculative markets clearly estimate that a proposed policy would increase national welfare, that policy becomes law. Speculative market prices can estimate national welfare conditional on a proposed policy being adopted, and conditional on that policy not being adopted, via called-off trades in assets that pay in proportion to measured national welfare. The difference between these two prices gives an estimated policy effect. Using an engineering approach, a design that plausibly addresses these issues and that is worth testing at higher levels of prototype realism can be sought. A review of democracy's info problems and speculation's info successes makes it possible to outline how speculation could aid democracy, consider twenty-five objections, and present a somewhat detailed design intended to address most of these objections.
63.4731 HARCOURT, Wendy —
This contribution reflects on the changes happening as transnational feminist movements engage in the shifting global dynamics and new forms of civil action that are changing the way movements operate post-2010. The article focuses on the transformation of an international women's rights network, the Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID). It analyzes the triennial AWID Forums as spaces in which feminists interrogate current social, economic and political changes. AWID is an evolving blend of old and new civic action — on the one hand, keeping continuity with the values and principles of feminism, while at the same time disconnecting in its activities with old forms of organizing and mobilizing. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4633]
63.4732 HASSAN, Mazen —
A major criticism of studies using the institutionalist approach to explain party systems’ characteristics in new democracies is the endogeneity argument: parties design the surrounding institutional context and hence context cannot be assumed to affect the same party system that devised it. Using a sample of 31 new democracies, this article challenges this argument both qualitatively and quantitatively. The central assumption is that even if politicians/parties are driven during periods of institutional design by selfish, vote-maximizing tendencies, it is still very difficult for them to design electoral institutions that guarantee their subsequent electoral victory. Three justifications for the argument are developed. [R, abr.]
63.4733 HAUKKALA, Hiski —
In the contemporary world also, the academic community is faced with increasing calls for being useful and relevant. But what is the actual space for academic expertise and policy analysis in the making of foreign policy? How do the two coincide and coexist temporally? The article takes its starting point the work of R. Cox [“Social forces, states and world orders: beyond International Relations theory,” Millennium 10(2), Summer 1981: 126–155; Abstr. 32.3584] and F. Chernoff [Theory and Metatheory in International Relations: Concepts and Contending Accounts, New York/Basingstoke, 2007; “The ontological fallacy: a rejoinder on the status of scientific realism in International Relations,” Review of International Studies 35(2), Apr. 2009: 371–395; Abstr. 60.53] to debate the issue of policy-relevant knowledge and theory. In addition, the article analyzes the spatial and temporal aspects of providing scholarly analysis in the actual making of policy. Drawing from this, the article concludes by sketching out three strategies, or roles, a scholar may apply in trying to get the message across different audience groups and in different contingencies. [R]
63.4734 HAYAT, Samuel —
The usual opposition between representation and participation is based on an exclusive conception of representation. But we can bring to light an inclusive conception of representation, most notably through the history of representation before the triumph of representative government. According to inclusive representation, representation stimulates the direct participation of the represented instead of preventing it. This inclusion through representation can first consist in the politicization of the citizens, inside the institutions of representative government, through judging the action of representatives, or outside of them, though constructing alternative representative devices. Inclusive representation can also aim to specifically include dominated groups, inside or outside the institutions of representative government. Finally, inclusive representation can rest on processes of subjectivation, through which excluded social groups can become political subjects. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4876]
63.4735 HECKMANN, Dirk —
In public administration, the employment of information technology and internet functions is both mandatory and self-evident and a technological, organizational, economic and legal challenge. The diffuse, protoutilitarian, and largely un-democratic development of the internet challenges government agencies to balance the possibilities of web-based modernization with the prerequisites of the democratic constitutional state: How much IT standardization, IT centralization, IT security, participation and transparency does public administration need? And how much can it tolerate? Providing the necessary legal framework for innovations like Cloud Computing, social networks, or Open Data — without inhibiting their progress and practical implementation — is an urgent task for both the executive and legislative branches of government. Achieving these objectives requires courageous decision-making and willingness for change. [R, abr.]
63.4736 HEGRE, Håvard, et al. —
The article predicts changes in global and regional incidences of armed conflict for the 2010–2050 period. The predictions are based on a dynamic multinomial logit model estimation on a 1970–2009 cross-sectional data-set of changes between no armed conflict, minor conflict, and major conflict. Core exogenous predictors are population size, infant mortality rates, demographic composition, education levels, oil dependence, ethnic cleavages, and neighborhood characteristics. Predictions are obtained through simulating the behavior of the conflict variable implied by the estimates from this model. We use projections for the 2011–2050 period for the predictors from the UN World Population Prospects and the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis. [R, abr.]
63.4737 HEIDENKAMP, Henrik; LOUTH, John; TAYLOR, Trevor —
The trend of ever-decreasing national defense budgets poses many worrying questions for companies in the global defense industry and may soon require them to make significant decisions about their respective future strategies. The authors explore the various strategic options available to defense companies in the UK and abroad, and consider the centrality of governments in ensuring the long-term sustainability of what is deemed to be an industry crucial to national security. [R]
63.4738 HELDT, Birger —
This article highlights two recent patterns in international peacemaking quick break-through are rare and peacemaking needs coordination — and discusses their implications. It also raises the issue on how the practice of peacemaking can be further improved. Knowledge of what works, and what does not, within the field of preventive diplomacy and peacemaking at the field/practitioner level, is not limited, just not well known, and not systematically compiled and analyzed. Moreover, actors who have failed in peacemaking will not learn the right course of action from their own mistakes, but only from other actors’ success stories. Considering there are so few successful peacemaking attempts, the opportunity to learn is limited. A more systematic and large-scale approach to collecting lessons learned from peacemaking should be pursued. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4929]
63.4739 HELLMANZIK, Christiane —
This paper analyzes the impact of the political environment on the value of artistic outcomes as measured by the price of paintings produced over the period from 1820 to 2007. The analysis is based on a unique dataset encompassing a global sample of 273 superstars of modern art born between 1800 and 1945, auction results of their paintings, and data on the political environment in the respective production countries. Controlling for a variety of economic and hedonic variables, there is a statistically significant, positive link between the level of democracy and the value of artistic output. Moreover, we find that democracy has a significant positive impact both on the density of superstar painters and the collective artistic human capital in a country. [R]
63.4740 HENDERSON, Errol A.; BAYER, Reşat —
We examine the extent to which wealth, democracy, and/or relative military capabilities contribute to victory in interstate war. Examining contingency tables, we find that states with greater military capabilities are more likely to win their wars whether they are wealthier or democratic, and democratic states perform marginally better than wealthier states in war. Probit analyses indicate that although each of the variables has a robust and positive impact on war victory, relative capabilities has the strongest substantive impact, followed by wealth, then democracy. Hazard analyses reveal that states with greater military capabilities fight shorter wars than either democracies or wealthier states, and controlling for capabilities and wealth, the relationship between democracy and war-duration is not significant, which challenges the view that democracies have a unique propensity to fight shorter wars. [R, abr.]
63.4741 HENDRIX, Cullen S.; WONG, Wendy H. —
Does naming and shaming states affect respect for human rights in those states? This article argues that incentives to change repressive behavior when facing international condemnation vary across regime types. In democracies and hybrid regimes — which combine democratic and authoritarian elements — opposition parties and relatively free presses paradoxically make rulers less likely to change behavior when facing international criticism. In contrast, autocracies, which lack these domestic sources of information on abuses, are more sensitive to international shaming. Using data on naming and shaming taken from Western press reports and Amnesty International, the authors demonstrate that naming and shaming is associated with improved human rights outcomes in autocracies, but with either no effect or a worsening of outcomes in democracies and hybrid regimes. [R]
63.4742 HIBBING, John R. —
Political science is far behind the other social science disciplines in incorporating neurobiological concepts, techniques, and theory. Though a healthy dose of skepticism is appropriate and beneficial to the scientific endeavor, negative reactions to viewing politics through a neurobiological lens are often based on fundamental misconceptions regarding both neurobiology and politics. I address ten of these misconceptions, including the beliefs that biology is deterministic, reductionist, unnecessary, irrelevant, normatively dangerous, and ideologically biased. The goal is to encourage a constructive dialogue on the relevance of neurobiology to political life — a dialogue that would in turn improve research in the fledgling subfield and lead to innovations in political science by encouraging new ways of conceptualizing and analyzing the variables at the discipline's core. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a symposium on “Neurobiology and politics”. See also the articles by Kay Lehman SCHLOZMAN; George E. MARCUS; Troy DUSTER; Larry ARNHART; Ange-Marie HANCOCK; William E. CONNOLLY; Linda M. G. ZERILLI; Anne Jaap JACOBSON; John R. HIBBING]
63.4743 HOFMANN, Hasso —
Whereas Anglo-Saxon theorists link political representation necessarily with election, a certain German tradition opposes representation as mandate (Die Vertretung) and what would be the essence of political representation (die Repräsentation). From this perspective, this essence rests upon an existential relation by which the representative makes present a superior reality that is absent, such as the people, without being legally bound by his actual constituency. The representative embodies the unity of the group by offering a public representation of the whole through his own person. This German tradition, most notably exemplified by C. Schmitt, undoubtedly has some reactionary dimensions. Nevertheless, it also helps to see some elements that liberal traditions do not perceive, as the link between representation and domination or the multiplicity of meanings representation can have. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4876]
63.4744 HOLBROOK, Donald; RAMSAY, Gilbert; TAYLOR, Max —
We offer a set of universal grading criteria for determining on what basis, and how far, an item of discursive content can be considered “terroristic”. We draw loosely on the existing COPINE scale for child abuse images. The scale described is not intended to reflect actual risk of engagement in terrorist violence, nor is it intended to have evidential validity in relation to offenses in certain jurisdictions relating to “terrorist publications”. Rather, by formalizing assumptions which seem already to be latent in the literature on terrorist use of the internet, it aspires to serve as a starting point for a more methodologically coherent approach to relationships between content — particularly online content — and terrorism. [R]
63.4745 HOLLANDERS, David; VIS, Barbara —
When will a vote-seeking government pursue unpopular welfare reforms that are likely to cost it votes? Using a game-theoretical model, we show that a government enacts reforms that are unpopular with the median voter during bad economic times, but not during good ones. The key reason is that voters cannot commit to re-elect a government that does not reform during bad times. This voters’ commitment problem stems from economic voting: i.e., voters’ tendency to punish the government for a poorly performing economy. The voter commitment problem provides an explanation for the empirical puzzle that governments sometimes enact reforms that voters oppose. [R]
63.4746 HOWES, Dustin Ells —
Pacifism is the ideological assertion that war and violence should be rejected in political and personal life, whereas nonviolence refers to a distinct set of political practices. Unlike other modern ideologies such as liberalism and socialism, pacifism has never gained widespread acceptance among a significant portion of humanity and seems to remain a minority position among most people. Even among those who use nonviolent techniques, the conventional wisdom that physical violence is necessary [in] certain circumstances often prevails. However, a growing body of empirical evidence shows that the methods of nonviolence are more likely to succeed than methods of violence across a wide variety of circumstances and that more people are using nonviolence around the world. [R, abr.]
63.4747 HOWLETT, Michael; WELLSTEAD, Adam M. —
Recent work in Canada, based on comprehensive surveys of analysts of provincial and territorial policy, on the one hand, and regionally and Ottawa-based federal policy workers on the other, has found many similarities with national-level work but also significant differences. This work has highlighted differences in the distribution of tasks across jurisdictions — mainly the extent to which policy work involves implementation as well as formulation-related activities — as key distinctions found in policy work across levels of the Canadian multilevel system. This article uses frequency and principal components analysis (PCA) and structural equation modeling (SEM) to probe these dimensions of policy work. It shows provincial and territorial analysts to be similar to regionally based federal workers in task allocation, undermining a straightforward depiction of differences in policy work by level of government. [R, abr.]
63.4748 HUG, Simon —
The “Minorities at Risk” (MAR) project and data have offered an innovative, systematic view of communal and ethnic groups. By collecting detailed information on groups that are mobilized and/or discriminated against, and thus “at risk,” MAR has allowed researchers to offer new insights in many areas dealing with relationships among groups. However, scholars have also used this dataset in ways for which it was not designed or is hardly appropriate. This article offers an overview of the main contributions of MAR and identifies research questions for which the MAR data have to be used with care. [R]
63.4749 HUGHES, Llewelyn; LIPSCY, Phillip Y. —
The politics of energy is re-emerging as a major area of inquiry for political science after two decades of relative quiet. We survey the theoretical and empirical literature on the politics of energy, as well as recent developments that have revived interest in the topic — renewed oil price volatility, the rise of China, and concern over global climate change. We also outline several avenues for future research, arguing that there are ample opportunities for scholars of political economy to apply insights developed in other fields to the study of energy. [R]
63.4750 ICAZA, Rosalba; VÁZQUEZ, Rolando —
This contribution [argues] that social struggles that stand up against depoliticization, economic exploitation and cultural alienation cannot be adequately understood through the same rationality that underlies the processes that they are breaking with. We invite a reading of social struggles as open questions to the dominant ways of thinking and ordering of the real. We develop a view of the Zapatistas uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Battle of Seattle, US, as political events that have challenged the epistemic hegemony of modernity, its instrumental rationality and its chronological temporality. We establish a relation between the political ideas of H. Arendt and those of decolonial thought, to connect traditions of critique that belong to different genealogies and which correspond to different conceptions of modernity and social justice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4633]
63.4751 ILIĆ, Marina —
A growing number of IR scholars argue that the logic of mainstream thinking about the nature of international politics needs to be changed. Some paradigmatic debates within the IR are now challenged. This “new thinking” is not so much new as increasingly attractive and based on contemporary development in international relations. Its main starting point is in arguing for a theoretical synthesis of several streams of IR theory, including middle-range theories and analytic eclecticism. Also, more theorists than ever before argue for “de-colonization” of the field of IR studies, or for “post-Western IR theory”. They are increasingly interested in little known traditions of IR thinking that were developed outside the US. [R, abr.]
63.4752 ISAAC, Jeffrey C. —
Should political science be publicly relevant? I answer yes, political science should be publicly relevant — but not in any simple sense, since “political science,” “should” and indeed “publicly relevant” are less straightforward than they might seem. I first complicate the questions posed to political science. I [then] reflect on the connection between publication — one of the central activities of all science, including political science — and publicity. I then briefly tell a story about the journal that I edit, Perspectives on Politics, and the distinctive mission of this journal, which is to serve as “a political science public sphere”. I conclude with some brief reflections on the best ways of thinking about how political science can and should be “publicly relevant”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4702]
63.4753 IVES, Peter; SHORT, Nicola —
A. Gramsci's thought has strongly influenced IR and IPE through the work of R. Cox, S. Gill, K. Van der Pijl and others, engagements often gathered [as] an ostensibly unified “neo-Gramscian” position or “the Italian School”. The emergence of such interventions into IR/IPE has sparked controversy regarding whether Gramsci's work can be legitimately applied to “the international”. This article examines the validity of such critiques of “neo-Gramscian IPE,” which rely on problematic characterizations and little evidence from Gramsci's writings. We provide an exegesis of the role of the international dimension in the construction of central categories of Gramsci's thought and his approach to nation-state formation and international organizations such as the Catholic Church and the Rotary Club, which have been regrettably neglected by all facets of these discussions. [R, abr.]
63.4754 JABAREEN, Yosef —
This paper contributes to building a foundation for developing knowledge on reconstruction of post-conflict and ongoing conflict human geographies. Based on the existing multidisciplinary bodies of knowledge on post-conflict reconstruction, it develops a new conceptual framework for post-conflict reconstruction and for ongoing conflict reconstruction as a more adequate way to understand and plan reconstruction in the face of ongoing conflict and offers new insights for the reconstruction agenda. [R, abr.]
63.4755 JEDINGER, Sofie —
Social capital research claims positive effects of trust, norms and networks on economic growth. Besides political-institutional variables, additional economic-growth determinants come into consideration, which are focused on by political scientists. Until today, numerous analyses have been undertaken in order to investigate the economic impact of social capital. These contributions are outlined by this view. All in all, empirical studies report a positive trust-effect, but no effects of associations. The influence of norms is hard to evaluate because it is clearly under-researched. Furthermore the state of research shows empirical and theoretical shortcomings that will be crucial for future social capital research. [R]
63.4756 JERVIS, Robert —
This paper explores the ambivalence in the literature about the extent to which leaders matter in international politics. National leaders are often larger-than-life figures with strong preferences and distinctive personalities who seem to leave their stamp on events. On the other hand, most IR scholars place great stress on the incentives and constraints posed by the environment, be it domestic or international. I first discuss the kinds of evidence that could be adduced to support one position or the other, and the pathways by which individual differences can make themselves felt. [I then] examine the implications for morality, responsibility, and democratic theory. I then turn to post-Cold War American foreign policy, skeptically examine the claim that individual presidents mattered as much as is generally believed and discuss the implications for democratic accountability and control. [R, abr.]
63.4757 JOHN, Peter —
Political scientists should not expect a direct causal impact on the actions of politicians and policy-makers. They are more likely to influence the climate of ideas, which in turn can shape public policy. In general, politicians and policy-makers are interested in findings that they and their advisers cannot create for themselves. The techniques of advanced political science and debates within it offer a new approach and provide robust evidence about politics and policy. Political scientists, by communicating in conferences, tweeting, blogging and public speaking, will find that politicians and civil servants will come looking for them as well as the other way round. The article reviews studies of the diffusion of ideas and the ways in which ideas influence politicians and other policy-makers, which back up an indirect approach to impact. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4702]
63.4758 JOLIĆ, Tvrtko —
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. This article examines three arguments in support of realists’ skepticism towards morality in international relations. [Then] the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. I argue that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists’ view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights. [R, abr.]
63.4759 JONAS, Andrew E. G. —
This paper argues that it is intellectually unsustainable to separate the new economic geography of city-regionalism from its geopolitical context. The neo-liberal competition state is centrally implicated in how the cityregion scale is politically orchestrated so as to bolster international competitiveness. Yet the diversity of national and sub-national forms of city-regionalism cannot be attributed to economic development considerations separately from ongoing struggles around the collective provision of social and physical infrastructure. Drawing upon selected examples from the US, the paper demonstrates how city-regionalism expresses the contingent geopolitics of capitalism. Its overall aim is to advance theoretical knowledge both of the internal political geography of the competition state and of its external territorial relations. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4806]
63.4760 JORONEN, Mikko —
This paper explores the ontological constitution of the neoliberal state. By enriching M. Foucault's work on neoliberal governmentality with Heideggerian reading of the ontological conditions involved in the process, the paper argues for an understanding of neoliberalism as a mono-political process of “enframing,” through which things and human capabilities are revealed as an array of “reserves” set available for the market rational utilization. It is argued that the neoliberal state is not based on the ideological or discursive turn in political practices, but on the extending drive, through which the real itself, including the ethical constitution of human conducts, natural entities, and life (with its possibilities), is ontologically positioned to serve the interests of profit-making. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4806]
63.4761 JOSHI, Madhav —
This article brings together research on democratization and democratic consolidation with research on civil war termination. The post-civil war environment is contentious and the transition toward democracy achieved after a civil war is susceptible to failure. The side that wins the democratic elections in a post-war state may use its democratically won power to dismantle the institutions of democracy and repress the opposition. The fear of constant marginalization in the political processes as well as the fear of being repressed might create incentives for the defeated party to return to civil war. By utilizing the expected utility framework, this article suggests that former rivals would support democratic transition if they were confident that inclusive institutions ensured that they could achieve their political interests through the democratic processes. [R, abr.]
63.4762 KAASCH, Alexandra, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 3–4. Articles by Bob DEACON and Paul STUBBS, “Global social policy studies: Conceptual and analytical reflections,” pp. 5–23; Miriam TAG, “The cultural construction of global social policy: theorizing formations and transformations,” pp. 24–44; Alexandra KAASCH, “Contesting contestation: global social policy prescriptions on pensions and health systems,” pp. 45–65; Bernhard LEUBOLT, “Institutions, discourse and welfare: Brazil as a distributional regime,” pp. 66–83.
63.4763 KALLIO, Kirsi Pauliina; HÄKLI, Jouni, eds. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 1–16. Articles by Ann E. BARTOS, “Friendship and environmental politics in childhood,” pp. 17–32; Katharyne MITCHELL and Sarah ELWOOD, “Intergenerational mapping and the cultural politics of memory,” pp. 33–52; David JONES MARSHALL, “‘All the beautiful things’: trauma, aesthetics and the politics of Palestinian childhood,” pp. 53–73; Sofia CELE, “Performing the political through public space: teenage girls’ everyday use of a city park,” pp. 74–87; Lynn A. STAEHELI, Kafui ATTOH and Don MITCHELL, “Contested engagements: youth and the politics of citizenship,” pp. 88–105; Fazeeha AZMI, Cathrine BRUN and Ragnhild LUND, “Young people's everyday politics in post-conflict Sri Lanka,” pp. 106–122; Tracey SKELTON, “Young people, children, politics and space: a decade of youthful political geography scholarship 2003–13,” pp. 123–136; Chris PHILO and Fiona SMITH, “The child-body-politic: afterword on ‘children and young people's politics in everyday life’,” pp. 137–144.
63.4764 KARAGIANNIS, Emmanuel; McCAULEY, Clark —
No matter how unlikely it may seem, radical Leftists and Islamists have come closer in recent years. Drawing on substantial ideological interchange, and operating at both state and non-state levels, the two movements are building a Common Front against the US and its allies. We use framing theory to examine the contemporary convergence of political Islam and the radical Left. Both radical Leftists and Islamists have utilized the master frame of anti-globalization/anti-capitalism and the master frame of anti-colonialism/anti-imperialism to elicit support from the widest possible range of people. The emerging Red-Green alliance presents a complex challenge that will require careful attention from US and European policy-makers. [R]
63.4765 KASAPOVIĆ, Mirjana —
Mixed electoral systems were in expansion at the end of the 20th c. and thus some authors considered them to be the electoral model for the future. Accordingly, there has been an increasing number of academic attempts to define and conceptualize these complex electoral systems. So far, two major interpretative streams emerged: structural (or mechanical), linked with Canadian scholars of election studies A. Blais and L. Massicotte, and the outcome-approach, largely developed by American scholars M.S. Shugart and P.M. Wattenberg. However, there is still much to add to these two interpretations. [R, abr.]
63.4766 KEENE, Edward —
This article examines the historical evolution of the practice of representing international actors as “powers,” and the classification of them as different kinds of “power”. It argues that the practice emerged in parallel with the use of the language of sovereign states, and points to the importance of the body of journalistic literature on the “present state of Europe,” to the development of the usage of the term “powers” and associated ideas about “interests” and “pretentions,” which it contrasts with the tendency within the body of juristic literature to focus on the “rights” of “sovereigns”. It also charts the contrary move in the discourse of powers towards a grading of different classes, whereas the tendency within the discourse of sovereigns was more towards equality, although the article also notes parallel elements of hierarchy within equality. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.5650]
63.4767 KHALIL, James —
Academics and military analysts regularly attempt to distinguish terrorists from insurgents through focusing on the extent to which these adversaries (a) adopt nonviolent methods, (b) apply uncompromising forms of violence, (c) generate local support, (d) recruit and maintain manpower, and (e) control territory. In contrast, this article argues that attempts to distinguish between these adversaries inevitably fail, firstly, as they arbitrarily impose binary distinctions upon continuous variables (e.g., in levels of support, manpower figures), and secondly as there is a lack of agreement across these supposedly identifying characteristics. Thus, contrary to common wisdom, it is concluded that there is no contradiction in simultaneously labeling groups such as the Taliban and Al Qaeda as both terrorists and insurgents. Indeed, a complete understanding of these groups requires an assessment of their activities at both the tactical (as terrorists) and strategic (as insurgents) levels. [R]
63.4768 KING, Marcus; GULLEDGE, Jay —
The study of the impacts of climate change on national and international security has grown as a research field, particularly in the last five years. Within this broad field, academic scholarship has concentrated primarily on whether climate change is, or may become, a driver of violent conflict. Yet, in contrast to the climate-conflict nexus, academic scholarship on the climate change-energy security nexus is small and more disciplinarily focused. The authors identify a body of grey literature on the nexus of climate change and energy security by reviewing fifty-eight recent reports, issue briefs, and transcripts to better understand the nexus of climate change and energy security, as well as to gain insight about the questions policy-makers need answered by those undertaking the research. [R]
63.4769 KIRKLAND, Justin H. —
Scholars of social networks often rely on summary statistics to measure and compare the structures of their networks of interest. However, measuring the uncertainty inherent in these summaries can be challenging, thus making hypothesis testing for network summaries difficult. Computational and nonparametric procedures can overcome these difficulties by allowing researchers to generate reference distributions for comparison directly from their data. I demonstrate the use of nonparametric hypothesis testing in networks using the popular network summary statistic network modularity. I provide a method based on permutation testing for assessing whether a particular network modularity score is larger than a researcher might expect due to random chance. [R, abr.]
63.4770 KLEIBL, Johannes —
This paper explains the varying degrees to which commercial interests or recipients’ development needs shape donor governments’ foreign aid-allocation decisions. I argue that domestic interest group politics is a major driver of the heterogeneity in donors’ aid-allocation policies. As proxy measures of donor governments’ dependence on the political support of industrial producer lobbies and their susceptibility to the demands of development interest groups, I exploit variation in the level of tertiarization and in the intensity of industrial restructuring processes across donor countries and over time. [R, abr.]
63.4771 KNIGHT, Carl —
Emissions grandfathering maintains that prior emissions increase future emission entitlements. The view is routinely dismissed by political theorists and applied philosophers as evidently unjust. A sympathetic theoretical reconsideration of grandfathering suggests that the most plausible version is moderate, allowing that other considerations should influence emission entitlements, and be justified on instrumental grounds. The most promising instrumental justification defends moderate grandfathering on the basis that one extra unit of emission entitlements from a baseline of zero emissions increases welfare to a greater extent where it is assigned to a high emitter than where it is assigned to a low emitter. Moderate grandfathering can be combined with basic needs and ability to pay considerations to provide an attractive approach to allocating emission entitlements. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Climate change: ethics, rights and policies,” edited and introduced, pp. 361–376, by John BARRY, Arthur P. J. MOL and Anthony R. ZITO. See also Abstr. 63.4908, 5646]
63.4772 KOLD, Claus —
This article outlines two positions in the ongoing discussion in the sociology of the military regarding the horizontal cohesion of battle groups, the vertical esprit de corps and the influence of both on task efficiency. The two concepts are reached through an empiricist field study approach and a rationalist survey approach. The use of different methods generate different kinds of data. This article outlines the discussion between the two positions and attempts to resolve the discussion between the rationalist and the empiricist positions in the sociology of the military by using the theories of A. Heller. The central concept is that of a “military vivid present”. Its heuristic value is demonstrated through two cases from a field study of Danish KFOR (Kosovo Force). [R, abr.]
63.4773 KONYSHEV, Valerij N.; SERGUNIN, Aleksandr A. —
This article analyzes the contemporary phase of development of International Relations theory. It examines the discussions between neo-realism and globalism, and between these traditional IR paradigms and post-positivism. The research agenda which will be debated between various International Relations schools in the foreseeable future is outlined. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4913]
63.4774 KOWERT, Paul A.; THIES, Cameron G. —
This paper develops the theoretical claim that three different images of threat may produce distinct kinds of rivalry and thereby three paths to militarized interstate conflict. Each image of threat is rooted in a different normative context: strategic threats are associated with violations of the enforcement of Hobbesian cooperative security arrangements; competitive threats are associated with violations of fairness or reasonableness standards in Lockean exchange relationships; and institutional threats are associated with violations of the basis for commitment to Kantian communities of peace. A logistic regression analysis of Correlates of War data, combined with other data relevant to the three threat images, provide empirical support for each of these rivalrous paths to conflict. [R, abr.]
63.4775 KRAUSE, George A. —
This study focuses on how voters and politicians rationally select a preferred policy-making venue (Politician or Agency), and its implications for the principal-agent relationship between voters and politicians in a representative democracy. This study allows for incomplete information, as well as solving for the comparative static conditions pertaining to the extent that a politician's policy-making venue choices mirror those preferred by a representative voter. The comparative static results highlight when a politician (1) chooses the representative voter's preferred policy-making venue (Active or Passive Political Responsiveness); (2) is able to choose freely either policy-making venue without committing agency loss (Political Discretion); and (3) willing to deviate from the representative voter's preferred policy-making venue (Political Shirking). [R, abr.]
63.4776 KRAUSE, Peter —
This article presents an alternative concept of political effectiveness based on a two-level framework that accounts for the fact that insurgencies are not unitary actors, but are instead marked by armed groups that pursue strategic objectives that benefit their larger social movements (such as the overthrow of a regime or the withdrawal of enemy troops), while they simultaneously pursue organizational objectives that benefit the groups themselves (such as increasing membership or funding). Empirical analysis of eight paradigmatic campaigns common to studies of insurgency and terrorism across time and space reveals that the two-level framework better captures the political effectiveness of non-state violence than existing single-level models and primes the subfield for powerful new theories that explain greater variation in the use and effectiveness of non-state violence. [R, abr.]
63.4777 KREUTZ, Joakim; BROSCHÉ, Johan —
Mediation is not evenly distributed across all civil wars: some conflicts see more third-party engagements than others. Existing literature suggests that mediators are drawn to cases where mediation is most needed or where the likelihood of success is the greatest, but empirical evidence is inconclusive. This article explores an alternative motivation for third-party involvement: whether a civil war is accompanied by deliberate attacks on civilians. Drawing on theories about how international norms influence policy-makers, we argue that concern for human security and the responsibility to protect civilians makes mediation more likely in conflicts with intentional killing of civilians. Our empirical analysis of mediation incidence in civil wars 1993–2004 supports this argument. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4929]
63.4778 LAMB, Eleanor C. —
I set out new methods of analysis in critical discourse-analysis. I develop ways to examine multiple genres over time, based in the discourse-historical approach, and ways to analyze the representation of social actors, based in social actor analysis. These methods provide a detailed way of using critical discourse-analysis diachronically for multiple texts, analyzing the textual, intertextual and contextual. I argue that because there is not a binary relationship between power at an elite level and resistance at a grassroots level, power and resistance rather being present everywhere, critical discourse-analysis can and should examine simultaneously multiple societal “levels”. I explain how my methods were usefully applied to a study of the role that immigrant organizations have played in discussions about immigration control in the UK since the 1960s. [R, abr.]
63.4779 LANGØ, Hans-Inge; SANDVIK, Kristin Bergtora, eds. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 221–228. Articles by Hans-Inge LANGØ; Roger JOHNSEN; Kristin Bergtora SANDVIK; Kari STEEN-JOHNSEN, Bernard ENJOLRAS and Dag WOLLEBOEK; Mareile KAUFMANN.
63.4780 LAURENT, Brice —
Science and Technology Studies (STS) have deeply transformed the analysis of scientific representation. From an STS perspective, scientific representation is less the more or less exact depiction of a stable physical reality than the outcome of the construction of chains of mediations. Following this approach, representation is understood as an instrumented process, the effects of which relate to the material existence itself, and the validity of which depends on the spaces where it travels. This approach can be adopted when describing political representation understood as the process by which representatives are chosen. The case of hybrid situations shows that the description in the terms of the chains of mediations does not have to qualify either “scientific” or “political” domains. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4876]
63.4781 LEAHYA, Michael —
For U. Beck, the Enlightenment project aimed to subordinate religious truth to the authority of reason in questions of the true and the good, and thus to replace religious conflict with peace. Although the “First Modernity” delivered risks like climate change rather than progress like peace, Beck discerns signs of hope for the Enlightenment project in the processes of individualization and cosmopolitanization. I argue (1) that Beck exaggerates his claims about the relative influence of tradition on religion and reason; (2) that his cosmopolitanization thesis fails to identify triggers for a paradigm conversion; (3) that the thesis relies upon essentialist commitments of the kind he condemns; and (4) that only the classicist view of essentialism is vulnerable to his attack. [R]
63.4782 LEBOW, Richard Ned —
Work in analytical philosophy and social psychology questions the ontological status of the person and a growing body of research in psychology indicates that the notion of consistent and unitary selves is illusory. Our identities are composed of multiple, and often conflicting self-identifications, based primarily on affiliations and roles. Identity construction is the result of a dialectical process. To build a confident sense of self, we must draw closer to those from whom we are separating. Recognition of this social truth, and of the fragmented nature of identities, could provide intellectual and emotional grounds for transcending many of the “us” and “other” distinctions that stand in the way of implementing any ethical commitments on a more universal basis. [R]
63.4783 LEVI, Michael —
In “Protecting ‘the prize’: oil and the US national interest” [ibid. 19(3), Aug. 2010: 453–485; Abstr. 61.1350], E. Gholz and D.G. Press present an important counterargument to many common but overwrought worries about energy security. Yet they themselves go too far in the opposite direction. Gholz and Press argue that only three types of potential oil market disruptions could induce “particularly painful” adjustments and hence rise to the highest level: consolidation of a large fraction of Persian Gulf reserves under a single power, domestic instability in Saudi Arabia, and blockage of the Strait of Hormuz. I argue that Gholz and Press confine the second and third scenarios too narrowly, and hence understate the security risks stemming from US dependence on oil. [R] [First of two articles on “Does ‘the prize’ need protecting?”. See also Abstr. 63.4711]
63.4784 LEVY, Yagil —
Existing scholarship has neglected the power structure within which relations between the military and civilians are embedded. This article theorizes that civilian control of the military is influenced by two relations of exchange: (1) the republican exchange, wherein the state provides its citizens with rights in exchange for their military sacrifice; and (2) the control exchange, in which the military subordinates itself to civilian rulers in exchange for resources the state provides. If both relations of exchange are in equilibrium, civilian institutions can establish firm supremacy over the military. This article examines the causes and consequences of disequilibrium. Applications and implications of the theory are developed through examples from the US and Israel. [R, abr.]
63.4785 LHOTTA, Roland —
The article takes a firm stand against H. Buchstein's plea [Abstr. 63.4645] for the occasional introduction and institutionalization of randomness through a “House of Lots” in cases of politicians apparently displaying neutrality deficits and a populace apparently displaying will deficits. This proposal misinterprets the institutional logics of modern representative democracy and, in consequence, leads to a conceptual decoupling of decisions, responsibility and office, hence to a serious damage of trust as a cornerstone of representation and parliamentarism. More, the introduction of a randomly gathered deliberative pouvoir neutre would substitute trust by dense control in the name of a (presumed) general will of the people. [R, abr.]
63.4786 LINDQVIST, Erik; ÖSTLING, Robert —
This paper models the interaction between individuals’ identity choices and redistribution. Both redistributive policies and identity choices are endogenous, and there might be multiple equilibria. The model is applied to ethnicity and social class. In an equilibrium with high taxes, the poor identify as poor and favor high taxes. In an equilibrium with low taxes, at least some of the poor identify with their ethnic group and favor low taxes. The model predicts that redistribution is highest when society is ethnically homogeneous, but the effect of ethnic diversity on redistribution is not necessarily monotonic. [R]
63.4787 LINECKIJ, Aleksandr I. —
Formation of a political system in any sizable human community depends on the will and perception of the audience. A imperative influence on the formation of political systems, as well as on the course of historical events is exerted by spontaneous regulating processes, whose character depends on the pattern of people's mutual actions. The lack of attention to these processes, while realizing large-scale societal transformations, is fraught with great economic and social consequences. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4818]
63.4788 LUXON, Nancy —
Agonistic theories of democratic practice lack an explicit model for ethical cultivation. They lack an account of how individuals ought be motivated to “ethical open-ness and receptivity”. Toward theorizing such a model, I turn to Freud and clinical psychoanalytic practice. I argue that Freud's “second-education” offers an ethical cultivation framed around a “combative collaboration” between analyst and patient that teaches tolerance of discomfort; endurance of uncertainty; and narrative capacity. This second-education suggests two lessons for politics: (1) that we might do well to reproduce its relational form more broadly across politics; (2) that we cultivate those “sacral spaces” capable of challenging the conditions for symbolic meaning as it stretches between personal and collective practices. [R, abr.]
63.4789 LYNN, Laurence E., Jr.; ROBICHAU, Robbie Waters —
We take as our point of departure a multilevel analytic framework termed a logic of governance (LOG), previously used to reveal patterns of causality in governance based on hundreds of published research publications. Using a revised LOG, we reinterpret the earlier analysis in terms of organizational effectiveness indicators, and identify patterns of causal interaction in 300 more recent research articles. We formulate a multilevel model of governance that postulates how public policy and management interact to affect government outputs and outcomes. We hypothesize that the exercise of hierarchical authority is more fundamental to performance than has been acknowledged by governance scholars. We challenge the argument that advanced democracies are moving towards “governance without government”. [R, abr.]
63.4790 MADSEN, Frank G. —
What is corruption and is it always harmful? These are the two key questions that the author assesses in his exploration of this public- and private-sector phenomenon. After surveying various academic and legal definitions, he analyzes corruption as a “social bad,” born of the interpersonal relationships within social groups, such as those involved in organized crime, and shaped by the structure and values of the society in which they operate. The article reviews the range of international anticorruption laws and measures currently in force before considering the role of governments in mitigating the domestic reach and impact of corruption. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4631]
63.4791 MAGNUSSEN, Anne-Mette; BANASIAK, Anna —
The article addresses some possible implications of juridification in society. The concept of juridification is unclear, and the empirical knowledge of the social implications of various processes of juridification is weak. We argue that clear-cut conclusions about the implications of such processes cannot be drawn. To address questions of implications of juridification processes, we focus on the relationship between law and politics. An analytical framework for the analysis of juridification processes is introduced to manage the vast implications of these processes. The discussion indicates complexity and contradictory outcomes of juridification processes. We conclude that to understand the vast complexity of the different kinds of juridification processes, we need more empirical studies from a range of academic fields. [R, abr.]
63.4792 MALEŠIČ, Marjan —
The development of Defense Studies as a discipline was marked first by the definition of the research subject that was dispersed over various, not only social, sciences; the formation of theoretical concepts and selection of adequate methods of theoretical and empirical research; the introversion of scientific principles and academic norms; the formation of an autonomous but at the same time creative attitude towards the surroundings, especially towards politics and security practices; and a search for a reflection of its own theoretical and empirical findings in the international academic sphere. In recent times, the process of the “epistemic realization” of defense studies has [faced] some problems listed in the article. [R, abr.]
63.4793 MANSBRIDGE, Jane —
Disadvantaged groups gain advantages from descriptive representation in at least four contexts. In contexts of group mistrust and uncrystallized interests, the better communication and experiential knowledge of descriptive representatives enhances their substantive representation of the group's interests by improving the quality of deliberation. In contexts of historical political subordination and low de facto legitimacy, descriptive representation helps create a social meaning of “ability to rule” and increases the attachment to the polity of members of the group. When the implementation of descriptive representation involves some costs in other values, paying those costs makes most sense in these specific historical contexts. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4876]
63.4794 MANSURI, Ghazala; RAO, Vijayendra —
Influenced by A. Sen, over the last decade, the World Bank has allocated nearly US$80 billion to local participatory development projects targeting poverty, improved public service delivery, and strengthened social cohesion and government accountability. But the success of these programs is hindered by both endogenous local factors and flawed program design and implementation. Two especially important local obstacles are (1) entrenched interests of political agents, civil bureaucrats, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with either incentives to resist or capabilities to appropriate program resources, and (2) poverty and illiteracy, as the poor and illiterate participate less and benefit less from participatory projects than do the wealthier, more educated, and more connected. After reviewing hundreds of participatory projects, [we identify] three lessons for program planning. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4964]
63.4795 MARTIN, Susan B.
Changes in how we think about nuclear weapons cannot strip them of their strategic value. Only a transformation of the nature of international politics or the emergence of an alternative means of strategic deterrence can do that. The structural realist analysis that I present argues that there are two basic constraints on the role that nuclear weapons play in international politics. These constraints mean that nuclear weapons will continue to be valued as a strategic deterrent. The key question is not how to devalue and eliminate nuclear weapons, but what sort of nuclear world maintains sufficient deterrence while minimizing the possibility of nuclear use. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4852]
63.4796 McCANDLESS, Erin —
How should progress out of fragility and conflict, or toward peace-building and state-building, be measured? The article considers how international actors are endeavoring to make right on their promise to put national actors at the helm of these projects, which is increasingly assumed to be the primary driver for success in both. Examining these questions in light of scholarship, practice, and a topical policy dialogue case — the International Dialogue on Peace-building and State-building — the article argues that, while the process and emerging outputs are messy and challenge established norms of what constitutes good assessment, they are manifesting profound changes in policy and practice, with potentially radical implications for the ways that peace-building and state-building are measured and aid decisions are undertaken. [R, abr.]
63.4797 McCULLOCH, Allison —
Centripetalism suggests that the best way to achieve political stability in deeply divided societies is to enhance the political rewards of moderation by adopting electoral rules that require winning politicians to seek cross-community support. This paper considers the validity of this position by examining election results in eight deeply divided societies — Nigeria, Sri Lanka, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, Kenya and Northern Ireland — and argues that rather than consolidating moderation, the outcome is more likely to be increased instability, and even, in some cases, increased extremism. [R]
63.4798 McDONAL, Matt
This article systematically maps different approaches to the relationship between climate change and security as climate security discourses, divided here between national, human, international and ecological security discourses. In exploring the contours of each, the articles asks how the referent object of security is conceptualized (whose security is at stake?); who are conceived as key agents of security (who is responsible for/able to respond to the threat?); how is the nature of the threat defined; and what responses are suggested for dealing with that threat? Systematically mapping these alternative discourses potentially provides a useful taxonomy of the climate change-security relationship in practice, [and] illustrates how particular responses to climate change are enabled or constrained by the ways in which the relationship between security and climate change is understood. [R, abr.]
63.4799 MEDINA, Luis Fernando —
The theory of collective action has long since moved beyond the “free-rider problem” as originally stated by M. Olson (1965). It is now recognized that large-scale participation is possible even without selective incentives, but this has raised new questions. I discuss two types of contributions from the past few years. Some of the recent literature has remained close to the canonical game-theoretic framework, clarifying many analytical issues and proving important results in participation games that had remained elusive. We now know that the “turnout paradox” had been grossly overstated. Another set of contributions has expanded the original framework, incorporating results from psychology and social sciences with the aim of obtaining more realistic models with better empirical performance. [R]
63.4800 METZ, Thomas; JÄCKLE, Sebastian —
Employing bibliometric approaches and network analysis, this article explores the cooperation structures in German language political science. We analyze a dataset of 5279 articles published between 2000 and 2011 in 20 journals. We find an extremely unequal distribution of productivity as well as a trend towards more co-authorships — although single authors are still the norm. The network we constructed based on joint publications is in many aspects similar to those structures known from the natural sciences, but it is much smaller and more fragmented — we only find three larger components (49–112 authors). Finally, we measure the importance of a single author within network using a newly developed index that takes account of a person's productivity as well has her position within the network. [R]
63.4801 MIHAI, Mihaela —
The fear that discussing the past might damage the community's self-image pervades many democratic societies with a history of injustice. The state sometimes issues apologies to formerly disenfranchised and abused groups, groups who have been targets of physical, political, economic, and cultural violations at its hands. Nevertheless, some of these groups still suffer the repercussions of this violence in the present. Apologies thus need to be accounted for from the point of view of the societies in whose name they are offered and it is necessary to see how they can further ongoing processes of transformation within the public cultures of liberal democracies. Such a political act might engage resistant groups, who see the official re-examination of the past as a threat.
63.4802 MIHAJLOVA, Anna V. —
The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the coverage of the international political conflicts by the worldwide information television networks and to the significance of the bias in media and its influence on the public opinion. Taking as an example the interpretation of the story of the “Flotilla of Freedom” by the CNN, we reveal the main factors that cause biased presentation of the facts and its consequences for the public. [R]
63.4803 MILLER, Beth —
Voters are continuously bombarded with information during political campaigns, yet a consistent conclusion from research on voter learning is that individuals remember far less information about political candidates than one might expect. What remains unclear is why memory for campaign information is so poor. The study examines two explanations for memory failure. Using an experimental design, it explores whether campaign information fades from memory (trace decay) or whether extraneous information impedes an individual's subsequent ability to recall campaign information (interference). The results suggest that examining the ways in which the larger information environment influences recall of campaign information has important implications for the importance we attribute to campaign information in models of voter decision-making. [R]
63.4804 MILLER, Luis; VANBERG, Christoph —
We conduct an experiment to assess the effects of different decision rules on the costs of decision-making in a multilateral bargaining situation. Specifically, we compare the amount of costly delay observed in an experimental bargaining game under majority and unanimity rule. Our main finding is that individual subjects are more likely to reject offers under unanimity rule. This higher rejection rate, as well as the requirement that all subjects agree, leads to more costly delay. This result provides empirical support for a classic argument in favor of less-than-unanimity decision rules put forth by J.M. Buchanan and G. Tullock (The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy, Ann Arbor, 1962). [R]
63.4805 MITRANI, Mor
This article examines the idea of “global civil society” (GCS) through an exploration of the conceptual interplay between the notions of GCS and the interstate system. It presents a typology of three possible ideal-type relations: (1) GCS as replacement of statist features of the international system; (2) GCS as opposition to the state system; and (3) GCS as subsidiary organ to the international society. From a perspective informed by the English School of IR theory, the article argues that the enhanced role of GCS in world politics is a result of international society's attempts to adapt interstate rules and practices to the context of globalization. [R, abr.]
63.4806 MOISIO, Sami; PAASI, Anssi —
This paper scrutinizes the challenges which scholars face when examining the interconnections between the state and geopolitics in the purported “transnational world”. By discussing the relational perspective which “opens” the traditional state-as-a-monolith centric view of geopolitics, the paper sets a foundation for the present special section on the changing geopolitics of state spaces. The paper proceeds by first reflecting on the move from geopolitically “closed” to more open state territories, and then considers some of the ways the state has been examined in spatially sensitive research with respect to geopolitical scholarship. Finally, the paper maps out possible horizons for forthcoming studies on the geopolitics of state spaces. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 63.4724, 4759, 4760, 4807, 4977, 5004, 5092]
63.4807 MOISIO, Sami; PAASI, Anssi —
This article underlines the significance of context-sensitive research in understanding the historical transformations of state space that have occurred as part of wider geopolitical conditions. We trace such transformations by theorizing the role of political rationalities in governance, and then by looking at how certain rationalities have surfaced in the spatial-political practices in Finland. We scrutinize how the connection between space and population manifests in these rationalities. The paper traces at first the rise of the political rationality upon which the Finnish “welfare state” was predicated, using the process as a touchstone to examine the recent political rationality which displays a will to transform the state and its spatiality. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4806]
63.4808 MØLLER, Jørgen —
In a 2010 special issue of Comparative Political Studies, G. Capoccia and D. Ziblatt [“The historical turn in democratization studies: a New research agenda for Europe and beyond,” introduction to a thematic issue on “The historical turn in democratization studies,” Comparative Political Studies 43(8–9), Aug.-Sept. 2010: 931–968; Abstr. 60.6791] introduced a new, historically oriented research agenda to the study of democratization. This agenda challenged an older, “classical” tradition, inaugurated by B. Moore, by emphasizing diffusion, non-class structures and, most importantly, contingent choices of actors during critical junctures. I identify two problematical aspects of Capoccia and Ziblatt's intervention. First, methodologically, I argue that the focus on contingency and actors’ choices in individual cases is worth little in the absence of controlled comparisons. Second, and empirically, I show that it is very difficult to see how unconstrained choices during critical junctures might have brought into existence such a systematical variation as that encountered in the case of European democratization in the 19th and early 20th c. [R, abr.]
63.4809 MONTE, Izadora Xavier do —
The article collects and discusses feminist approaches to International relations. The encounter between the fields of Gender Studies and International relations dates back to a little over two decades, and represents a movement that was almost simultaneous to the beginning of what is called in the IR field the “third debate”. In this sense, besides discussing the use of gender as a category of analysis for international relations, the article intends to argue that the use of gender in IR is closely connected to the critics of conventional IR theories that emerge in the context of the third debate. [R]
63.4810 MONTGOMERY, Evan Braden —
How do policy-makers in democratic nations mobilize support for hardline strategies? Existing answers to this question emphasize the exaggeration of external threats. Yet this overlooks an important dilemma: because democratic citizens expect their leaders to explore peaceful solutions or less aggressive alternatives when foreign dangers are ambiguous, the same conditions that make threat-inflation necessary also make it difficult to employ successfully. To mobilize support for hardline measures when the public wants its leaders to demonstrate restraint, policy-makers may therefore attempt to shift blame onto an adversary by using “counterfeit diplomacy”. Specifically, democratic leaders may adopt more cooperative or less coercive options than they believe are necessary, but which they anticipate will fail. This approach can be a risky one, however. [R, abr.]
63.4811 MOON, David S. —
The “new institutionalist” approaches have recently been beneficially expanded by the introduction of a body of work which falls under the collective label of discursive-constructivist institutionalism. This article argues that the discursive analytical focus of these approaches would be complemented and extended by the application of the post-structuralist conceptual tool bag offered by E. Laclau and C. Mouffe. It advocates developing a post-structuralist institutionalism (PSI), detailing the approach's key theoretical underpinnings and differences from constructivist-discursive approaches. These are subsequently illustrated via an analysis of the arguments within R. Morgan's Welsh Labour party over the use of private finance in health provision. [R]
63.4812 MORTENSEN, Peter B. —
Blame avoidance has often been claimed to be an important rationale behind changes in the organization of the public sector, but very few studies have examined whether and how public attribution of responsibility is actually affected by such reforms. For instance, how do changes in the formal allocation of authority affect public attribution of blame when things go wrong? Is the effect immediate or delayed? To advance our understanding of such questions, this paper presents an analysis of blame- and credit-attribution in more than 1,200 newspaper articles about health-care-related issues in Norway before and after the major Norwegian hospital reform from 2002. [R, abr.]
63.4813 MOSCHELLA, Manuela —
This paper investigates the factors that help explain certain aspects of the new institutional design of the Financial Stability Board (FSB) — its mandate, discretion, and membership. It tests the hypotheses suggested by principal-agent (PA) theory, according to which institutional characteristics are consciously intended by state-principals with the aim to overcome cooperation problems. Empirical evidence lends support to PA hypotheses, according to which the functions assigned to the FSB help minimize the transaction costs related to the specific area of financial cooperation. Nevertheless, PA hypotheses have difficulty explaining the degree of discretion and the size of the FSB membership, thereby calling for exploring alternative theoretical explanations. [R]
63.4814 MUELLER, Dennis C. —
S. Huntington (The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996) claimed that the separation of Church and State was a salient feature of Western Civilization, which explains why Western countries tend to be democracies, while democracy in other cultures is rare. Huntington's claim obviously presumes that the State is separated from the Church in Western democracies. A closer look at the relationships between State and Church in these countries, however, reveals considerable financial and institutional linkages between the two institutions. Democratic states in the West subsidize religious organizations and religious schools, allow or even sometimes compel religious instruction in public, supposedly secular schools, and enact laws, which advance religious agendas. This article documents and discusses these state-church relationships. [R, abr.]
63.4815 MUMFORD, Andrew —
The contemporary dynamics of proxy warfare will make it a significant feature of the character of conflict in the future. The author identifies four major changes in the nature of modern warfare and argues that they point to a potential increase in the engagement of proxy strategies by states: the decreased public and political appetite in the West for large-scale counter-insurgency “quagmires” against a backdrop of a global recession; the rise in prominence and importance of Private Military Companies (PMCs) to contemporary war-fighting; the increasing use of cyberspace as a platform from which to indirectly wage war; and the ascent of China as a superpower. [R]
63.4816 MUNOZ-DARDE, Veronique —
Instead of offering a decision procedure for weighing social goods against individual welfare, it is necessary first to understand better the place of social goods in our deliberations about social policy: we should move beyond the view of them as mere preferences, preserved if at all by purely partial concerns. Social goods are a necessity for us, a necessary means to a full life, but this necessity can only be made sense of properly in a social context. Only against that background can we properly grasp why it is not unreasonable to devote funds to such goods even, sometimes, at the expense of meeting some urgent needs.
63.4817 NEILL, Jeremy —
Deliberative democracy is an account of legitimacy and participation whose purposes are to produce justifiable political outcomes and to involve the citizens in productive conversations with each other. This article argues for a greater reliance on the efforts of local conversational participants in the institutional construction process. Because of their epistemic advantages, local participants are usually the agents who are most optimally positioned to construct the deliberative institutions. As such, institutionalized deliberation ought not to be seen as an orderly event that is capable of being planned out beforehand by philosophers, but rather as a complex process that flourishes when the conversation is developing — as much as is practicable — on its own. [R]
63.4818 NEKLESSA, Aleksandr I. —
The author proposes a radical reconsideration ion of the historical and anthropological situation in people's worldview. So a revision of primordial foundations: alterations in the axiomatics of knowledge and of action, a radical correction of the codes of consciousness and change of the world arrangement orienting points that used to determine the movement of civilization. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “The political world in the epoch of changes”. See also Abstr. 63.4787, 5997, 6028]
63.4819 NEUMANN, Iver B.; WIGEN, Einar —
This article is a call for making the Eurasian steppe an object of study within IR. The neglect of the steppe is due to 19th-c prejudice against non-sedentary polities as being barbarian. We review literature on the steppe from other fields, [and] postulate the existence of what we call an almost three-thousand-year long steppe tradition of ordering politics. The article suggests that the steppe tradition has hybridized sundry polity-building projects, from early polity-building in the European Middle Ages via the Ottoman and Russian empires to contemporary Central Asian state-building. We speculate whether a focus on the steppe tradition may have the potential to change our accounts of the emergence of European international relations at large. [R, abr.]
63.4820 NEWBERY, Samantha —
This article draws attention to the value of injecting greater knowledge and understanding of intelligence practices into the torture debate. It highlights what the available literature on intelligence has to offer and draws upon what is publicly known about the interrogation of terror suspect, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed. This example demonstrates the complexities of the issues faced by a range of practitioners today, serving as an important reminder that in order to be relevant to practice, scholarly discussions can benefit from drawing upon the available evidence on the practice of interrogation and its place relative to wider intelligence activities. [R, abr.]
63.4821 NEWIG, Jens; JAGER, Nicolas; CHALLIES, Edward —
Participation of citizens and organized interests in political and administrative decision-making is widely perceived as an important means to enhance the effectiveness and legitimacy of public environmental governance. Yet, these claims are not uncontested and lack a sound empirical basis. We address some of the important questions around the implications of public participation in environmental decision-making. We present early results of a larger meta-analysis on 71 published water-related case studies, each of these coded independently by three researchers using a comprehensive, theoretically informed coding scheme. Statistical analysis shows a positive relationship between the employment of participatory processes and the acceptance of environmental decisions. The findings further suggest that open, information-intensive procedures positively influence the environmental standards of policy outputs. [R, abr.]
63.4822 NYE, Joseph —
What will it mean to wield power in the global information age of the 21st c.? It is far from clear how we measure a balance of power, much less how to develop successful strategies to survive in this new world. To answer the threats and the common challenges of our planet, nations must set up strategies of soft and hard power. Thus, success will require smart power strategies that combine both hard power of coercion and payment and soft power of attraction and persuasion resources. [R]
63.4823 NYMAN, Elizabeth —
This article investigates the phenomenon of geographically determined island exceptionality by considering whether island states and mainland states truly behave differently when it comes to their treatment of and behavior in maritime spaces. Through an analysis of disputed areas in the International Correlates of War maritime data, I consider whether island states are more likely to try [to] confirm sovereignty over disputed maritime waters than mainland states. My examination of disputed maritime areas in the Western Hemisphere and Europe from 1900 to 2001 shows that indeed island states are both more likely to try [to] settle a disputed maritime area, whether by force or by negotiated resolution. This finding is then used to raise new questions about the geographic differences that characterizes island states in the world political system. [R, abr.]
63.4824 OCCHETTA, Francesco —
The crisis of classic democracy and emerging reform prospects: main forms of direct democracy, liquid democracy, social state.
63.4825 OLSSON, Christian —
Drawing on a critical engagement with the claims made by (and interpretations of) the 2006 US Army and Marine Corps field manual on “Counterinsurgency,” this article engages some of its underlying concerns with the problematic relation between violence, legitimacy, and political order. Since this manual draws heavily on many commonplaces of contemporary political science, the analysis explores their problematic presuppositions and the ways in which they play out in contemporary warfare. While the encounter of legitimacy and violence is claimed by the doctrine to produce and maintain political order, its framing of this encounter is deeply rooted in a specific political order — the modern state — which severely constrains the conditions under which this encounter can take place. [R, abr.]
63.4826 OREN, Ido; SOLOMON, Ty —
What is “WMD” anyway? Is it not a mutable social construct rather than a timeless, self-evident concept? Guided by Nietzsche's view of the truth as a “mobile army of metaphors [and] metonyms … which have been enhanced, transposed, and embellished poetically and rhetorically,” we present a history of the metonym WMD. It was coined by the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1937, and subsequently its meaning was “transposed” and “enhanced” throughout Cold War arms negotiations, in the aftermath of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and in US domestic law. We also discuss how, in the run-up to the Iraq war, “WMD” did not merely describe an Iraqi threat; it was rather “embellished poetically and rhetorically” in ways that produced and inflated the threat. [R, abr.]
63.4827 PALANZA, Valeria; SIN, Gisela —
This paper analyzes the dynamics of vetoes and veto-overrides in the context of a multiparty legislature using an original dataset from the period 1983–2007 in Argentina. We argue that the president can use an “item” or “partial” veto to selectively delete articles, while keeping enough distributive goods in the bill to break up the coalition responsible for its passage, thereby eliminating support for an override. Our research reveals that total vetoes — which affect all legislators equally — are more likely to be overridden than partial vetoes. Contradicting the received wisdom that in multiparty legislatures override attempts are more likely under a divided government, we find that override attempts are more likely in plurality governments. We use case analyses to illustrate the main arguments developed in this paper. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4610]
63.4828 PARKINSON, John —
In a democracy, legislatures are not only stages for performances by elected representatives; they are also stages for performances by other players in the public sphere. This article argues that while many legislatures are designed and built as spaces for the public to engage with politics, and while democratic norms require some degree of access, increasingly what are termed “purposive publics” are being superseded by groups who are only publics in an aggregative, accidental sense. The article begins with a conceptual analysis of the ways in which legislatures can be thought of as public spaces, and the in-principle access requirements that follow from them. It then draws on interviews and observational fieldwork in eleven capital cities to discover whether the theoretical requirements are met in practice, revealing further tensions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4845]
63.4829 PARMENTIER, Mary Jane C. —
Classroom simulations are a well-known tool in learner-centered education, and in IR, simulations have been utilized for years to stimulate student learning. The literature has shown that simulations encourage active learning and retention of information; however, there are challenges with conducting simulations online, and the tool has been relatively underdeveloped. While there are commercial online simulations, there has been less research on the effectiveness of various approaches, particularly in classes that are completely online, with simulations entirely designed and implemented by faculty. This paper reviews some of the literature on simulations, hybrid and online, creates a design framework from the literature and analyzes a simulation implemented in an online mixed graduate/undergraduate regional studies political science class. Results showed positive learning and feedback from the students. [R, abr.]
63.4830 PAYNE, Kenneth —
The notion of winning local “hearts and minds” away from an insurgency is a staple of counterinsurgency theory, and points to the essentially psychological nature of such activities. A burst of “classic” counterinsurgency writing from the decolonization struggles of the 1950s and 1960s considers this problem, with some authors making strikingly psychological points, though without much reference to the extensive social psychological literature. Perhaps as a result, some classic texts are psychologically naïve. Elsewhere though, some less-known counterinsurgency writing was at the cutting edge of social psychology. [R]
63.4831 PEARCE, Jenny —
This article is about the alternative forms of power emerging in contemporary activism. It conceptualizes this new form of power as “non-dominating,” and puts forward six propositions which characterize this form of power. It builds on work about power with eight diverse communities in the North of England, to argue that this form of power does exist in practice at the neighborhood level, even though it is not articulated as such. While neighborhood activists have difficulty in making this form of power effective, at the level of the “square” and global activism, new understandings and practices of power are under conscious experimentation. This contribution therefore suggests that better connections need to be built between these levels of activism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4633]
63.4832 PEČARIČ, Mirko —
There is a widespread belief that states and markets are not the omnipotent institutions. Although public participation is gaining importance, this paper argues that in the present situation, liberal and democratic elements can be fastest achieved by promotion of values in the public administration. The idea is built on a notion of active representative bureaucracy, while passive representation of the society should be still under the rule of law and/or merit system of hiring public servants. The proposed strategy in a time of austerity is somehow illogical, but it could be efficient: more public funds should be given in education, (re)training and practical experiments of the good practices from other states should become more relevant. [R, abr.]
63.4833 PELE, Antonio —
Laïcité (or secularism) embodies an important principle for the rule of law and the enlightenment of the citizenship. Nonetheless, and because of its relevance, different social and political forces constantly criticize it. The author identifies four enemies: clericalism, religious fundamentalism, communitarianism, and laïcisme. The aim is not only to denounce those enemies but also to provide some arguments against their attacks on the principle of secularism. [R]
63.4834 PÈNE, Clémence —
After J. Kerry's defeat at the hands of G.W. Bush in 2004, the Democratic Party has rebuilt itself. It has become a laboratory for experimentation, inventing a new “electoral science,” which focuses on innovative technologies and database management. This new “science” has thus far been exploited by the B. Obama team to win two presidential elections. It is now used by the Democrats to push for action within the government. [R]
63.4835 PETERSON, Jenny H. —
In its failure to allow for a genuine plurality of voices and in its insistence on creating false consensus, liberal peace-building blocks the emancipatory promise of a genuine shift from state to human security. A potential starting point for imagining alternatives to liberal peace-building and thus the creation of emancipatory forms of human security is to consider the role and possibilities for agonistic modes of politics and peace-building. Transforming inevitable differences that are part of human society into agonistic relationships — where differences exist and are negotiated among adversaries (as opposed to enemies) — opens up the political space required to challenge dominant liberal approaches to human security and enables a shift toward the emancipatory model. [R, abr.]
63.4836 PITKIN, Hanna F. —
Representing in the substantive sense means acting in the interest of the represented, in a manner responsive to their wishes. The representative should never be an independent expert or a mere commissioner. At the political level, this definition of representation has several implications. First, the representative is neither his constituency's agent nor a national leader with no local link. Second, political representation is not an individual characteristic, but a feature of the system. Finally, in order to speak about a government as representative, it must institutionalize its responsiveness to the people, primarily through free elections. However, this institutionalization is not enough: one has also keep in mind the ideal of representation, in order to judge and reform continuously the institutions of representation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4876]
63.4837 PODDER, Sukanya —
Events such as the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria have created an urgent need for the international community to engage with a range of armed groups during and after conflict. This engagement extends beyond humanitarian, conflict-resolution and counter-terrorism ends to issues of democratization and political transition of such groups in legitimate, stable, and inclusive governments. This article underlines the need to reconsider post-counter-terrorism engagement styles, which frame non-state armed groups (NSAGs) exclusively as spoilers, and stresses opportunities for state-building partnership that certain NSAGs offer. This article distinguishes between different types of NSAGs, based on their legitimacy, resources, reliability, and partnering potential. It concludes with four entry points that promise a strong basis for incorporating “legitimacy, inclusion, and resource” considerations into the planning and implementation of future state-building efforts. [R, abr.]
63.4838 POPOVIĆ, Petar —
The author analyzes the concept of balance of power in IR through a critical overview of the realist tradition (both classical and scientific), and its horizontal understanding of balancing of power as a principle per se. I first analyze the pessimistic phase (classical realism), with emphasis on the works of H.J. Morgenthau, who promoted the balance of power in international power politics. In the second part, the scientific phase (neorealism) empirically establishes the value-free balance of power concept in IR. By examining materialism and the empiricism of realism, I indicate the limitations of the horizontal approach as a consequence of permanently ignoring the vertical aspect: ideational approach and norms and rules as the first principle of international system of society of states. [R]
63.4839 POTOSKI, Matthew; PRAKASH, Aseem —
Voluntary environmental programs (VEPs) are institutions that encourage participating actors to produce environmental public goods beyond the requirements of government law. Drawing on the club approach to the study of VEPs, we identify four collective action challenges facing VEPs. First, sponsoring actors must be motivated to invest resources to create a VEP despite incentives to free-ride on the efforts of others. Second, VEPs need to be designed to offer firms sufficient excludable incentives to join them. Third, VEPs need monitoring and enforcement mechanisms to ensure that participants adhere to program obligations and do not free-ride on the efforts of other participants. Fourth, VEPs and their sponsors need to motivate stakeholders to compensate firms for producing environmental public goods. The literature reveals considerable variability in how these challenges are addressed. [R, abr.]
63.4840 POULSEN, Lauge N. Skovgaard; AISBETT, Emma —
Using the international investment regime as its point of departure, the article applies notions of bounded rationality to the study of economic diplomacy. Through a multimethod approach, it shows that developing countries often ignored the risks of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) until they themselves became subject to an investment treaty claim. Thus the behavior of developing country governments with regard to the international investment regime is consistent with that routinely observed for individuals in experiments and field studies: they tend to ignore high-impact, low-probability risks if they cannot bring specific “vivid” instances to mind. [R]
63.4841 PUSHKAR —
The large body of research on regime effects on health primarily consists of cross-national studies and finds democracies to deliver better health than dictatorships. However, states differ in their social policies. This is true for federal systems, such as China and India, and also countries which have experienced a “devolution revolution”. Based on a brief analysis of the health performance of India and its states and the findings of a small number of studies which have carried out subnational comparisons, the article calls for upgrading current research to include (1) within-nation comparisons and between-nation comparisons of subnational units from different countries or (2) using subnational comparisons in conjunction with cross-national comparisons. Until then, the validity of the democracy advantage thesis will remain in doubt. [R, abr.]
63.4842 QUADIR, Fahimul —
This article critically analyzes how the “emerging donors” are redefining the structure of development cooperation in the new millennium. It offers an overview of the growing role of Brazil, China, India and South Africa in shaping the conditionally driven framework of official development cooperation. By reviewing the aid-coordination mechanisms of the Southern donors, the article also provides a context for comprehending the challenges for Southern countries to systematically manage, monitor and deliver aid. It argues that the Southern donors’ interest in changing the dominant conditionality-driven narrative of aid has opened up the possibility for constructing a new aid paradigm that focuses more on the strategic needs of the partner countries than on advancing the ideological interests of the donor countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4717]
63.4843 RAABE, Johannes; LINHART, Eric —
Multiple typologies of electoral systems each either focus on an electoral system's principle of representation as an overall goal or on its technical design. This multitude of approaches has made it difficult to categorize and compare electoral systems effectively, as different analyses base on different typology approaches. This problem is tackled via the development of a general typology incorporating both the principle of representation and the technical design without a deterministic relationship between these dimensions. The result is an integrative typological framework for the comparative research on electoral systems. Applying the typology to actual cases highlights that considering the multidimensionality of electoral systems is a central requirement for fruitful analysis. Specifically, considering the overall goal of an electoral system allows for positivist performance-judgments. [R]
63.4844 RAHBEK-CLEMMENSEN, Jon, et al. —
The authors suggest that scholars mean very different things when they refer to the civil-military gap. To illustrate the point, we conceptualize the gap in terms of four distinct ideal types and show that scholars have referred to each variant as the civil-military gap at different times. Though we recognize that the four ideal types — cultural, demographic, policy preference, and institutional — are not always mutually exclusive, we suggest that they are divergent enough to warrant consideration as distinct variants and that their specification can enhance the civil-military relations literature by helping scholars identify and untangle the causes and effects of the gap. [R]
63.4845 RAI, Shirin M. —
This introductory article outlines the conceptual approach of this issue and suggests that legislative protest alerts us to the negotiated institutional politics of parliaments. This article briefly puts forward a performative approach to studying legislative protest that brings into focus the spaces in which performances take place, the speech and rhetoric through which is performed as well as the bodies that convey the somatic norms of institutions as well as to alert us to issues of representation and representativeness of legislative institutions. Legislative protest then is viewed not simply as disruptive and inefficient, bringing into disrepute the reputations of legislative bodies; rather the performance of protest is regarded as yet another register through which we can productively map the changing cultural and historical development of representative politics. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by Carole SPARY and the author. See also Abstr. 63.4718, 4828, 4879, 4881, 4982, 5086, 5090]
63.4846 RATZ, Mark V. —
The proposed scheme of ideal arrangement of organizational/managerial activity in the broadest possible sense includes three primary elements: (1) policy and (2) management — both oriented at development — as well as (3) normalcy control and the power, which provide stability. These three elements determine the filling of the three consecutive stages of (1) assimilating, (2) realizing and (3) executing transformation designs. The discussion is based on the state management material. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4913]
63.4847 RENOUARD, Cécile —
We witness today a twofold tension about liberalism as known for the past two centuries. On the one hand, the approach to social problems tends to be economically, managerially, and technically hypertrophied. On the other hand, liberal political institutions are in fact incapable of solving social issues. Our society needs experts’ skills to contribute to the creation of new models of production, consumption, and life in order to face the challenge of change. Yet, when it comes to climate, city planning, or financing the energy transition, issues currently at stake do not demand only specialists’ enlightened decisions. They deserve to be discussed in the public space using ethical criteria. [R, transl.]
63.4848 RIHOUX, Benoît —
This review article examines the ways in which QCA is being (re)framed by some main authors in the field, in a context of expansion and diversification of this approach and set of techniques. Ch. Ragin's seminal The Comparative Method (Berkeley, 1987) is first synthetized in the form of eight statements which are then confronted to eight recent book-length publications: three QCA textbooks and five methodological volumes also touching upon QCA. On the whole, it appears that most statements have been considerably refined, both conceptually and technically, whereas only one statement is not taken on board anymore. In addition, QCA is being reframed and extended in different ways beyond Ragin's initial statements. [R]
63.4849 RINGE, Nils; VICTOR, Jennifer Nicoll; GROSS, Justin H. —
The authors contribute to the existing literature on the determinants of legislative voting by offering a social network-based theory about the ways that legislators’ social relationships affect floor voting behavior. It is argued that legislators establish contacts with both political friends and enemies, and that they use the information they receive from these contacts to increase their confidence in their own policy positions. Social contacts between political allies have greater value the more the two allies agree on policy issues, while social contacts between political adversaries have greater value the more the two adversaries disagree on policy issues. To test these propositions, we use social network analysis tools and demonstrate how to account for network dependence using a multilevel modeling approach. [R]
63.4850 RINGMAR, Erik —
The G.W. Bush administration's “Global War on Terror” has, by both defenders and critics, been characterized as unique. However, as this article shows, there is a long tradition, both in the US and in Europe, of fighting wars against “savage tribes” — against enemies who fail to make a distinction between soldiers and civilians, and who use terror as a weapon. The problem of how to fight such groups was much discussed in the legal literature of the 19th c. This is a discussion from which it is possible to learn contemporary lessons. [R]
63.4851 RINGSMOSE, Jens —
The relationship between the military and the media has always been characterized by conflict and interdependency. However, during the past decade, the interaction between these two institutions has changed markedly as a result of new types of media and a growing military engagement in irregular conflicts. This article traces how these changes in the media-military relationship's primary contexts have affected the degree of interdependency and conflict between soldiers and military organizations and war correspondents and editors. It argues that the introduction of new types of media has generally worked to weaken the interdependency between the media and the military. Concurrently, the developments of the past decade have raised new research questions. [R]
63.4852 RITCHIE, Nick —
Nuclear weapons remain deeply embedded in our political cultures in ways that assign multiple, powerful socio-political values to the bomb. To understand what a process of devaluing might look like, we first need to understand how nuclear weapons are valued. To achieve this, the article moves through four stages. First, it provides an overview of the lexicon of devaluing and subsidiary terms in global nuclear discourse since the end of the Cold War. Second, it discusses how we know nuclear value and its discursive construction. Third, using the UK as a case study, it explores the “regime of value” in which British nuclear weapons are embedded and the implications for devaluing. Finally, it reflects on W. Walker's notion of “responsible nuclear sovereignty” and the tensions at the nexus of deterrence/devaluing. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “Nuclear devaluation,” edited and introduced by the author. See also Abstr. 63.4795]
63.4853 RITZ, Hauke —
The French military intervention in Mali has exposed what has been visible for some time. The relative weakening of the US has led to a renaissance of geopolitics in Europe. The field of geopolitics is defined by power strategists. Their focus on power and expansion on the geography of zones of influences always amounts to a self-fulfilling prophecy. Against this Europe could generate credibility and influence by reconnecting to its most significant tradition, that of the Enlightenment.
63.4854 ROGOWSKI, Ronald —
Political science produces highly policy-relevant research, but politicians ignore it in favor of their own (or their supporters’) biases. I give examples from such fields as anti-immigrant politics, political business cycles and the politics of redistribution. The sole area in which politicians do attend closely to scholarly research is where it assists their own efforts at electoral success (e.g., effect and duration of political advertising). But politicians equally ignore the expertise of climatologists, physicists, biologists, economists and even spies, where that expertise contradicts their own preferred policies. All of this points more to a problem of democratic politics than of political (or any other) science. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4702]
63.4855 ROMER, Jean-Christophe; WIDEMANN, Thierry, eds. —
Introduction by Jean-Christophe ROMER. Articles by Jean-Christophe ROMER and Thierry WIDEMANN; Jean DUFOURQ; Philippe WODKA-GALLIEN; Vincent JOUBERT; Yannick QUÉAU; Detlef PUHL; David CUMIN; Monika CHANSORIA; Michel GOYA; Jean-Luc MONTIGNAC; Dominique DAVID.
63.4856 ROSENBLOOM, David H. —
Published 30 years ago, my article [“Public administrative theory and the separation of powers,” Public Administration Review 43(3), May-June 1983: 219–227; Abstr. 34.2189] introduced the “three perspectives” approach or framework for understanding public administration at a macro-level by viewing it through the lenses of management, politics, and law. Each of these perspectives is anchored in a function of government — execution, legislation, and adjudication, respectively — which at the US federal level is housed primarily in the institutional structures of the executive branch, Congress, and the courts. The article has been reprinted several times in edited works and widely cited. This article reflects on what the three perspectives framework did, did not do, and whether it is useful in application to the vast changes in public administrative thought and practice that have occurred since its publication. [R, abr.]
63.4857 ROSHCHIN, Evgeny —
This article offers a critical perspective on the concept of international society. It argues that the moral agency of international society and its “naturalness” were affirmed simultaneously with the marginalization of the concept of societas designating contractual political relations. The article traces the concept of contracted societas back to the work of Grotius, an acclaimed founder of the “international society” tradition. By placing Grotius's use of the concept in the context of ancient and early modern discussion of political alliances and partnerships, it demonstrates that politically contracted societas was no less conventional and important than the Stoic universal human society. However, this alternative societas had to be abandoned in the debates over the rival theories of social contract and the law of nations. [R, abr.]
63.4858 ROSSET, Jan; GIGER, Nathalie; BERNAUER, Julian —
While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens’ policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut. [R]
63.4859 ROSTBÁLL, Christian F. —
The Danish Left is split between its commitment to equality and its relationship to the working class. The current center-left government has made reforms that accept the necessity of giving economic incentives for working, which increases inequality. The article argues that the left needs to clarify its normative commitments and considers the potential contribution of normative political theory to such a clarification. Particularly, the article presents and discusses G. A. Cohen's critique of the incentives argument [Rescuing Justice and Equality, Cambridge, 2008] and the need for an egalitarian ethos. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4615]
63.4860 RUBIN, Aviad —
Why do some newly formed regimes incorporate religion in various dimensions of public affairs, while others relegate religious actors and content to the private sphere? This article offers an explanatory model with four key components that together determine the status of religion in newborn political regimes: (1) the pervasiveness of religion in the old order; (2) the overlap among different ingredients of national-identity; (3) the constraints of demographic realities; and (4) the period before and during the formation of the new regime as critical juncture. The model is applied and tested in the cases of Israel and Turkey, which in many respects represent opposite trends — accommodation and marginalization, respectively — that produced broad and long-term consequences for their respective political regimes. [R]
63.4861 RUFFA, Chiara —
International responses to conflicts and humanitarian emergencies have become more crowded. Not only do traditional actors intervene on a greater scale, such as NGOs and the military, but new actors such as Private Military Security Companies also play an increasingly important role. These actors often differ in their precise objective and the constituencies they are accountable to. Yet, the practices of these actors in operations are intertwined and many of their tasks overlap. Improved communication and coordination of these actors in complex operations can thus be expected to lead to strong increases in mission effectiveness. This Special Issue provides a conceptual platform to understand and explain under what conditions coordination among these actors occurs. The articles cluster around three themes. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 63.4614, 4616, 4668, 4688, 4697, 4725, 4862, 5029, 5149, 5153, 5959]
63.4862 RUFFA, Chiara; DANDEKER, Christopher; VENNESSON, Pascal —
We focus on mechanisms by which low-level soldiers have acquired an increasing importance in tactical operations and we suggest that this may influence civil-military relations in the future. We argue that two phenomena deserve particular attention. These mechanisms are not new but they have had new effects by making it possible for soldiers to influence politics in sometimes unforeseen ways: the first is the strategic corporal and the second is the expansion of ancillary tasks. Our contribution lies at the interface between military sociology and security studies and seeks to show how the tactical level of warfare has become a fundamental context in which civil-military relations are enacted. Exploring these dynamics is fundamental to understanding under what conditions soldiers may interact with other actors in complex operations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4861]
63.4863 RÜHLE, Hans —
This article argues that government leaders need to bid farewell to the assumption that the rationality of all nuclear states can be assured for all times, that nuclear deterrence can never fail, and that we are somehow “nuclear immortal”. It is a fundamental fact of the multinuclear world of the 21st c. that deterrence built on the threat of a nuclear second strike will not work against “irrational” aggressors. [R]
63.4864 RUTLAND, Ted —
A constant and largely unquestioned characteristic of contemporary studies of urban movements is their conception of the activist “subject” — the reflective agent or “doer” who participates in, and shapes, urban movements. Studies of urban movements, even as they proceed to conceptualize more and more of the urban scene in terms of malleable “processes” rather than inert “structures,” have continued to regard the makeup of the activist subject as universal and invariable. Through a review of the recent urban movements literature, a focused consideration of potentially complementary literatures, and a demonstrative case study, this article shows that it is possible and indeed worthwhile to examine how political subjects are contingently remade both prior to, and through, their active participation in contentious urban politics. [R, abr.]
63.4865 SAAGE, Richard —
The author claims that the rejection of Philosophical Anthropology by authors of the “Frankfurt School of Critical Theory” in the interwar years should be revised. This contribution focuses on the following questions: (1) Did M. Horkheimer criticize Philosophical Anthropology from a Marxist perspective convincingly in 1935? (2) Did the reformulation of this position by J. Habermas in 1958 modify Horkheimer's criticism in a significant way? (3) Did the rise of Life Sciences and Human Enhancement generate a situation for a new ethical assessment of the conditio humana? (4) Is the paradigm of Philosophical Anthropology in the version of M. Scheler, H. Plessner, A. Gehlen, A. Portman and Z. Rothacker realistic enough to take up the anthropological challenges of the 21st c.? [R]
63.4866 SAFFON, Maria Paula; URBINATI, Nadia —
This essay reclaims a political proceduralist vision of democracy as the best normative defense of democracy in contemporary politics. We distinguish this vision from three main approaches that are representative in the current academic debate: the epistemic conception of democracy as a process of truth seeking; the populist defense of democracy as a mobilizing politics that defies procedures; and the classical minimalist or Schumpeterian definition of democracy as a competitive method for selecting leaders. [R]
63.4867 SALMON, Pierre —
The relationship between decentralization and economic growth is generally studied from a perspective stressing universal or quasiuniversal regularities across jurisdictions. That approach seems to reach its limits. The paper explains why it allows contrasting positions with regard to the benefits of decentralization even among proponents of free and competitive markets. And it seems from the empirical literature that no robust and economically significant cross-jurisdiction relation between decentralization and economic performance or growth, except perhaps their independence, has been found. The absence of a relation valid across jurisdictions, however, does not entail the absence of relations specific to each. When jurisdiction specificity is very strong, it is normally difficult to say if there is a relation between observable decentralization arrangements in a jurisdiction and its observable economic performance. [R, abr.]
63.4868 SALTZMAN, Ilai —
This article utilizes Offense-Defense theory to appraise the influence of cyber-warfare on international security and the prospects for conflict. Offense-Defense theory, as applied here, better explains the relationship between technological innovation and international politics, and leads to different conclusions from other realist approaches. Redefining the Offense-Defense balance to accommodate cyberspace leads to an emphasis on the offensive advantages of cyber capabilities. The offensive and defensive cyber-postures of China, Russia, the US, and NATO are examined here to empirically assess the role of cyber-warfare in security policy. Evidence shows that innovations in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) allow states to take greater risks and adopt more vigilant or offensive positions toward adversaries. Cyber capabilities do not cause armed conflict, but make decisions to escalate easier and cheaper. [R, abr.]
63.4869 SARGISSON, Lucy —
This article offers a controversial argument, namely that a utopian approach adds something valuable to the study of politics. I develop this position by showing how utopian fiction and experimentation can contribute to a recent debate in environmental politics; the call for a democracy that “includes nature”. I argue that a utopian approach has limits — for example, it cannot provide all the answers or offer blueprints for a perfect world — but that it can create spaces in which to imagine a different and better political relationship. Simply put, a utopian approach can shift the parameters of what is conceivable. [R]
63.4870 SAVAGE, Lee —
The incentives to spend time and resources engaging with non-academic groups are largely absent for early career researchers, who are usually focused on acquiring the essential elements of a good academic CV: publishing articles in peer-reviewed journals, gaining teaching experience and presenting papers at disciplinary conferences. As a result, they have little reason to undertake training in how to engage with non-academic groups, and institutions have no reason to make such training integral to a researcher's professional development. However, a survey of early career researchers in the UK shows that there is a definite appetite among researchers to undertake public engagement activities. But if public engagement is to become a routine part of a researcher's activities then the weight that potential employers afford to these endeavors needs to increase substantially. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4702]
63.4871 SCHILLING, Theodor —
By deciding to guarantee judicial independence from other sources of power, the original maker of the Constitution leaves his work in the hands of the courts. In legal orders that warrant these basic principles, innovative judicial decisions may not be considered “revolutionary” even though the court thus fundamentally alters the Constitution. Only when a court clearly bases its decisions on no norm or a foreign norm does it become revolutionary. Only then does the “decision” become an expression of the private individuals composing the court. [R, transl., abr.]
63.4872 SCHMITT, Carina —
In a globalized world where trans- and supranational networks, communication and the exchange of information gain in importance, national political decision-making processes do not occur independently from each other. Policy-diffusion is assumed to become more and more relevant also for welfare-state development. This paper explicitly focuses on the policy-diffusion among 21 OECD countries in the period between 1980 and 2007 looking at social spending dynamics. The empirical findings of the spatial regressions clearly indicate that spatial patterns in social spending dynamics are driven by policy-diffusion processes. In fact, economic interdependencies define the pathways of diffusion. Trading partners move in the same direction regarding social policy behavior. Surprisingly, cultural and geographical proximity are less relevant for the diffusion processes, at least in terms of social spending dynamics. [R]
63.4873 SELLBERG, Jan Lionel —
This article examines the linguistic realism in the theoretical construction of three works: J. Rawls's A Theory of Justice (1972), R. Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), and J. Habermas's Theorie de Kommunikativen Handels (1981). With the Greek word pistis — i.e., trust, credibility — as a point of departure, in conjunction with an action-oriented view of language as represented by rhetoric, an aporia is uncovered. The authors practice a linguistic double-norm in their theorizing: they use rhetoric to persuade the reader that the fictitious individuals acting in the state-building process (Rawls, Nozick) or in the ideal dialogue-situation (Habermas) must use a language totally free from rhetoric elements. As a result, the rationality of their work as theoretical constructions is severely undermined, as revealed by a textual analysis on the intertextual and the intratextual levels. [R, abr.]
63.4874 SHAH, Nishant —
The recent rise of “digital activism” has promoted a questioning of the existing relationships between state, markets, civil society and citizen action by developing new and networked ways of thinking. The network society has become the default context within which these acts of digital activism are located and understood. This contribution proposes that the newness in “Activisms 2010+” is the imperative that the digital technologies put upon these events should be rendered intelligible, legible and accessible within the digital paradigm. Through a case study of the “Shanzhai Spring Festival Gala” in China, this article illustrates the need for a new conceptual framework and vocabulary to account for the new conditions of citizen action and the potentials for political change and intervention therein. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4633]
63.4875 SHARMAN, J. C. —
The growing body of literature on hierarchy in international relations has overlooked instances of contemporary imperial governance. These constitute a strong test of rationalist contractual theories of hierarchy. They support the contention that some polities will eschew sovereign prerogatives, or even renounce sovereignty altogether. Contrary to historical instances of empire, current dependencies receive prominent material benefits from the continuation of their relationship with the metropole. But the failure of the metropoles to obtain equivalent benefits shows why contractual scholarship on hierarchy is incomplete in failing to incorporate logics of appropriateness. It is too narrow in seeking to explain all instances of hierarchy as mutually beneficial bargains. Evidence is taken from fieldwork and interviews in dependencies of the Netherlands, Denmark and New Zealand. [R, abr.]
63.4876 SINTOMER, Yves —
Arguing against any attempt to define the essence of representation, the article distinguishes several notions of representation starting with the words that actors use and filtering them through an abstraction process. The apparent familiarity of the word is rejected, especially in reference to historical works, with the aim of giving instruments that enable to think the present transformations beyond the mandate-representation. Four conceptual couples are proposed: symbolic representation v. juridical-political representation; making present that absent v. exhibition of a presence; mandate-representation v. incarnation-representation; representation as distinction v. descriptive representation. These different ideal-types should be analytically distinguished but have to be combined in empirical research on concrete events. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Political representation,” edited and introduced by the authors, pp. 5–11. See also Abstr. 63.4713, 4734, 4743, 4780, 4793, 4836]
63.4877 ŠIRINIĆ, Daniela —
This paper surveys political science literature in search of a proper conceptualization of political representation. The paper first reviews most influential normative and theoretical understandings of political representation. The section concludes with a summary of general attributes of the concept of representation which ought to be taken into consideration in each study on representation. The second section reviews empirical studies of political representation, to provide a synthesis of different empirical understandings of “who is being represented,” “what is being represented” and “who is the representative”. A novel model of the process of representation is presented at the end, which should be read as a conceptual map for future studies on political representation. [R]
63.4878 SLEAT, Matt —
Disappointment is a familiar experience of political life and often blame for perceived political failure is rightly attributed to the failures of politicians or the political system. This paper, however, argues that disappointment is an inevitable feature of politics because of limitations and constraints that are intrinsic to the political sphere. It explores some of the ways in which political conflict unavoidably generates disappointment, how it shapes the specific manner in which its corollary of hope and the discourse of hope operates in the political sphere, and how disappointment relates to questions of political unity. Appreciating the inevitability of disappointment should both help overcome some of the prevalent illusions regarding political possibility, as well as calm our discontent with politics by adapting our expectations and assessment of political life accordingly. [R, abr.]
63.4879 SMITH, William; BRASSETT, James —
This commentary piece teases out a theme that runs through the articles collected in this special issue: the relationship between legislative disruption and deliberative democracy. The practice of legislative disruption appears to go against the normative aspirations of deliberative democracy, but our discussion identifies several respects in which this mode of engagement can function to reinstate a deliberative environment in certain contexts. Drawing on the articles in this special issue, our analysis also brings to the fore certain inadequacies in deliberative democracy as a framework for evaluating legislative disruption. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4845]
63.4880 SOEDERBERG, Susanne —
This article introduces this issue, highlighting the gaps in our knowledge about debt that the contributions seek to fill and why this is important, both analytically and politically. It discusses two core objectives: (1) to examine the role(s) that debt plays in mediating the underlying tensions of neoliberal-led development and its emphasis on market-led growth and poverty-reduction schemes; and (2) to interrupt, contest and deconstruct the dominant economic representations and meanings of debt. Although the contributions draw on different theoretical frames to explore different features of debt across a variety of social spaces, a core hypothesis is that there are additional complex and paradoxical dimensions to debt beyond what is represented by its common-sense economic meaning as an amount of money borrowed, voluntarily, by one party from another. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. See also the articles by Katharine N. RANKIN, “A critical geography of poverty finance,” pp. 547–568; Patrick BOND, “Debt, uneven development and capitalist crisis in South Africa: from Moody's macroeconomic monitoring to Marikana microfinance mashonisas”, pp. 569–592; Susanne SOEDERBERG, “Universalising financial inclusion and the securitisation of development,” pp. 593–612; Gavin FRIDELL, “Debt politics and the free trade ‘package’: the case of the Caribbean,” pp. 613–629; Sheila NAIR, “Governance, representation and international aid,” pp. 630–652; Kate ERVINE, “Carbon markets, debt and uneven development,” pp. 653–670; Philip McMICHAEL, “Value-chain agriculture and debt relations: contradictory outcomes,” pp. 671–690; Marcus TAYLOR, “Liquid debts: credit, groundwater and the social ecology of agrarian distress in Andhra Pradesh, India,” pp. 691–709; Jesse HEMBRUFF, “Critical review: the politics of sovereign debt,” pp. 710–725; Gavin FRIDELL, et al., “Politicising debt and development: activist voices on social justice in the new millennium,” pp. 726–745]
63.4881 SPARY, Carole —
This article explores the phenomenon of legislative protest and presents an analytical framework for understanding its significance for democratic theory and practice. Legislative protest is defined as disruptive behavior of elected representatives within legislative settings. Acts of legislative protest include sit-ins, boycotts, walkouts, and individual or collective disobedience of the presiding officer within legislative chambers or committees. This article begins from the premise that legislative protest should not be dismissed as frivolous or self-interested behavior. Any attempt to decipher the substantive meaning of legislative protest must be informed by a grounded analysis paying attention to specific forms of protest performed within specific legislative settings. Such analysis should acknowledge the corporeality of protest and its embeddedness within historically contextualized institutional and cultural scripts. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4845]
63.4882 SPINA, Nicholas —
This article explores the determinants of political decentralization in 29 OECD parliamentary democracies. I hypothesize that four features impact the ability and motive to institute political decentralization: government ideology, policy decentralization platforms, power and stability, and the presence of ethno-regionalist parties in the national legislature and as government members. Empirical results reveal that ideology and policy platforms play little role in the decision to enact political reform. However, there is strong evidence that powerful and stable governments and the rise of ethno-regionalist parties in national politics substantially increase the probability of political decentralization. Government composition plays a significant role in institutional change and should be considered in future models on the determinants of decentralization. [R, abr.]
63.4883 STEPHENSON, Paul —
In two decades since the Maastricht Treaty, multi-level governance (MLG) has developed as a conceptual framework for profiling the “arrangement” of policy-making activity performed within and across politico-administrative institutions located at different territorial levels. This contribution examines the ways in which the MLG literature has been employed, effectively taking stock of applied research to date. It identifies five main uses of MLG and the different focus of emerging research over time. Considering the most recent scholarship, the contribution explores possible new directions for research, in light of global governance, culminating in a “bird's eye view” of MLG over 20 years. [R] [See Abstr. 63.5657]
63.4884 STOCKDALE, Liam P. D. —
This article critically considers what is at stake with the emergence of a “pre-emptive” politics of security based upon governing the future through anticipatory interventions in the present. It develops a detailed account of how the idea of pre-emption has come to inform the global governance of (in)security in the post-9/11 [2001] era. It then discusses the logic of pre-emptive security itself, [whose] focus upon the future implies a prioritization of the imagination in its decisional logic, which has the effect of enhancing the degree of discretionary subjectivity granted to state authorities under a pre-emptive approach. The article then considers how it suggests an important conceptual link between a politics of pre-emption and political exceptionalism. [R, abr.]
63.4885 STOKER, Gerry —
Political science offers a valuable and developing set of insights into how politics works. The challenge for the discipline, however, is that it is methodologically and culturally ill equipped to adopt a solution-oriented approach. This article makes the case for a shift in focus and points to political science work that takes the challenge of designing politics as its intellectual focus. It identifies key features of a design-oriented political science and points to examples which suggest that it is a neglected path for political science rather than an impossible road down which to travel. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4702]
63.4886 SUMNER, Andy —
A significant reframing of global poverty is likely to emerge in the next decade, as world poverty becomes less about the transfer of aid and more about domestic distribution and thus domestic politics. This proposition is based on a discussion of the shift of much of global poverty towards middle-income countries. Questions arise related as to how countries are classified and to administrative capacities, as well as to domestic political economy, but many of the world's extreme poor already live in countries where the total cost of ending extreme and even moderate poverty is not prohibitively high as a percentage of GDP. By 2020, even on conservative estimates, most of world poverty may be in countries that do have the domestic financial resources to end at least extreme poverty. [R, abr.]
63.4887 TAKE, Ingo —
The question of how to overcome the democratic deficits of global forms of governance has led to a pretentious academic debate. To proceed in theory-building, we need to assign systematically the theory-driven assumptions on legitimate forms of governance beyond the nation-state with the various, already observable forms of global governance. Thereto, the paper aims at a systematic comparative appraisal of the legitimizing quality of different patterns of governance by applying suitable indicators for their measurement. The innovative potential of this paper is the application of a structured, focused comparison that interconnects a multi-dimensional concept of legitimacy (input-, throughput-and output-dimension) with the triad of international, transnational and private forms of governance. The conceptual outline is completed by a case study on forest governance. [R, abr.]
63.4888 TAKEYH, Ray —
Too often foreign-policy officials and bureaucracies cling to prevailing orthodoxies and approaches even after it has become clear they are not working. But in rare instances leaders emerge who divert history by successfully bringing about a change in policy. Presented here are three examples of such beneficial course-corrections. [R]
63.4889 TAN Bann Seng —
How does regime-change affect the risk of militarized disputes? Within the democratic peace literature, there is disagreement over whether it is democratization, autocratization, political dissimilarity or political instability that is particularly perilous. I distinguish four perspectives from this literature and test their attendant hypotheses on a dataset of conflict episodes within enduring rivalry from 1816 to 2001 using survival analysis. I find that both democratization and autocratization reduce the hazard of dispute-recurrence in enduring rivalries. After controlling for selection bias, the effect of democratization was robust whereas the effect of autocratization was not. Democratization also has the additional property of terminating rivalries; autocratization does not. Together, the results imply that democratization is better at promoting a transition from rivalry to peaceful relations than is the autocratization of a rivalry dyad. [R]
63.4890 TARAS, Raymond —
Recruiting fiction to help us understand the fractiousness of world politics can constitute an effective interdisciplinary strategy for parsing complex problems. The methodological rigor prized by political science can be blended with the open-endedness that characterizes literary studies. At a time when science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM subjects) have become a research priority, the author discusses the improbable but creative synergy of political science and fiction that can give these fields a comparative advantage in charting pathways to progress. [R]
63.4891 TAYLOR, Brad —
G. Brennan and A. Hamlin [“Analytic conservatism,” British Journal of Political Science 34(4), Oct. 2004: 675–691; Abstr. 55.343] provide a normative justification for dispositional conservatism based on the concave value functions which give rise to quasi-risk aversion. This note modifies this argument for “analytic conservatism” by allowing jurisdictional exit in response to institutional decline. By providing a welfare floor which limits the cost of failure, exit reverses the normative implications of Brennan and Hamlin's argument, making risk-neutral agents quasi-risk seeking and justifying a radical disposition to reform under some circumstances. [R] [See also Geoffrey BRENNAN and Alan HAMLIN, “Conservatism and radicalism,” pp. 173–176]
63.4892 TAYLOR, Kirsten —
While global politics simulations have great potential to produce deeper learning of international affairs and IR theories and to promote the further development of technical skills, there are a variety of simulations to choose from, each with its own advantages and disadvantages for student learning. This paper engages in a comparative analysis of five distinct simulation types to examine the ways in which structural differences grant instructors more or less control over the learning environment. The five simulation types are the following: credit- and noncredit-bearing Model UN activities, hybrid Model UN activities, extended-in class simulations of real global actors and problems, and extended inclass simulations of fabricated global systems. The paper then considers the distinct opportunities for content, experiential, and theoretical learning within each simulation type. [R]
63.4893 TEJERINA, Benjamín, et al.
This introductory article notes that two streams of mobilization can be distinguished in terms of the specific grievances they express, and the socio-economic and political contexts in which they have emerged. Despite these differences, both threads find their antecedents in the increasing and widespread social and economic levels of inequality, which requires social movements theories to “bring political economy back” in the analysis of mobilization. The various occupy movements that have emerged since 2011 constitute diverse manifestations of a new international cycle of contention. With its innovative and distinctive traits in terms of diffusion, coordination, action repertoires, frames, and types of activism, this new cycle seeks to both transform the economic system to provide greater equality, opportunities, and personal fulfillment and, simultaneously, to democratize power in more participatory ways. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 63.4628, 4629, 5269, 5304, 5334, 5382, 5417, 5470, 5989, 6037]
63.4894 TEODORO, Manuel P. —
Public agency executive jobs are temporary matches of individual bureaucrats with government employers. Together, the buyers and sellers of executive labor form jobs in ways that define critical links in the policy process: the relationships between agency administrators and their elected officials. This article argues that when the executive is hired from outside, the job typically carries a mandate for significantly greater engagement with elected officials than when the executive is promoted from within an agency. Analysis of three very different types of agencies demonstrates that individuals who were hired from outside interact with their elected officials more frequently than do those who were promoted from within. [R, abr.]
63.4895 THALOS, Mariam —
Human freedom resides primarily in exercise of that capacity that humans employ more abundantly than any other species on earth: the capacity for judgment — in particular, that special judgment in relation to Self that we call aspiration. Freedom is not the absence of a field of (other) powers; instead, freedom shows up only against the reticulations of power impinging from without. For freedom worthy of the name must be construed as an exercise of power within an already-present field of power. Thus, liberty and causal necessity are not obverses. [R]
63.4896 THIGO, Philip —
This paper reflects [my] activist experience [with] the Nairobi-based Social Development Network (SODNET), one of a new generation of agencies seeking to deploy new communication technology for socially emancipatory purposes. The paper makes three claims concerning the political effects of social movement activists deploying ICT. First, it argues that in Kenya, the use of ICT by civil society agencies has helped to open up and enlarge new kinds of political space — “self-created spaces”. These spaces offer new kinds of political possibilities in contrast to the organized and managed spaces occupied by more institutionalized and officially registered NGOs. These new spaces are arenas that can accommodate a new type of politics. Popular deployment of communication technology is also opening up novel prospects for advancing the state's capacity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.5424]
63.4897 THOLEN, Berry —
Can it be right to do wrong in order to do good? Can torture, for instance, be justified? This commentary argues that M. Walzer's often-cited answer on these dirty hands issues is problematic, and that a properly elaborated virtue ethics is more convincing. The argument is of particular consequence for courses on administrative ethics and for practitioners dealing with hard cases. [R]
63.4898 TÓFALVI, Fruzsina —
The study examines the dynamics behind the disloyal behavior of the armed forces in cases of the formation of social movements for regime change. The study adopts a theoretical framework and applies statistical analysis on a dataset from 1990 to 2012 to examine the projected dynamics at work. The proposition is that autocrats create loyalty through financial benefits and the privileged position of the armed forces, which is strengthened by the selection procedures that keep the armed forces distant from society, including the creation of voluntary forces and the application of discriminative selection procedures to both the rank and file and the office corps. [R]
63.4899 TOLSTRUP, Jakob —
This article engages in the flourishing debate on the external dimension of democratization by proposing a theoretical model of when external actors can influence democratization. The argument [begins] in a critical assessment of existing structural contributions. Structural approaches are useful in explaining interregional differences in external influence, but have difficulties coping with cases that do not adhere to the overall structural pattern — that is, with intraregional differences. To deal with these problems, I turn to Levitsky and Way's renowned framework of leverage and linkage, and argue that their theory, giving primacy to structures, is not entirely valid. The structural determinants (linkages) that constitute the basis of their explanation are not non-amenable as they claim, but can be influenced to a great extent by what I term the gatekeeper elites of the target country. [R, abr.]
63.4900 TOMLINSON, Michael W.; KELLY, Grace P. —
This article explores the political and intellectual influences behind the growth of interest in happiness and the emergence of the new “science of happiness”. It offers a critique of the use of subjective wellbeing indicators within indexes of social and economic progress, and argues that the proposed United Kingdom's National Well-being Index is over-reliant on subjective measures. We argue that the mainstreaming of happiness indicators reflects and supports the emergence of “behavioral social policy”. [R]
63.4901 TONKISS, Katherine —
This article addresses the challenges of justifying restrictions on migration given a rejection of nationalism as a defensible mode of political integration. Specifically, it focuses on constitutional patriotism, which is proposed as a means of making robust democratic practice possible in diverse contexts. Given that constitutional patriotism represents a commitment to universal principles as a source of attachment rather than the binding sentiment of nationalism, can we continue to rely on nationally defined and controlled migration practices? This article argues that, appropriately understood, constitutional patriotism implies a commitment to much freer movement of individuals across political boundaries than theorists have previously acknowledged. Applying such an approach, however, provokes some challenges to the sustainability of shared rule informed by principles rather than identity. [R, abr.]
63.4902 TORGLER, Benno; FREY, Bruno S. —
In the course of history, a large number of politicians have been assassinated. To investigate this phenomenon, rational choice hypotheses are developed and tested using a large data-set covering close to 100 countries over a period of 20 years. Several strategies, in addition to security measures, are shown to significantly reduce the probability of politicians being attacked or killed: extended institutional and governance quality, democracy, voice and accountability, a well-functioning system of law and order, decentralization via the division of power and federalism, larger cabinet size and a stronger civil society. There is also support for a contagion effect. [R]
63.4903 TREMBLAY, Reeta Chowdhari —
The response of the comparativists to Canadian scholars’ call to build Canadian politics into our comparative framework has to be first, that we, the comparativists engage in a broader dialogue about our sub-discipline and move away from our self-imposed parochialism with respect to the scope and objectives of our research, our methods of theory generation and of empirical analysis. Our house is a divided, fragmented house. Having said this, we do have a fertile ground and share a common conducive infrastructure, methodological and thematic, across the two sub-disciplines to start our engagement with the Canadianists. [R]
63.4904 TUCCINARDI, Domenico; BALME, Franck —
After the 2005 Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, another key milestone in election observation history was marked in 2012 with the signing of the “Declaration of Global Principles for Non-Partisan Election Observation and Monitoring by Citizen Organizations”. This Declaration highlights an irreversible shift toward a process-oriented approach by citizen groups in their assessments and their desire to be accountable — and be perceived as such — to a highly ethical and forceful set of principles. In the past, this ability has not always been recognized to them by the democracy assistance community. The reached awareness of the potential enshrined in citizen observation is further underlined by the usage of new digital tools, particularly crowd-sourcing techniques. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.5601]
63.4905 ULUPINAR, Bahar —
Our research probes the firm-valuation impact of partisan-motivated policy cycles. We first identify the micro-channels of policy transmission that link partisan policy disturbances to firm value. Then, we draw on firm-level data from 21 industrial democracies for the period extending from 1989 to 2008 to examine whether government partisanship has any distinct impact on firm value. We identify a surprisingly large and consistent positive relationship of left-oriented governments with firm value. Additionally, our research finds that the partisan impact on firm value is appreciably conditioned by factors like economic openness. [R]
63.4906 URPELAINEN, Johannes —
International environmental cooperation is difficult because states disagree on burden-sharing and have incentives to free-ride. However, interested countries can promote future cooperation through unilateral action that induces technological change in and, thereby, shapes the preferences of foreign countries. How can the effectiveness of such unilateral action be improved? This article offers a game-theoretic analysis of the value of combining unilateral action with trade sanctions, or policies that force foreign exporters to comply with domestic environmental regulations. Trade sanctions can significantly improve the effectiveness of unilateral action, but only when (1) they induce clean technology adoption by exporters in targeted countries and (2) this reduces the cost of clean technology elsewhere in the economy through intersectoral technology spillovers. [R]
63.4907 VANAIK, Achin —
Ever-expanding capital accumulation cannot be stable or cumulative without coordination and regulation provided by the state and the system of states, wherein the subset of the most powerful states is vital for establishing stability. There is a hegemonic transition of sorts towards a new quintet of powers in which the US will remain indispensable as the key coordinator. Pretensions regarding China as the new hegemon are exposed as are Indian claims. The BRICs grouping cannot provide an effective alternative to the quintet. However, the likely failure of the quintet to guarantee future stability raises the issue of the viability of capitalism itself. Transiting towards a post-capitalist order requires as a necessary if insufficient condition confronting the informal empire project of the US that underpins capitalist globalization. [R] [See Abstr. 63.4717]
63.4908 VANHALA, Lisa —
Disappointment with international efforts to find legal solutions to climate change has led to the emergence of a new generation of climate policy. This includes the emergence of courts as new “battlefields in climate fights”. Cross-national comparative analysis of the UK, Canada and Australia supplements research that has found that litigation plays an important governance gap-filling role in jurisdictions without comprehensive national-level climate change policies. The inductive research design identifies patterns in climate-change litigation. The three countries illustrate the varieties of climate policies, and thus serve as a useful entry point for thinking more generally about the interplay between climate politics and legal mobilization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 63.4771]
63.4909 VARKOČKOVÁ, Martina —
This paper first introduces the concept of ontological security, to show its sociological sources and its translation into IR. Second, by using the conceptual analysis frame suggested by D.A. Baldwin, it aims at both consolidating current knowledge about the ontological security-seeking behavior of states and other actors and suggesting a useful analytical tool for further detailed research on ontological security in IR. [R]
63.4910 VEENENDAAL, Wouter —
Statistics demonstrate that small states are more likely to have democratic systems of government, which — based on R. Dahl's conceptualization of polyarchy — entails the presence of contestation for public office in these countries. In the absence of comparative, qualitative in-depth research on microstate politics, it is, however, largely unclear how size affects the more practical nature of political competition. In this article, the characteristics of political contestation in four microstates around the globe (two of them within the Commonwealth) are examined and compared. The results indicate that whereas the studied microstates of San Marino, St Kitts and Nevis, Seychelles, and Palau have markedly diverging political institutions (e.g., electoral systems and party systems), owing to their small size, in all four of them political contestation is essentially personalistic in nature. [R]
63.4911 VLASSOPOULOS, Chloé Anne, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 7–18. Articles by Jean-François MOUHOT; Karen Elizabeth McNAMARA and Chris GIBSON; Michèle MOREL and Nicole de MOOR; Jeanette SCHADE; Salomé BRONKHORST.
63.4912 VOLKMANN, Uwe —
Having long made its underlying principles a field of study, administrative law has shown the need in recent years for theoretical work. The latest result is the volume edited by O. Depenheuer and C. Grabenwarter, Verfassungstheorie with 22 prominent authors. The question is whether a common definition may be found in these contributions, and if the “theory” may be distinguished from what is traditionally referred to as “dogmatism,” and the relationship between the theory and positive law. This in turn poses the question of the role played by constitutional theory in a context of increasingly plural administrative law. [R, transl., abr.]
63.4913 VOSKRESENSKI, Aleksej D. —
This article explores the correlation between the type of socio-political access within a society/state (i.e. internal structural/temporal factors of national/regional development), on the one hand, and on the other, the formation either of the space of world cooperative interaction, or of realist balances in world politics. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Rethinking the modern social order”. See also Abstr. 63.4773, 4846, 5991, 6063]
63.4914 WAHLERT, Matthew H. —
This article challenges the assumption of rationality in the behavior of decision-making units involved in security, defense, intelligence and warfare and considers the influence of “motivated bias” in such instances. A review of motivational literature within international politics and a discussion of literature applying “motivated biases” to warfare and strategic surprise offers an alternative view of the primacy of rationality in such decisions. [R]
63.4915 WALZER, Michael —
I argue that political theorists have a kind of professional permit to move back and forth between the academic and political worlds and to expound and defend particular political positions. I then describe my own engagements, political and theoretical, and the books and articles that have come out of them — about war, social justice, pluralism, social criticism, and nationalism (with Zionism the key example of the last of these). [R]
63.4916 WARSHAWSKY, Megan —
The author looks at the struggle between civil liberties and national security, highlighting how the debate over which takes precedence has only intensified given the recent increase in international terrorist attacks. With examples from the US, Canada, the UK and Australia, the essay illustrates how, over time, the scales have tipped back and forth between favoring security and favoring liberty. It concludes with a test which can be used to determine when it is necessary to sacrifice civil liberties in the name of national security. [R]
63.4917 WEIDMANN, Nils B.; ZÜRCHER, Christoph —
We study how exposure to violence during civil war affects the internal cohesion of a community. On the one hand, we could assume that exposure to a common threat strengthens social ties. On the other hand, shifting power structures in conflict regions could introduce new loyalties and cleavages at the village level, thus eroding a community's social glue. We use data from a survey conducted in northern Afghanistan and combine it with the data on violent events from military records. Our results provide evidence for the second mechanism: exposure to violence causes villagers to diverge in their support for conflicting parties. We estimate a spatial-temporal gravity model, where spatially and temporally proximate events have the highest impact on this divergence at the village level. [R, abr.]
63.4918 WEYMOUTH, Stephen; BROZ, J. Lawrence —
Property rights are essential to economic development but vary with the political environment. We develop and test the claim that government partisanship influences the security of business firms’ property rights: the perceived security of property rights increases when right-wing parties take power and declines with the election of left-leaning parties. Unlike research that uses country-level aggregates to draw inferences about the determinants of secure property rights, we analyze survey responses of over 7,400 firm owners from 73 countries using a novel difference-indifferences approach. We find that the political partisanship of the government in power strongly affects individual perceptions of property rights: firm owners are more likely to perceive that their property rights are secure under right-leaning governments. [R, abr.]
63.4919 WHITE, Jonathan —
Two decades after the Cold War, the political traditions of Left and Right were widely deemed to have fossilized. Many saw them as unable to express vital alternatives, and only distantly related to contemporary political life. This article examines how far this remains true in the light of more recent upheavals. It looks at the key divisions of opinion to have emerged from the economic crisis that broke in 2008, identifying important differences concerning in what sense it is a crisis (the production of disorder vs. production of injustice) and how it can be explained (acts of moral or intellectual transgression vs. a pattern of adhesion to problematic doctrines and practices). These differences can be seen as extensions of older Left-Right dichotomies. [R, abr.]
63.4920 WOLFE, Michelle; JONES, Bryan D.; BAUMGARTNER, Frank R. —
We review two research programs that could benefit from a more extensive dialogue: media and policy studies of agenda-setting. We focus on three key distinctions that divide these programs: the agenda(s) under investigation (public versus policy-making), the typical level of analysis (individual versus systemic), and framing effects (individual versus macro-level). We map out these differences and their impacts on understanding the policy process. There is often a policy disconnect in the agenda-setting studies that emanate from the media tradition. Though interested in the effects of political communication, scholars from this tradition often fail to link the media to policy outcomes, policy-change, or agenda-change. Policy process scholars have increasingly rejected simple linear models in favor of models emphasizing complex feedback effects. [R, abr.]
63.4921 WOLMAN, Andrew —
The rapid spread of national human rights institutions represents one of the most important developments in the human rights movement in recent years. Many federal states have joined this global trend by creating national human rights institutions, state human rights institutions, or both. This article presents an empirical comparison of how such states have addressed the federal division of power and responsibility concerns that have arisen in such an enterprise. So far, no single strategy has emerged to address federalism concerns. Some countries have established unitary but deconcentrated national human rights institutions, while others have multiple sub-national human rights institutions but no internationally recognized national human rights institution. [R, abr.]
63.4922 WOMACK, Brantly —
While comparative politics is concerned with the domestic dynamics of political communities, global trends confront each community with common pressures and challenges. Three basic trends are identified: (1) the redefinition of political communities by globalization; (2) the transformation of communication by electronic media; (3) the transformation of policy issues by demographic changes. These trends set three broad and interrelated challenges for all political communities: identity, governance, and sustainability. Each political community responds in its own way to these challenges; and the task of comparative politics is to understand the distinctive responses to shares problems of adjustment. The study of comparative politics should proceed from a variety of national perspectives in order to globalize its own academic discourse. [R]
63.4923 WOODWARD, Susan L. —
The newest phase of both the academic and practitioner discussion on state-building policy has converged on the failure of international missions to focus on domestic, as opposed to international, legitimacy. This literature does not, however, elaborate why legitimacy is important or, even more difficult, how practitioners can measure when local political authorities are gaining legitimacy or how the process of achieving legitimacy, which does not occur overnight with signatures on a peace agreement, can be measured. This article begins the discussion of why and how legitimacy matters with reference to Max Weber's analysis of political organization. This is followed by an examination of the claims made in the empirical literature on state-building in the Balkans as on why legitimacy matters to peace and how it can be measured. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Research on state-building in the Western Balkans: comparative methodologies,” edited and introduced by the author, Denisa KOSTOVICOVA and Vesna BOJICIC-DZELILOVIC. See also Abstr. 63.4993, 5052, 5066, 5164, 5178, 5239, 5459]
63.4924 WOON Chih Yuan —
In recent years, there have been exhortations for scholars working in the area of critical geopolitics to be more committed in initiating “primary fieldwork”. Drawing on my “field” research on violence and terrorism in the Philippines, I propose that thinking critically about how emotions are intertwined in the conduct of fieldwork can provide a pathway to appreciate the unpredictable nature of the research process and the wider contexts/agencies that shape research outcomes and knowledges produced. Crucially, the witnessing of violence/terror is emotionally demanding, often bequeathing the researcher with fully embodied experiences of the “real” situation on the ground. In this sense, “emotional fieldwork,” as I term it, has much to offer to critical geopolitics if incorporated as part of the subdiscipline's methodological consciousness. [R, abr.]
63.4925 WRIGHT, Erik Olin —
This address explores a broad framework for thinking sociologically about emancipatory alternatives to dominant institutions and social structures, especially capitalism. The framework is grounded in two foundational propositions: (1) many forms of human suffering and many deficits in human flourishing are the result of existing institutions and social structures. (2) Transforming existing institutions and social structures in the right way has the potential to substantially reduce human suffering and expand the possibilities for human flourishing. An emancipatory social science responding to these propositions faces four broad tasks: specifying the moral principles for judging social institutions; using these moral principles as the standards for diagnosis and critique of existing institutions; developing an account of viable alternatives in response to the critique; and proposing a theory of transformation for realizing those alternatives. [R, abr.]
63.4926 ZAGREBELSKY, Gusravo —
As a historical process constitutionalism has undergone several transformations, which allow us to understand its current meaning. The future of constitutionalism will depend on the development of institutions able to transcend the present, long-term institutions, to ensure the rights of future generations, through a discourse that recognizes the importance of duties as well as rights. [R]
63.4927 ZAJC, Drago —
After the 1960s, political science was in Slovenia developing despite the ideological limitations. Its institutionalization and professionalization was important for its role in the transition process. The state's independence and its EU membership have greatly increased its importance. As a new and innovative area of science, it has engaged in the development of modern teaching programs and research. However, questions remain unanswered concerning how to encourage the competent behavior of political elites and contribute to policy making in an economic crisis. Another matter is Slovenia's position vis-à-vis the EU in the circumstances of its shrinking national sovereignty and its position in international relations and defense organizations. The insufficient presence of Slovenian political scientists on the international level calls for extra attention. [R]
63.4928 ZAMBERNARDI, Lorenzo —
Military thinkers and generals have devoted a great deal of attention to the logistical, technological, and operational dimensions of strategy, rather than to its cultural and social aspects of it. This article argues that in order to understand how western states fight, a major focus on cultural variables is crucial. The article shows that the contemporary “Western way of war” is largely a reflection of the way Western societies think about life and death. Indeed, the value that Western societies attribute to their soldiers’ lives is at the origin of a great cultural shift, which has contributed to producing a peculiar way of fighting. The article also explores the military and moral shortcomings of the present “Western way of war”. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Foreign policy and the transformation of international system,” edited and introduced by Filippo ANDREATTA. See also Abstr. 63.4655, 4656, 5013, 5491, 5718]
63.4929 ZARTMAN, William —
It is generally recognized that parties in a conflict need help. While such help may be needed to enable one party to win, it may then become equally necessary for help to prevent one side from winning, with the result that help ends up meaning assistance to provide an outcome acceptable to the conflicting parties. Thus, third-party roles can mean many things. The concern here is with that part of the spectrum of roles outside of invasive intervention to eliminate one of the parties and including all other roles designed to provide a solution for both parties. This article brings together these roles under the term “mediation” by drawing distinctions of different types and degrees, with particular emphasis on the mediation role of small and middle powers such as Canada. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Making Canada relevant again: international mediation in a fragile world,” introduced by Evan HOFFMAN and David CARMENT. See also Abstr. 63.4738, 4777, 5739, 5800, 5940, 6015]
63.4930 ZHUKOV, Yuri M.; STEWART, Brandon M. —
In IR research, connectivity choices are usually ad hoc, driven more by data availability than by theoretically informed decision criteria. We take a closer look at the assumptions behind these choices, and propose a more systematic method to asses the structural similarity of two or more alternative networks, and select one that most plausibly relates theory to empirics. We apply this method to the spread of democratic regime-change and offer an illustrative example of how neighbor choices might impact predictions and inferences in the case of the 2011 Arab Spring. [R, abr.]
63.4931 ZIMMERMANN, Lisbeth, et al. —
This literature review discusses how different branches of research in political science and international law deal with conflicts resulting from the overlap of normative orders, and which strategies they present as solutions. The article identifies three biases in existing research: a focus on unambiguous solutions, the juxtaposition of legal and political solutions, and a focus on formalized orders. Based on this review, a typology of strategies for the solution of conflicts arising from overlap is presented, distinguishing between the toleration of ambivalence, case-by-case decisions, and the international creation of unambiguity. [R, abr.]
63.4932
Articles by Éric WARINGHEM, Philippe KOFFI, Xavier FAVREAU and Pierre SCHANNE; Christian MALIS; Éric POURCEL; Phillip Giuseppi GRIXONI; Thierry BERTHIER; Olivier BARRAT.
63.4933
Introduction by Robert MNOOKIN, “A purposeful life well lived,” pp. 129–132. Articles by William URY, “The five ps of persuasion: Roger Fisher's approach to influence,” pp. 133–140; Bruce PATTON, “Roger Fisher as self-starting interventionist: responding to the Iranian hostage conflict,” pp. 141–158; James K. SEBENIUS, “What Roger Fisher got profoundly right: five enduring lessons for negotiators,” pp. 159–170; Andrea KUPFER SCHNEIDER, “Beyond theory: Roger Fisher's lessons on work and life,” pp. 171–178; Daniel L. SHAPIRO, “Peace in the Middle East: lessons from a legend,” pp. 179–186; Roger FISHER, “An excerpt from international crises and the role of law: points of choice,” pp. 187–204.