Abstract
64.2663 ADEGBULU, Femi —
This paper takes a panoramic view of indigenous insurgent groups and their assaults on the Nigerian state. It examines the philosophy of Boko Haram and notes the inherent contradictions in the sect's doctrines. It places in context the legitimate grievance of the Boko Haram activists against the state, its institutions and agents in an attempt to unravel the stimulant for the mayhem consistently unleashed by the sect on the state. The nexus between religion, poverty, and politics in the Boko Haram phenomenon is critically interrogated with a view to determining the validity or otherwise of that correlation. The paper goes further to critically query the timid and lackadaisical attitude of successive Nigerian governments towards previous local terrorist attacks. [R, abr.]
64.2664 AHMAD, Sajjad —
The dynamics of the nationalist movement in Catalonia can be examined using P. Brass's theory of instrumentalism, which focuses on the instrumental nature of ethnicity and nationalism. Though the nationalist parties of Catalonia are very vocal and have generated mass support for independence, they have been unable to forge a common platform despite espousing the same cause, i.e. independence from Spain. Catalonia is highly industrialized and generates a lot of wealth, which leads the population and Catalan leaders to have a host of grievances with regard to the economic policies of Madrid. Brass's stress on how the government responds to the socio-political and socio-economic demands of ethnonational movements is therefore crucial in the case of Catalonia.
64.2665 ALEXANDER, Jocelyn; McGREGOR, JoAnn; TENDI, Blessing-Miles, eds. —
Editors' introduction, pp. 749–764. See Abstr. 64.2030, 2223, 2224, 2285, 2346, 2810, and three articles on “Understanding the 2013 elections”, articles by Phillan ZAMCHIYA, “The MDC-T's (un)seeing eye in Zimbabwe's 2013 harmonized elections: a technical knockout”, pp. 955–962; Blessing-Miles TENDI, “Robert Mugabe's 2013 presidential election campaign”, pp. 963–970; Biran RAFTOPOULOS, “The 2013 elections in Zimbabwe: the end of an era”, pp. 971–988]
64.2666 ALOZIEUWA, Simeon H. O. —
This article subscribes to the popular notion that military regimes are an aberration and an anachronistic system of government. However, beyond the unpopularity of military regimes, the coup in Mali should be looked at holistically, taking into cognizance the chain of events that ultimately culminated in the action by the Captain Amadou Sanogo-led Committee for the Re-establishment of Democracy and the Restoration of the State. Looking at the problem merely from the point of view of the doctrine of military subordination to civil political authorities obstructs an opportunity to address the salient and underlying factors that caused the crisis in Mali as well as other countries of the subregion grappling with similar problems. [R, abr.]
64.2667 AMMOUR, Laurence Aïda —
The Libyan crisis is one part of a system of regional conflicts whose individual elements cannot be understood in isolation. Armed groups circulate from one territory to another in zones juxtaposing Islamist sanctuaries, profiting numerous non-state actors, of which the Islamic movements constitute just one component. The Libyan territory plays a central role as a geographic epicenter and as a focal point for Islamic recruitment. [R]
64.2668 ANASTASAKIS, Othon —
What we see today in the Balkan political space is largely the outcome of the type of transition that these countries experienced during the 1990s, the early years of political change from one-party rule to multi-party political pluralism. This paper argues that the Balkan states developed some common traits in their first decade of transition: (1) they maintained continuity with their communist past; (2) they pursued an illiberal start dominated by domestic elites and top-down politics; and (3) they underwent a collapse of their early illiberal competitive order before moving into more mainstream politics. Since then, democratic politics in the Balkans have experienced many improvements as a reaction to this illiberal start, but they have also sustained some democratic deficits which have a direct link to the initial illiberal years of the transition. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1812]
64.2669 AYDINGÜN, Ayşegül —
This article discusses the growing religious nationalism in post-Soviet Georgia. It is argued that religious nationalism and the prioritization of nation-state building are exercised at the expense of democracy and minority rights, and thus endanger national and territorial integrity. The article also analyzes the implementation of minority rights in Georgia, which is elaborated in the context of the country's membership of the Council of Europe and international treaties to which it is a party. In this context, the deprivatization of religion in Georgia is also discussed together with the role of the Georgian Orthodox Church in the public sphere. [R]
64.2670 AZANI, Eitan —
Since 1982, Hezbollah has evolved from a “revolutionary vanguard” terrorist organization bent on violently overthrowing the Lebanese government to a hybrid terrorist organization that uses legitimate political tools to the same end. Today Hezbollah operates on the civilian plane of da'wa, social welfare, and religious education; the military-resistance plane (jihad); and the political plane. In its drive to dominate Shi'ite society, Hezbollah overcame its chief rival, Amal, and now plays a decisive role in Lebanon's political system and the Middle East. Understanding Hezbollah's emergence as a prototypical hybrid terrorist organization is key to understanding global and local jihad movements. [R]
64.2671 BALCELLS, Laia —
Catalan identity is today politically and socially relevant in Spain, [but] not in France. This article argues that this variation can be explained by the characteristics of the historical process of the spread of mass literacy in each of these countries. Catalan national identity is not salient in French Catalonia because the first generation of mass literates became so under French rule. In contrast, the nonexistence of a scholastic revolution in Spain prior to the beginning of the 20th c. allowed for the successful sowing of a Catalan national identity during the first decades of that century. The fact that mass literacy took place in Spanish Catalonia during a period of Catalan nationalist upheaval led to the endurance of this identity. [R, abr.]
64.2672 BALMACEDA, Margarita M. —
What factors determine the timing of elite defection in conditions of post-Soviet personalist presidentialism? How do relations with a powerful patron state affect this process? This article analyzes these questions on the basis of a case study of Transnistria [Moldova], a de facto state with strong links to Russia. It argues that privatization processes involving actors from the patron state provide a unique opening for elite defection by heightening tensions between the rent-seeking interests of the personalist president and those of new owners; direct or indirect signals from the patron state may also affect elite's perceptions of incumbent durability and their corresponding decisions. [R]
64.2673 BAR-JOSEPH, Uri —
64.2674 BARR, Michael D. —
In 2011, Singapore held its parliamentary general election. The ballot was not rigged and no candidates suffered physical intimidation, but there was no doubt that the government would be returned with an overwhelming majority and no one pretends that the opposition was given a fair chance. The regime has built a rationale and an infrastructure that legitimizes and perpetuates itself, and makes it difficult for an opposition to do more than survive. This article unpacks this rationale and the system it legitimizes. It argues that recent developments herald a significant set of changes to the dynamics of Singaporean politics and governance, but that these changes stop well short of any short or medium-term likelihood of democratic transformation. [R, abr.]
64.2675 BARTLETT, Will; PRICA, Ivana —
We argue that the Western Balkans form part of a “super-periphery” of Europe, being highly vulnerable to the effects of the Eurozone crisis, yet lacking support from the EU bail-out funds and policy instruments that are available to ease the impact of the crisis on the “peripheral” EU member states. In the Western Balkans, the crisis has been transmitted through several channels including exports, remittances, foreign investment and bank credit flows. The paper investigates the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the region and questions whether the EU accession process continues to offer hope of economic prosperity in the future or whether the countries of the super-periphery should rely more on their own resources, new alliances and regional cooperation to support future economic growth. [R]
64.2676 BECK, Martin —
Political science has failed to predict the Arab Spring. This article uses this insight in a productive way by identifying and critically discussing crucial research questions, particularly: is the Arab Spring of epochal significance, what role do civil society and Islamism play, in what way is the Arab Spring connected with globalization, how to describe and explain the new political diversification of the Arab Middle east and what are the conditions for future political development of the region? The article relies heavily on the transition paradigm and the rentier state approach: in parts of the Middle East, the Arab Spring has caused open-ended political change, which has been shaped to a high degree by rent income and institutional settings. [R]
64.2677 BEWLEY-TAYLOR, David —
The drugs trade is a growing security threat, and nowhere is this more apparent than in the complex relationship between counter-narcotics and counter-insurgency in Afghanistan. [R]
64.2678 BOGNER, Artur; NEUBERT, Dieter —
While it is often recognized that there may be contradictions between the implementation of justice and truth-telling, on the one hand, and an end to organized violence, on the other, the ideal of a seamless fusion of these diverse goals is widely upheld by, among other things, reference to the rather utopian concept of “positive peace” (J. Galtung). One difficulty arises from the fact that discourses usually focus on (post-)conflict settings that resemble a victory of one conflict party, whereas peace settlements are often negotiated in a context more similar to a military or political stalemate — a more ambiguous and complicated scenario. This essay discusses an empirical case study of the peace accord between the government and the rebels in the West Nile region in north-western Uganda. [R, abr.]
64.2679 BOIX, Carles; MAJOR, J. C. —
A majority of Catalans now appears to be in favor of the organization of the 2014 independence referendum. Beyond the current debate over fiscal arrangements, this trend points to Catalonia's centuries-old political and cultural struggle, and is also the result of the Spanish state's — government, Constitutional Court, etc. — unceasing propensity to encroach upon the various statuses gradually accorded to Catalonia over the years. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2461]
64.2680 BOONEN, Joris; HOOGHE, Marc —
We examine the steep and unprecedented rise of the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), a Flemish nationalist party in Belgium that succeeded in gaining almost thirty per cent of the vote in a couple of years. During this period, a panel survey among 3,025 late adolescents and young adults was conducted. Our analyses suggest that support for a sub-nationalist ideology is far more successful in explaining a subsequent vote for the nationalist party than vice-versa. In terms of supply-and-demand mechanisms, we find that N-VA has managed to address a pre-existing reservoir of Flemish nationalist voters (demand), rather than attributing to a development of a stronger Flemish identity among its followers (supply). We should therefore not overestimate the constructionist power of (sub-)nationalist political elites for the development of (sub-)nationalist identities. [R]
64.2681 BURNS, Timothy W. —
What liberal arts and science faculty's regalia must and must not represent, and why liberal education should endure. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1437]
64.2682 BURRON, Neil A.; SILVIUS, Ray —
This article makes the case that Canada and the US have contributed to blocking Haiti's path towards democratic development over the last decade by perpetuating neoliberal economic policies and promoting a form of low-intensity democracy based on the political leadership of elite sectors. This approach has placed North American actors at loggerheads with popular civil society in Haiti, contributed to Haiti's permanent crisis, and exacerbated both the country's status as a “failed state” and the necessity of ongoing international stabilization efforts. If Haiti is to escape its permanent political crisis, a paradigm shift is required in the thinking of foreign policy-makers. [R]
64.2683 CAPELA, Charles —
The South American states' traditional anti-narcotics policy, which is highly influenced by Washington and its prohibitionist doctrine, is facing increasing criticism. Several countries, e.g. Bolivia, Uruguay and Colombia, are attempting to introduce a policy less focused on blanket repression. However, this new orientation poses problems with regard to relations with the US and international conventions for the suppression of drug-trafficking. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2651]
64.2684 CARR, Andrew —
This article identifies the three most popular approaches to defining a middle power: by a country's position, behavior and identity. It tests each definition against Australia, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of each. Highlighting an earlier systemic approach to defining states, an alternative “systemic impact” definition for middle powers is proposed. This approach provides a more comprehensive manner for identifying whether a country like Australia is a middle power, along with the implications for international security. [R]
64.2685 ČERKASOVA, Ekaterina G. —
The decade 1998–2008 is often referred to as Spain's economic miracle when the country became Europe's fifth economy and Latin America's greatest investor. Yet Spain's success was only relative. A closer look at developments in both inner and foreign policies just before and after 2008 as well as at Spain's relations with the EU reveals that not only the reasons for the crisis but also its main characteristics were already inherent in Spain's policies prior to the crisis. The effect of the crisis on Spain's political landscape, in terms of separatist movements in the Basque and Catalonian regions, can then be analyzed in more detail.
64.2686 CHEW SÁNCHEZ, Martha I. —
Although the drug wars in Mexico have been headline news, state violence has historically played an important role in repressing the struggle of labor, peasants and popular movements. The drug war has resulted in an expansion of the army and federal police, which has caused more corruption, social instability and growing amounts of human rights violations. Consequently, the neo-liberal project of disenfranchisement and dislocation has accelerated with the violence. [R]
64.2687 CLARK, Janine Natalya —
This article focuses on ex-combatants (branitelji) in the town of Vukovar. It argues that while veterans currently present an obstacle to inter-ethnic reconciliation, this need not be the case; they can potentially play an important role as peace builders. As a first step, however, they need to be reintegrated into society, and to a large extent this has not yet happened. The article thus reflects on possible ways of advancing the reintegration process, focusing on the core themes of identity and trauma. [R]
64.2688 CLARK, Janine Natalya —
During the 1990s, the former Yugoslavia became synonymous with ethnic cleansing, internal displacement and refugee movements. Two decades later, significant problems and challenges remain. This article focuses on two important issues confronting post-conflict Croatia: Serb returnees and Croat settlers. It demonstrates that in the case of both returnees and settlers, (re)integration has been heavily neglected and must now be a priority. Arguing that returnees and settlers will not enjoy fully normal lives in Croatia until they have been (re)integrated, this article explores some of the problems that both groups continue to face; to reflect on ways of facilitating their (re)integration; and to draw much-needed attention to the settler issue, including how it impacts upon inter- and intra-ethnic relations. [R, abr.]
64.2689 CORBETT, Jack
I highlight how crisis and persistence are narratives employed to describe democracy in the Pacific Islands. I outline six explanatory variables and illustrate how they interact temporally and spatially. By exploring the tensions within and between narratives, I provide a deeper reading of how the meanings we attach to democracy are negotiated and co-produced by theorists and policy-makers. I conclude by arguing that this type of narrative analysis enables us to better understand how the taken-for-granted assumptions that are embedded within policy narratives inform governing practices. [R]
64.2690 CORBETT, Ross J. —
Administrative practices, political initiatives, and budgetary concerns are eroding the ability of most universities to fulfill their mission as engines of meritocratic upward mobility. Colleges fulfilled this mission because they signaled that a student had acquired — or had always possessed — superior skills. Elite universities admit students who we know can succeed: Upward mobility occurred because other schools took chances on students whose backgrounds suggested that they might or might not succeed. Pushes to improve undergraduate retention and completion rates at these other universities result in a lowering of standards that threatens their signaling role, and with it, their ability to open doors for their students. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1437]
64.2691 COSTANTINI, Irene —
Within the broader debate over the political economy of state-building, the role of FDI in fragile and post-conflict settings is increasingly controversial but still understudied. This paper examines the tensions between the good governance agenda currently being implemented in Iraq and the investment dynamics occurring at the country's national and provincial levels. Drawing on disaggregated data, the paper argues that the flow of FDI is reinforcing destabilizing dynamics in Iraq by increasing levels of inequality, deepening the decentralization process, and undermining internal and external balances of power. [R]
64.2692 CROWE, David M. —
The historical conflict between Tibet and China goes back almost a thousand years. Both sides use history to argue about Tibet's claim of independence and autonomy, and China's of suzerainty. This article looks at the historical roots of this conflict, particularly since 1949, when China began its gradual takeover of Tibet. Chinese policies toward Tibet, which have been driven by a desire to communize and Sinicize Tibet, has been met by stiff resistance from the Tibetans, who see Han Chinese dominance as a force that will, over time, destroy Tibet's unique religion, language, culture, and history. The West sees Chinese policies in Tibet as a symbol of the failings of Beijing's rulers to embrace a strong commitment to human rights at the same time that China is becoming a global economic power. [R, abr.]
64.2693 DE VISSCHER, Christian; LABORDERIE, Vincent —
The movement towards decentralization in Belgium has been going on for half a century. Political crises have been followed by state reforms. The last to date, in 2010–2011, brought in an unprecedented level of autonomy but did not modify the nature of Belgium's federalism. If another political crisis does arise in the wake of the Spring 2014 elections, it is still unlikely that it will lead to Belgium breaking up. So, what is the solution to this impasse? [R] [See Abstr. 64.2461]
64.2694 DÉNES, Iván Zoltán
The essay deals with the criterion and the distortion of making democratic political culture the basis of the democratic political community in the context of the traumatic historical experiences. Communities' historical traumas may lead to a fluid or vacuum situation, a non-democratic consolidation, a fall back to personal power, even political hysteria if the assessment of the situation is wrong and bad aims are chosen; to a situation that could bring almost all the countries of Europe to the brink of disaster, and only those countries that could recall democratic political culture and education will be able to keep up with the rise of democratic crowd emotion. A comparative European research into the ways and means of processing collective traumas is a requirement of democratic functioning. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1488]
64.2695 DIAZ, Fabio Andres; MURSHED, Syed Mansoob —
This article investigates the military approach as a means of solving protracted civil conflicts, in particular focusing on the cases of Sri Lanka and Colombia in comparison. The approach adopted is to study the emergence of these military options within the context of each country's history and to assess whether the call for war was merely a consequence of the international “war on terror”, or driven by internal elements. The article explores the epistemological groundings and pitfalls of the all-out war theory informing this approach, before reassessing the significance and validity of the theory in relation to Sri Lanka and Colombia. [R]
64.2696 DIMITROVA, Snezhana —
What inheritance of war is left behind by the soldier who keeps writing his notes and sending letters from the front line when he faces something unimaginable: dying by cholera? What else invisibly stands behind such a soldier's urgent need: is it to bear witness, and is it to become an opportunity to accumulate other affective (of the soldier's anger, rage, hatred, anguish, pain, fear and bitterness) archives of the Balkan Wars? Is this witnessing a condition in itself for penetrating the other, the invisible reality of the fighting man's world, so as to problematize the other heritage of this war (the sensitive man who has let himself be affected) and its stakes (the questionable values of the modern and traditional)? This article searches answers to these questions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1812]
64.2697 DIXON, Jeffrey C.; BORLU, Yetkin; KASDOĜAN, Duygu —
In light of debates over the compatibility of Islam and democracy, their importance in the EU candidate state of Turkey which has been led by the religious-based Justice and Development Party (JDP) since 2002, and the paucity of research examining liberal-democratic value change, we examine liberal-democratic value change and its sources in Turkey between 2000 and 2008. The results of our descriptive, factor, and multivariate analyses of European and World Values Survey data (2000, 2001, 2007, and 2008) indicate that despite S. Huntington's (1996) and Turkish secularists' pessimism, people in Turkey have not adopted more politically religious values during this time. However, personal expressions of religiosity are on the rise, and they are intertwined with politically religious values to some extent. [R, abr.]
64.2698 DIXON, Keith —
Scottish nationalism took advantage of M. Thatcher's and, more recently, T. Blair's, unpopularity to expand and develop. In 2007, the Scottish National Party (SNP) won the Scottish Parliament election for the first time, and four years later, it won an absolute majority. If the “yes” vote has only a slim chance of winning in the independence referendum in September 2014, the nationalists still believe they will be able to benefit from it by obtaining a larger transfer of power. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2461]
64.2699 DÜVELL, Franck —
At least 182 000 refugees currently live in the peripheral EU countries, and an additional 530 000 in neighboring states. Their situation is typically characterized by lack of protection and in part inhuman living conditions. Although codified by declarations and legislation, their entry is considered “unauthorized immigration”. Notwithstanding the vague distinction between “refugees” and “economic migrants”, the procedures for granting asylum are not sufficient to meet current challenges. [See Abstr. 64.1824]
64.2700 DUZGUN, Eren —
Many scholars have associated the recent transformation of Turkish democracy with the rise of a new bourgeois class and the neoliberal restructuring of the world economy. Using a social property relations approach, I provide a critique of the readings of Turkish modernity based on the fall and the rise of bourgeois agency. Revealing the non-capitalist origins and the protracted capitalist transformation of Ottoman and Turkish modernization, I conclude that the reformulation of the main pillars of Turkish modernity today is an expression of the recent consolidation of capitalist property relations. [R]
64.2701 EDMUNDS, June —
The rise of global human rights has been presented as compelling evidence for cosmopolitan progress, especially in Europe, with particular benefits for ethnic and religious minorities. New conceptions of citizenship — post-national, de-nationalized, disaggregated and cosmopolitan — have been used to show how minorities have created and profited from European cosmopolitanism. Some theorists have pointed to human rights activism, especially around the foulard affair, to illustrate the arrival of cosmopolitan justice. However, this paper suggests that cosmopolitan optimism has misjudged the magnitude of the impact of human rights. European cosmopolitanism's commitment to “cool” attachments has difficulty with “thick” religious attachments. Muslim cosmopolitanism makes Muslims “bad” cosmopolitans in the European version. This clash needs to be reconciled before Europe can define itself as the unrivalled source of cosmopolitan justice. [R]
64.2702 EMMER, Pieter —
The Netherlands is not known for its opposing regimes of memory. There are two exceptions to this rule: the history of the German Occupation during World War II and the Dutch participation in the Atlantic slave trade and slavery. The relatively low numbers of survivors of the Holocaust in the Netherlands, as well as the volume and the profitability of the Dutch slave trade and slavery, and the importance of slave resistance in abolishing slavery in the Dutch Caribbean have produced conflicting views, especially between professional historians and the descendants of slaves living in the Netherlands. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1488]
64.2703 ESQUIVEL, Gerardo —
This paper analyzes the performance of the Mexican economy during the administrations of the two National Action Party (PAN) presidents. Mexico's economic growth in the period was poor when compared with other countries or with Mexican past performance. Mexico's recent performance is a continuation of a long-term trend, so that the problems facing the Mexican economy can be regarded as structural. Labor productivity is now lower than 30 years ago. We explore two factors that may be contribute significantly to explain this situation: the low level of banking credit to the private sector and the low rate of human capital formation. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Mexico 2000–2012, limits and deadlocks of the democratic transition”, edited and introduced, pp. 5–12, by Marco Antonio ESTRADA SAAVEDRA. See also Abstr. 64.1884, 1952, 2788]
64.2704 FALK, Richard —
This essay considers the Palestinian future by complicating the realities of the status quo in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the role of the international community, and the realities of being a person in solidarity. The author posits moving beyond looking at the Palestinian future from the perspective of horizons of feasibility and need, which have been defined by non-Palestinians, to a horizon of desire and vision crafted by Palestinians that encourages a re-imagination of positive solutions. [R, abr.]
64.2705 FELIU, Laura; GRASA, Rafael —
This article assumes that the factors of greatest value in explaining violent conflict are diverse (political, economic or social processes), and to speak of a single factor (religion) in isolation makes little sense if it is not contextualized within a metatheory. Thus, the article presents several elements that are derived from the theory of conflict-resolution and area studies on the Middle East and North Africa region, and which should be taken into consideration when examining the extent to which religion contributes to violent conflicts and their evolution. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2707]
64.2706 FLORES PÉREZ, Carlos Antonio —
Institutional corruption linked to drug trafficking is one of the most relevant factors which produced the current insecurity crisis in Mexico, where most preeminent criminal organizations grew because of the protection granted by the political power. Democratization has not taken deep roots in several institutions, especially in those related to security and law enforcement, and the struggle between criminal interests, which are often backed up by disputing political actors, has led to increasing levels of violence. A perdurable reversion of this situation could not be reached just implementing security measures it is necessary to redefine the political agreements which sustain the state. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2050]
64.2707 FOX, Jonathan —
The role of religion in armed conflict and discrimination in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is receiving increased attention as the focus of the region's conflicts shifts from nationalism and ethnicity to religion. All of the contributions to this section seek to build knowledge and theories to understand how religion contributes to conflict and discrimination, focusing on the MENA, the world region where religious conflict and discrimination are most prominent. The three articles in this special section of Civil Wars address these changes, each looking at them from a unique perspective including both comparative and quantitative methodology. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles of the same title, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 64.2705, 2708, 2795]
64.2708 FOX, Jonathan —
This study examines religious discrimination between 1990 and 2008 against 47 religious minorities in 17 Middle Eastern Muslim majority states using data from the Religion and State-Minorities data-set. The study uses a 29-category variable which measures restrictions on the religious practices or institutions of minority religions which are not placed on the majority religion. Forty-five of the 47 minorities, including all non-Muslim minorities, experience religious discrimination. Discrimination is lowest but still substantial against Muslim minorities (e.g. Shi'a Muslims in a Sunni Muslim state), higher against Christians, but highest against Hindus, Buddhists, Druze, and Bahai. Twenty-eight of the 29 types of religious discrimination included in the data-set are present in the region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2707]
64.2709 GIRARD, Violaine, ed. —
Introduction by the editor, Anne LAMBERT and Hélène STEINMETZ, pp. 9–20. Articles by Hélène STEINMETZ, “Les chalandonettes: la production par le haut d'une accession bas de gamme (The political production of low-price ownership: the French ‘chalandonnettes’)”, pp. 21–48; Virgílio BORGES PEREIRA and João QUEIRÓS, “Une maison pour le people portugais: genèse et trajectoire d'un quartier du programme des ‘maisons économiques' à Porto (A House for the Portuguese people: genesis and socio-historical trajectory of a neighborhood of the ‘economic houses' program)”, pp. 49–78; Pierre GILBERT, “Devenir propriétaire en cite HLM. Petites prootions résidentielles et evolution des styles de vie dans un quartier populaire en renovation (Becoming a homeowner on a social-housing estate. Small-scale residential promotions and changing lifestyles in a working-class neighborhood undergoing urban renewal)”, pp. 79–104; Anne LAMBERT, “La gauche et le périurbain. Les ambiguïtés de la politique de ‘mixité sociale’ dans une petite commune pavillonaire et ses effets sur le peuplement (The Left and the preiurban: ambiguity in the politics on 'social diversity’ of a small residential community and the effects on its population)”, pp. 105–132; Sibylle GOLLAC, “Propriété immobilière et autochtonie. Les trajectories immobilières, sociales et politiques d'un maçon Breton et de ses descendant-e-s (House ownership and autochtony. The housing history and social and political trajectories of a Breton mason and his descendants)”, pp. 133–160; Hélène RICHARD, “Gérer son immeuble comme une ‘affaire’? Dispositions économiques et réticences à la ‘mise en copropriété’ de l'habitat collectif en Russie postcommuniste (Managing its building as a normal ‘business’? Economic inclinations and reluctances toward the transformations of collective housing in postcommunist Russia)”, pp. 161–182; Violaine GIRARD, “Sur la politisation des classes populaires périurbaines: trajectoires de promotion, recompositions des appartenances sociales et distance(s) vis-à-vis de la gauche (On the politicization of the periurban working classes: professional and residential trajectories, social belongings and distance(s) from left-wing parties)”, pp. 183–218.
64.2710 GREBENNIKOV, Marat —
This article explores the hypothesis that on-going instability in the North Caucasus is carefully negotiated by ethnic elites, who do not see the North Caucasus as an indispensable part of Russia and who act only on the eve of crucial political campaigns: the 2012 presidential elections and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. Focusing on the question of ethnicity and its relation to federal politics in the North Caucasus, I argue [that], while Circassian ethnicity and ethnic politics in general have been partly the outcome of the authoritarian rule of the Russia Imperial and Soviet legacies, the way ethnicity is politicized by the ethnic, federal and international actors, has created serious grounds for the rise and the consolidation of Circassian nationalism in the North Caucasus. [R, abr.]
64.2711 GRYGIEL, Jakub —
Gnaeus Julius Agricola (40–93 AD) is a man for our times. Facing the capriciousness of imperial power, he, a successful provincial Roman governor, chose to withdraw from public administration. Yet, by protecting his family, Agricola did not shirk politics. On the contrary, he retreated to the founding cell of any polity, the family, which buttresses and at the same time limits the state. By doing so, Agricola reached greatness despite living under bad emperors. [R]
64.2712 GÜRBÜZ, Y. Emre —
In the last two decades, Kyrgyzstan has searched for stability while swinging on a pendulum between democratic reforms and suppression of democracy. Political changes in Kyrgyzstan started with the liberal democratic promises of President Akayev in 1990 and President Bakiyev in 2005, but they both ended with disillusionment. The state's capacity had to be reestablished in the post-Soviet period, which was sought to be institutionalized by authoritarian measures. The failure of the authoritarian path proves that the people of Kyrgyzstan are more open to a parliamentary democracy, where the multiplicity of interests in society can be represented. Stability, however, does not only rest upon the representation of different groups' interests but also on increasing economic resources to redistribute wealth across society. [R]
64.2713 HAERPFER, Christian; WALLACE, Claire; ABBOTT, Pamela —
We develop an explanation for the health crisis in the former Soviet Union based on social theory. The collapse of the former Soviet Union was marked by a dramatic rise in mortality and morbidity, [whose] broader sociological implications have not been adequately theorized. We develop and test four explanations of the decline in health: poverty; unhealthy lifestyles; alienation from the social and political system; a form of anomie that we term “transition stress”. We link this to the ruptures in the social, economic and political system, associated with a loss of social cohesion, which have had individual health consequences. We utilize data from a survey carried out in eight post-Soviet countries. [R, abr.]
64.2714 HEATH, Anthony —
This special issue maps the extent of generational change among Britain's ethnic minority population and [examines] some of the underlying processes involved. Is there greater integration across generations, or has the “new second generation” in Britain remained isolated from the mainstream, perhaps as a result of the prejudice and discrimination from the white British that they have encountered or because of desires to maintain ethnic values and resist western practices? We also ask whether processes of generational change have proceeded at the same pace and direction in different domains — notably cultural, social, structural and political — and whether it has proceeded at the same pace among different minorities. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The first and second generations compared: generational change in Britain”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 64.2779]
64.2715 HILALI, A. Z. —
In the post-9/11 [2001] era, the international strategic and political culture changed. The notion of “global Jihad” became popular. The prevalence terrorist violence legitimized US interventions in Afghanistan. It further expanded to Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) making it the chessboard of great-power politics. The US and NATO have launched military operations against the Taliban and al-Qaeda network. It blamed Pakistan for providing a safe haven to militants in its tribal belt. It is a fact that foreign intervention has become the main catalyst for militancy. The War on Terror is a ‘bleeding wound’ for Pakistan and people perceive that Islamabad should disassociate from the US-led war because it is against the national interest of the country. [R]
64.2716 HILL, Tom H. J. —
This article examines the 40-year history of post-conflict reintegration of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in Sri Lanka. This case study demonstrates that post-civil war reintegration can be as complex and important to peace following an outright military victory as following a formally negotiated settlement. This finding challenges a dominant assumption in the civil wars literature: that decisive military victories create a simpler and more enduring peace because they remove the complexities of reintegration. [However, over the long period], a picture of repetitive violence emerges that seriously questions the efficacy of military victory in securing long-term peaceful stability. Instead, as in cases of negotiated settlement, it is the complex dynamics of reintegration that come to the fore as a core condition for durable peace. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2746]
64.2717 HOLDT, Karl von —
South Africa is torn between the persistence of an exclusionary socio-economic structure marked by deep poverty and extreme inequality on the one hand, and on the other the symbolic and institutional rupture presented by the transition to democracy. This relationship produces a highly unstable social order in which intra-elite conflict and violence are growing, characterized by new forms of violence and the reproduction of older patterns of violence, a social order that can be characterized as violent democracy. I analyze three different forms of such violence: the struggle for control of the state institutions of coercion, assassination, and the mobilization of collective violence. The prevailing forms of politics may shift quite easily between authoritarianism, clientelism and populism, and indeed exhibit elements of all three at the same time. [R, abr.]
64.2718 ILIADIS, Christos —
This article is based on official, recently declassified documents to analyze the emergence of policies of discrimination applied against the Turks of Greek Thrace. It unveils the efforts of the local authorities to construct a coherent political project that would block the expansion of Turkish nationalism among minority Muslims. After certain historical events, this project became even more exclusionary. Crucial in this direction was the establishment of a secret, official council, its operation described here. The projects it formulated and put forward were decisive for the establishment of a regime of practices of administrative harassment, applied in Greek Thrace until the early 1990s but never officially recognized. [R]
64.2719 JAMAL, Amal
This article has three aims. First, it explains how media framing forms a central soft power tool utilized by states for the political control of social groups antagonistic to the states' dominant ideology. For that purpose it addresses Israeli state efforts to penetrate the native Arab community that remained within its borders after the 1948 war, seeking to create submissive “quiet Arab” citizens. Second, it examines the role of Jewish-Arab (Mizrahi) professional opinion-makers in creating and maintaining this framing. Third, it demonstrates that efforts made by states to influence “captive audiences” by media outlets in the global age can be successful only if they meet the needs of the target community. [R]
64.2720 JONES, Lee —
Since holding elections in 2010, Myanmar has transitioned from a direct military dictatorship to a formally democratic system and has embarked on a period of rapid economic reform. After two decades of military rule, the pace of change has startled almost everyone and led to a great deal of cautious optimism. To make sense of the transition and assess the case for optimism, this article explores the political economy of Myanmar's dual transition from state socialism to capitalism and from dictatorship to democracy. It analyzes changes within Myanmar society from a critical political economy perspective in order to both situate these developments within broader regional trends and to evaluate the country's current trajectory. [R, abr.]
64.2721 KAHN, Robert; KUPCHAN, Charles —
The austerity being doled out to put Europe's house in order is undermining public readiness to accept the deeper union that is needed to redress the region's economic woes. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2804]
64.2722 KALE, Sunila S. —
How are the contours and practices of the state changing under the regime of economic liberalization in India? The most common sites of research about the political economy of globalization in India are the technology clusters around Delhi, Bangalore, and Chennai, and the dynamic spaces of the burgeoning service sector. By analyzing politics in globalizing Odisha, however, we get a different sense of the messy, complicated, and sometimes contradictory politics of globalization in India, as well as how the state is adapting to these changes. The relative success of Odisha in attracting investments in mining and mining-related sectors is due both to the opening of the Indian market generally as well as efforts by the state government to promote industrial investment in these sectors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2745]
64.2723 KARAGIANNIS, Emmanuel —
Western Muslims have joined jihadi groups in Afghanistan/Pakistan, Somalia and Syria to defend Islam from its perceived enemies. Transnational Islamist networks have played a pivotal role in bringing them to conflict zones by fulfilling three functions: radicalization through mosques, radical preachers, and the internet; recruitment which can be conducted either physically or digitally; and identity formation that provides the radicalized recruits with a larger cause to fight for as members of an imagined global community. Transnational Islamist networks are multifunctional entities on the rise. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1446]
64.2724 KARAGÖL, Erdal Tanas —
During the 1990s, political uncertainties in Turkey had negative effects that left the economy vulnerable to public and foreign debt due to high inflation, high budget deficit and high current account deficit. Coalition governments failed to address these problems. Following its rise to power in 2002, the AK Party developed a new perspective for the economy, politics and foreign policy collectively referred as the New Turkey. The government emphasized fiscal discipline, structural transformation and privatization. During this period, Turkey rapidly recovered from the negative effects of the 2001 financial crisis and reached a steady growth rate. The country also survived the 2008 global crisis with minimum damage. The government seeks to meet its targets for the centennial of the Republic's establishment. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2377]
64.2725 KESTELOOT, Chantal —
This contribution focuses on the spirit and the associated behaviors belonging to Belgian society. It deals with the past and, more specifically, with the legacy of the two world wars. In which way did Flemings and Francophones interact? What is the real nature of their relations described from the roots of the many issues and embedded consequences seen even today? Why is there a different vision of the past and how did the situation evolve with the federalization within the country? [R] [See Abstr. 64.1488]
64.2726 KHARUSI, Nafla S. —
This article explores the nature, construction, and negotiation of identity among Oman's ethnic return-migrants, called Zinjibaris. Using a social psychological approach, in which ethnic identity is conceptualized as fluid and socially constructed, the study examines how these migrants first define their identity in Zanzibar and then redefine it and forge a sense of belonging on returning to their ancestral homeland. The life stories of four women, representing three generations of returnees, highlight the role played by socio-historical narratives and Arab descent ideology in constructing a multihyphenated identity — Zinjibari-Omani and Arab-Omani. They also reveal the implications of such an identity positioning for processes of inclusion and differentiation. [R]
64.2727 KINGSBURY, Donald —
Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution uses officially sponsored commemorations, festivals, and publications to underscore its relation to and dependence on unrest and un-governability. In this way, it founds a basis and legitimacy not through a historical link to a people or territory, juridical recognition of sovereignty, nor to bureaucratic and institutional continuity, but rather to a direct link to constituent power. However, this article contends that this discursive practice highlights the way in which the Bolivarian Revolution shuttles between poles of un-governability and representation, reflected at a subjective level in the figures of the multitude and the pueblo. I suggest a reading of official discourses that celebrate the autonomous and collective subjects of the caracazo — an anti-neoliberal uprising and massacre in 1989 — and the April 2002 coup and counter-coup as valorizations of un-governability. [R, abr.]
64.2728 KOLDAS, Umut —
Drawing on the changes and continuities in Greek official discourse and state policies towards the Turkish-speaking Muslim minority in the 1990s, this article discusses the impact of Europeanization process on the state-minority relations in Greece from the neo-Gramscian perspective. Referring to an upper cycle of hegemony-in-building process between the EU and Greece in the late 1990s, the article addresses the discursive and/or practical changes and continuities in the minority policy framework during the 1990s as well as prospects of the Greek state's relations with the Turkish/Muslim minority. Within this context, it examines the likelihood of a hegemonic relationship between the Greek state and the Turkish/Muslim minority, based on the consent of the latter under the framework of a broader hegemonic structure of the EU. [R]
64.2729 KOOS, Carlo; BASEDAU, Matthias —
We investigate whether uranium, similar to other resources, is associated with armed conflicts. The analysis uses grid cells in Africa to test this hypothesis. Results from logistic regressions reveal that uranium operations are not an independent conflict risk; however, it is significantly linked to local conflict events when interacting with ethnic exclusion. The analysis is supplemented by process-tracing in four countries, where armed conflict broke out after uranium operations started (DR Congo, Central African Republic, Niger and South Africa). We find substantial evidence for a link only in the case of Niger. Our results suggest that uranium promotes intrastate conflict only [in] specific circumstances. [R]
64.2730 KORTE, Karl-Rudolf; SWITEK, Niko —
64.2731 KOYUNCU-LORASDAĜT, Berrin —
Since the mid-2000s, the complex relationship between migration and religion (Islam) at the axis of identity politics in Western Europe has received an increasing attention. This article, based on interviews with 30 headscarf-wearing Dutch students of Turkish origins in Amsterdam, explores the quest for the recognition of new Muslim woman identity with the headscarf in the Dutch context in the aftermath of 9/11 [2001] and the murder of the film director Theo van Gogh in 2004 by disassociating Islam and Turkish culture and themselves as “conscious and active believers” from traditional first-generation Turkish women. The contention is that in the process of ethnicization of Islam in the Netherlands, the headscarf is the main statement through which newly emerging identity politics of the headscarved Muslim Dutch students of Turkish origin in Amsterdam is expressed. [R]
64.2732 LANGBEIN, Laura; SANABRIA, Pablo —
We examine the shape of corruption within a country characterized by stable democracy and thriving legal and illegal markets: Colombia. We look at whether city officials solicit an extra payment when citizens seek to use public services. Using individual-level data on bribe requests in 55 cities from 2004–2011, we find that the level of corruption is stable, but varies widely within Colombia. Our results suggest that corruption is stable at different levels in some Colombian cities, along with evidence of recent decreases in many, and increases in some, cities. Further research is necessary to explain this within-country variation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1877]
64.2733 LAWLER, Peter Augustine —
Liberal education has a real, if precarious, place in America. Its purpose is to remind each of us that were all more than middle-class, more than beings with interests or rights. American liberal education finds its resources in classical and Christian thought, both European and indigenous. The main challenge to liberal education today comes from the libertarians. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1437]
64.2734 LAXER, Emily; CARSON, Rachael Dianne; KORTEWEG, Anna C. —
In 2006–2007, following a series of confrontations over religious practices in the public sphere, Québec's provincial government appointed the Bouchard-Taylor Commission to investigate avenues for the accommodation of immigrant-related cultural and religious differences. While it failed to generate policy, the commission did provide a discursive space for the (re)assertion of Québécois nationhood. Analyzing the production of national identity in newspaper debates of the Bouchard-Taylor report, we offer an alternative to the ethnic-civic paradigm in nationalism theory. Rather than treat ethnic and civic as two separate ends of a single continuum, we conceptualize a relationship between two dimensions: one of culture and one of politics. [R, abr.]
64.2735 LEONARD, Ray —
World oil production will rise considerably during the next decade. However, the oil is found in ultra-deep-water fields and by hydraulic fracturing, both of which involve high cost. Thus, world oil prices will necessarily remain high to keep the unconventional sources operating. Most of the unconventional deep-water fields are in Africa and North America. Production from these sources will help the US and Europe reduce their dependence on oil from the Arabian Gulf and Russia, the major low-cost conventional producers. In the longer term, abundant, less polluting natural gas apparently will be the answer to the world's energy needs. In general, Africa is the focus of increasing political and investor attention as it becomes a bigger player in oil and gas. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2633]
64.2736 LEVINTOVA, Ekaterina —
This article analyzes political and social themes of Russia's glossy magazines, which represent the few remaining public spaces for surviving freedom of speech and expression in that post-communist country. As authoritarian nature of Russian political system deepens, the democratic openings often appear in unexpected places. Content-analysis of two glamour monthlies — GQ-Russian Edition, intended for male audience, Cosmopolitan-Russia, for female readership — shows consistently oppositional (anti-Putin) thrust of both publications, but also persistent political gender stereotypes. Analysis of these publications, intended for Russia's nascent urban class — traditionally a social stratum most associated with democratic impulses — provides an important explanation behind recent democratic protest activities in Moscow and St. Petersburg. [R]
64.2737 LLACH, Lucas —
During the early 2000s, Argentina experienced the worst crisis of its history. In contrast, N. Kirchner's presidential term, followed by those of his wife, were distinguished by swift economic recovery. However, this spectacular resurgence is just a façade. The Kirchners' macroeconomic populism has not brought about essential structural reforms and the first signs of waning are beginning to surface. Argentina's economy could well take another turn. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2651]
64.2738 LODGE, Juliet; SARIKAKIS, Katharine —
As Europe is facing a continuous financial and, for many, political and social crisis, long-standing issues of European identity, solidarity and democracy reappear more pronounced than before. In these times, often, the historical developments that have given rise to questioning the European project, its legitimacy and potential future, as well as the treatment of these questions by its political and executive helm are not adequately understood. The role of a European “common space” in terms of debate but also in political action and direction is inextricably connected to the question of legitimacy of the EU and, often, conflicting visions about its raison d'être. Historically, the creation of an EU public sphere has been confused with distinct goals of political mobilization for electoral purposes. [R, abr.]
64.2739 MABON, Simon —
This article explores the role of external actors in facilitating the uprisings in Egypt known as the Arab Spring. It analyzes several of the diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks that possess an Egypt focus. While the cables did not make surprising revelations to Egyptians, the release of this information offered a source of external legitimacy for the protesters by detailing a history of oppression and human rights abuses; conversely, the cables delegitimized the Mubarak regime. The data were then spread via different channels of communication to aid the protest movements both internally and externally. While this information was incredibly important, as were the channels of communication used to facilitate events and spread the information, one must be careful not to diminish the importance of agency. [R, abr.]
64.2740 MALLAVARAPU, Siddharth —
From the outset, the BRICs group was met with skepticism, both in terms of longevity and analytical usefulness. Yet critics have not discarded the concept altogether and recognize its heuristic relevance. As long as structural inequalities remain within the international system, there will be efforts to combat the privileges of established powers. The BRICs may be one forum for this kind of contradiction. [See Abstr. 64.2768]
64.2741 MATHIS, Sarah M. —
This article analyzes the relationship between violence, the transition from apartheid, and contemporary state formation in South Africa. Through an ethnographic case study of the rural area of Umbumbulu outside Durban in KwaZulu-Natal, the article argues that prevailing interpretations of violence that focus on rivalry between political parties obscure the ways in which other factors — such as local power struggles among customary leaders and strongmen, state support for the rise of warlords, and the recruitment of young men through kinship and patronage networks — helped spread the violence. Local strongmen or warlords were motivated by the quest for power and economic success in their local communities as well as their beliefs in and strategic alliances with national-level political parties engaged in the struggle to end apartheid. [R, abr.]
64.2742 McWILLIAMS, Susan —
Even today's self-appointed defenders of the liberal arts often lack clarity about what a liberal arts education is and what it means. Especially in a time when, as we all recognize, the liberal arts are being challenged from almost every conceivable corner, those of us who know the immeasurable and irreplaceable value of liberal education need to give a better account. To do this, we might begin by looking back to the question of what kind of education is needed to preserve and support human liberty. We must also be attuned to growing inequalities when it comes to liberal arts education. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1437]
64.2743 MESSIHA, Jean; TEULON, Frédéric — É
The deposition of President M. Morsi, to the cheering of millions of Egyptians, is not strictly speaking a “coup”, contrary to a widespread idea in the media. It is a new act or a new stage in the “revolution” under way in Egypt since the events of January 2011. The Muslim Brotherhood has committed a certain number of unacceptable errors which led to its downfall and to its being ostracized, bringing the majority of Egyptians together against it. The future of the “political transition” process in Egypt remains nevertheless very uncertain. [R]
64.2744 MEUNIER, É.–Martin, ed. —
Articles by É.–Martin MEUNIER and Sarah WILKINS-LAFLAMME; Jacques PALARD; Jean-Philippe PERREAULT; Alma MANCILLA; David KOUSSENS; Anne FORTIN; Gilles LABELLE.
64.2745 MITRA, Subrata K. —
Compared to other South Asian nations, India's democracy appears even more puzzling: common origin from British colonial rule has led to dissimilar outcomes among India's neighbors. I argue that India's democracy is neither a sham nor idiosyncratic. India's transition to democracy is the outcome of general variables such as path-dependency, adroit institutional arrangements, strategic policy reform, and political capital. India's democracy conflates Western liberal democratic forms and non-Western cultures, leading to enfranchisement, entitlement and empowerment of the citizens, and the creation of a sense of efficacy, social justice, legitimacy and trust among them. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “India as a global power?”, edited and introduced by Sarah J. WATSON and Sumit GANGULY. See also Abstr. 64.2010, 2035, 2722]
64.2746 MITTON, Kieran —
The Sierra Leone civil war of 1991–2002 has widely been regarded as stemming from the desperate political and socio-economic conditions that affected the country's youth. Following the end to hostilities, there has been great concern to address youth grievances as a means of consolidating peace and stability. There have been frequent warnings in UN, NGO and academic reports of the dangers of limited progress in this regard, and it has been suggested that persistent pre-war conditions are undermining ex-combatants' investment in peace and increasing risks of a return to conflict. However, since 2002 Sierra Leone has experienced relatively low levels of violence. This article seeks to make sense of this seemingly propitious outcome. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles, “Rethinking the reintegration of former combatants”, edited and introduced, pp. 316–320, by Mats BERDAL and David H. UCKO. See also Abstr. 64.2716, 2754, 2800]
64.2747 MOCHIZUKI, Mike M.; PARKINSON POWER, Samuel —
Because Abe need not face another national election until summer 206, Japan may finally have a stable government for the first time in almost a decade. But will the July 2013 electoral victory embolden him to pursue his nationalist agenda, or will he remain moderate and pragmatic? [R]
64.2748 MOLUH, Yacouba —
Viewing political representation in less structured, corrupt and poorly governed societies exclusively through the Burkean trustee lens, it is easy to miss why and how politics works in such polities. During the one-party politics in Cameroon, and particularly in Douala and Yaoundé, the political order crafted and imposed a “consensus” consisting for the symbolic political domination of the “first-comers”. The political liberalization which started during the early 1990s reopened and amplified the problem of representation, offering the exogenous communities the opportunity to challenge the political domination of the original inhabitants. In the dynamics of liberalization, in order to square the complexity, the government initiated a pro-diversity policy consisting in a positive discrimination of the “first-comers” while selecting the representatives. This article assesses an evaluation of its implementation twenty years after. [R, abr.]
64.2749 MOORE, Gavin, et al. —
Ethnic outbidding in divided societies can have dire political consequences, ranging from the derailment of peace processes to inter-ethnic warfare. This article investigates the conditions contributing to successful outbidding within the framework of protracted peace negotiations by using the contrasting cases of Northern Ireland and Cyprus. Evidence demonstrates that successful outbidders are able to exploit the fears of their communities with respect to inter-ethnic compromise while identifying appropriate strategies and opportunities for redressing these grievances. The article demonstrates that the degree of outbidding success over the long term derives from combining diagnostic and prognostic frames linked to credible political and constitutional strategies. [R]
64.2750 MOSBACHER, Jack —
A recent oil discovery marks a turning point not just for Uganda, but for all of East Africa as the region becomes a major player in the world's oil market over the next decade. Here's how Uganda and others can avoid the “resource curse” of endemic corruption, instability, and economic underperformance. [R]
64.2751 MOUS, Fadma Ait —
Studies of anti-colonial nationalism in Morocco have long privileged a macro-level of analysis, masking socio-political processes and local networks. This paper approaches the emergence of Moroccan nationalism through social relationships and focuses on networks of local actors and their fusion into a larger national network. Using urban areas as a starting point allows a better grasp of these local networks and the actions around which they were articulated and better description of the trajectories of these urban pockets towards the emergence of collective organization at a national level. From this description of the articulations between the local and the national, the paper [addresses] the question: what is retained of the local within the construction of the national? [R]
64.2752 MUELLER, Lisa —
This article investigates whether political or economic grievances were the main driver of the mass demonstrations in Niger in 2009–2010, which occurred at a time of famine and the President's attempt to defy the constitution and seek a third term in office. Using original survey data from a quasi-random sample of Niamey residents, the article shows that low prospects of upward mobility are associated with a higher likelihood of protest participation, whereas opposition to the President's anti-constitutional politics is not. Membership in civic organizations is also associated with higher protest participation, but not because these groups are effective at framing the issues: what matters is the capacity of organizations to mobilize individuals. This suggests that civil society may have a galvanizing effect on citizens, even if efforts to win hearts and minds fail. [R, abr.]
64.2753 MUNIVE, Jairo —
The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) program as implemented in South Sudan provides a perfect entry point to study the interaction between an international intervention and local contexts. The article describes and analyzes the DDR program in South Sudan as a set of practices that are at the core of international peacekeeping and yet are highly challenged by the specificities of local contexts. Consequently, program results are far from what the international organizations involved expected from the outset, and the case is a vivid example of a lack of context-based approaches to peace-building. The article is based on fieldwork conducted among practitioners, project implementers and ex-combatants in South Sudan in 2012. [R]
64.2754 MUTENGESA, Sabiiti —
Uganda's mass discharge of serving military personnel in the 1990s is touted as one of the most successful cases of donor-supported Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR). However, a closer look at that process reveals a much more complex and less dogmatic approach to managing armed factions than the linearly conceived model often encountered in the “peace-building” literature. The newly installed regime deliberately eschewed the policy of “demobilization” and made disarmament unnecessary, primarily by resisting donor pressure to subordinate long-haul pacification to short-term fiscal considerations. Using Uganda as a case study and DDR as a reference point, the article calls for a less perfunctory approach to the interpretation and management of the multifaceted processes of political development in the conflict-plagued pre-industrial countries of the Third World. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2746]
64.2755 NEUMANN, Hannah; WINCKLER, Joel Gwyn —
International interventions in post-war countries aim to support national governments in rebuilding vital state functions. They de facto become strong political players, but form self-referential systems parallel to national politics, neither checked nor balanced by the population of the respective host country. This relationship is explored in the case of Liberia, where we analyze different forms of resistance and their resonance for the international intervention. Our findings indicate that intervening actors in Liberia largely fail to respond to constructive forms of resistance. However, destructive forms of resistance such as violence and obstruction provoke strong attention. This creates an environment that is not conducive to an inclusive and stable democracy. [R]
64.2756 O'KANE, Eamonn —
Drawing on path dependency literature, this article employs process tracing to illustrate that the peace process of today is fundamentally different in both focus and purpose from the variant that existed in the early 1990s. The trajectory of the peace process and its outcome are comprehensible only if the objectives of the parties to the conflict are identified and the ways in which they altered over the period evaluated. The fundamental changes in the politics of Northern Ireland during the peace process led to the parties eventually accepting outcomes that many of them appeared to be categorically unwilling to countenance in earlier phases. This article examines and explains how the peace process resulted in the Democratic Unionist Party-Sinn Féin-led power-sharing government. [R, abr.]
64.2757 OĜUZLU, Tarik; DAL, Emel Parlar —
Acknowledging Turkey as a rising power, and having commonalities in both objectives and outcomes with the other rising Southern powers, this study decodes Turkey's rise with/within the West discursively and empirically and at multiple levels: systemic, regional and agent-based domestic. It contributes to the debate over rising powers by developing new conceptualizations and challenging or reinterpreting the existing theoretical approaches in order to define Turkey's current power status vis-à-vis both other rising powers and the major Western powers. Turkey's recent rise, which has also been characterized by the country's high economic growth, must be nuanced from that of the Global South countries in some principal aspects. Unlike other rising powers, the Western factor weights more heavily in Turkey's recent rise. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Turkey's rise and the West: conceptual lenses and actors”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.2522, 2526, 2543, 2558, 2593, 2620, 2622, 2660]
64.2758 OH Seung-Youn —
This paper explains the extraordinary rise of the Beijing Hyundai Motor Company (BHMC), a joint venture between a state-owned enterprise run by the Beijing municipal government and Hyundai Motor Company. I highlight the role of the Beijing municipal government in creating favorable market conditions for the BHMC during its initial operation phase (2002–2005). The Beijing municipal government selectively adopted protectionist measures and liberalizing measures to promote its locally based company. I characterize this practice as fragmented liberalization, a system through which sub-national governments discriminately apply WTO or central government regulations to promote their local joint venture partner. I also challenge the existing assumption that multinational companies are the drivers of economic liberalization, by showing Hyundai's support for local protectionism and industrial policy at the subnational level. [R, abr.]
64.2759 ONANA, Jean-Baptiste —
The whole of South Africa has eagerly awaited the latest updates on N. Mandela's health for a number of months. To his fellow citizens, the nation's first black president is much more than a former head of state. He embodies the unattained ideal of a peaceful South African society that looks forward to a harmonious future. Everyday life in South Africa is more grim than glittering, however: the country is suffering from widespread violence, an AIDS epidemic, glaring social inequality, and soaring unemployment. The truth is that Mandela is partly to blame for the current situation. His program to transfer political and economic power to the black population benefited only a small minority, nepotism is rampant, and he picked the wrong successors. [R, abr.]
64.2760 ÖZKALELI, F. Murat; HASGÜLER, Mehmet —
The Cyprus conflict has usually been treated as a simple Prisoner's Dilemma game in which players (i.e., leaders) are encouraged to develop cooperative policies based on the UN framework. However, a Prisoner's Dilemma constitutes only the first level of the Cyprus negotiations, which, in fact, more closely resemble a sequential two-level (and a simultaneous nested) game. Still, the democratic setting that prevails in Cyprus poses particular challenges, forcing leaders to apply manipulative political tactics to appease their constituencies. Taking the Cyprus negotiations' complex characteristics into consideration, this paper discusses the importance of multi-level game structure and heresthetics in the Cypriot setting. Then, an evolutionary conflict-resolution model for Cyprus is presented, improving its earlier application on theoretical grounds by supporting the evolutionary model's basic premises with functionalism. [R]
64.2761 PACIELLO, Maria Cristina —
Two years after the popular mobilizations in Egypt and Tunisia of early 2011, post-uprising authorities, including the Islamist parties that came to power, have failed to deliver on the demands for social justice that triggered those protests. They have responded to past and present socio-economic challenges by adopting measures that are in clear continuity with previous regimes and lacking any coherent long-term vision of economic reform. Indeed, albeit with differences between the two countries, post-uprising authorities, lacking experience and competence, have not fully broken with the old system in reconfiguring power relations within and outside state institutions and have continued to adopt a top-down approach to economic decision-making. [R] [First of three articles on “Arab Islamist parties and power”. See also Abstr. 64.2208, 2325]
64.2762 PANGLE, Lorraine Smith —
Colleges and faculties of liberal arts are facing potentially devastating declines in enrollments, driven in part by their own loss of clear purpose. To stem the tide and regain their rightful place at the center of the university, liberal arts faculties need to rethink the meaning of liberal education. This article argues that education in the liberal arts should be directed above all to cultivating practical wisdom, for which a deep inquiry into the central questions of political science is especially valuable. It discusses the relation of liberal education to civic education, the proper tasks of civic education at the university level, the benefits of dialectical inquiry, and the means by which students' thoughtless relativism can be replaced with habit of moral reasoning suitable to a modern cosmopolitan society. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1437]
64.2763 PIWONI, Eunike —
This paper argues that the declining presence of Holocaust-centered arguments in intellectual elite discourse on national identity is due to a new consensual idea of German nationhood. Based on an event-oriented discourse-analysis of more than 800 articles in opinion-leading newspapers, journals and magazines covering a period of more than twenty years, I argue that in national identity discourse, the Holocaust has never been — as is usually assumed — a blockade to displays of national identity in general, but only to a specific interpretation of the German nation as a Volk and as an exclusionist culture nation. By contrast, the idea of nationhood that dominates in the German public sphere today, the civic nation model, has never invoked Holocaust-centered counter-arguments. The Holocaust has become a “latent” — but not a less consequential — argumentative resource. [R, abr.]
64.2764 PODESTÀ, Federico
The comparative political economy of developed countries has often neglected the growing interest in producing well-being indicators that go beyond GDP. This was largely due to lack of reliable and comparable data. [Nonetheless], L. Osberg and A. Sharpe have recently provided a time-series cross-section data-set of the Index of Economic Well-Being (IEWB) for selected OECD countries. Accordingly, this article plugs the current gap between the comparative political economy and well-being literature by presenting an empirical study about the impact of partisanship and state intervention on the IEWB and its four domains: consumption flows, stocks of wealth, economic equality, economic security. A main lesson can be drawn from the econometric analysis: left cabinets and their favorite policies increase stocks of wealth, economic equality and economic security, rather than consumption flows. [R, abr.]
64.2765 POMMIER, Sophie
The events in Egypt in the Summer of 2013 — the army's ousting of President Morsi and the wave of crackdowns on the Muslim Brotherhood — are far-reaching. Has the comeback of the military, along with many other stalwarts of the old regime, sealed the fate of the Egyptian Spring? The solid show of confidence by the new masters of Egypt has made a good impression in business circles, but the euphoria might be short-lived. Labor unrest and public protest, a backlash against the political crackdowns or even a wave of terrorism could easily halt any recovery in its tracks — especially since a fairer redistribution of wealth seems incompatible with the continuing control of the economy by the army. Any prospect of genuine democracy in Egypt looks distant. [R, abr.]
64.2766 POSTELL, Joseph —
[Recently], a narrative of American political thought has emerged which attributes the transformation of the American regime over the last century to the Progressive movement. This narrative tells the story of the Founders versus the Progressives, and explains modern liberalism as a departure from the ideas of the Founders. On the whole, the Founders versus Progressives account is descriptively accurate. Nevertheless, there are important difficulties that the account has yet to explain adequately. The article identifies and explains one of these difficulties: the difference between old Progressivism and postmodern Progressivism. For the Founders versus Progressives account to offer a fully compelling explanation of developments in American political thought, it will have to explain how contemporary liberalism and post-modern Progressivism are related to the philosophy of the earlier Progressives. [R]
64.2767 POWER, Declan —
This paper [offers] a broad understanding of the changes and evolution taking place with regard to peacekeeping, in an African context. The missions examined are those that involved Ireland's military participation, those that the author participated in or a combination of both. While some of this paper is based on the author's personal observations from work carried out on the ground on UN missions, as either a soldier or a consultant, there are also references to conversations with and writings of other professionals, as well as other published material on these matters. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1943]
64.2768 PRYS, Miriam —
The BRICs states should not be expected to become a radical counterweight to established powers. Collective economic power may not be readily transformed in direct influence on world politics, which is also a consequence of obstacles in domestic policy in BRICs states. It could however work well as an informal forum for some diplomatic tactics. Its emergence makes it necessary for the international community to include it through partnerships. [First article of a thematic issue on “The BRICs”. See also Abstr. 64.2554, 2560, 2598, 2599, 2628, 2740, 2793]
64.2769 QADDOUR, Jomana —
Alawites surely recognize that their long-term interests do not lie with the Assad regime, but they are frightened by the precedent set by de-Ba'athification in Iraq. The opposition and international community must acknowledge four major issues to help assuage their concerns and construct a post-Assad Syrian state. [R] [First of three articles on “Syria after Assad”. See also Abstr. 64.2583, 2616]
64.2770 RAEYMAEKERS, Timothy —
The political marketplace brought about by Congo's war-to-peace transition substantially influenced the bargaining power of non-state armed actors in the country's eastern borderlands. In such violent environments, non-state actors like militias try to become recognized as alternative taxing authorities opposed to state governments, while they simultaneously collaborate with them to gain access to the dividends of international peace-building efforts. A decisive factor for the legitimacy of these violent agencies is their ability to transform from coercion- to capital-based organizations: militias, like state governments, need to actively organize local production while embedding their authority in rapidly transforming idioms of political power. This article argues that the “symbiotic” relationships emerging between rebel rulers, capitalist brokers and state government in the context of protracted armed conflict have far-reaching consequences for the political order of post-war states. [R, abr.]
64.2771 RAMET, Sabrina P. —
Introduction to a series of articles on “Memory and identity in the Yugoslav successor states”, edited by the author. See articles by Otto LUTHAR, “Forgetting does (not) hurt: historical revisionism in post-socialist Slovenia”, pp. 882–892; Vjeran PAVLAKOVI, “Symbols and the culture of memory in Republika Srpska Krajina”, pp. 893–909; Nicolas MOLL, “Fragmented memories in fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina”, pp. 910–935; Sldjana LAZIC, “Memory claims and memory constraints. (Re)negotiating statehood and identities in Serbia”, pp. 936–952; Stephanie SCHWANDNER-SIEVERS, “The bequest of Ilegalja: contested memories and moralities in contemporary Kosovo”, pp. 953–970.
64.2772 RAMET, Sabrina P. —
The collapse of communism in Central and Southeastern Europe has given rise to various myths and debates. This article examines and debunks two myths and summarizes and assesses four debates. The two myths are (1) that no one foresaw the collapse of communism or offered any clear prediction of that eventuality in the decade preceding 1989, and (2) that what occurred in the region between 1989 and 1991 could not be described as a revolution since, allegedly, it was masterminded by the communist authorities themselves. This article refutes these two myths. The four debates concern [how] to describe the change since 1989, what to count as democratic consolidation, and [how to explain] the differences in paths of transition, and in the level of success with democratization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1812]
64.2773 REDDEN, John Thomas —
Hawaii has been subject to globalization of one form or another since the first Polynesians arrived in their small ships with enough supplies to colonize what we now name the Hawaiian Islands. I first give a brief history and define, in basic terms, the forces of globalization as they affect the Islands. Following that is a fundamental presentation of class, race and economics of the Islands, and then a brief survey of the agriculture and food sources local to the Islands with an emphasis on the Big Island of Hawaii. Last, there is a description of the forces that tend to be counter hegemons of globalization in the Hawaiian Islands. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1468]
64.2774 RIPILOSKI, Sasho; PENDAROVSKI, Stevo —
Macedonia was the only Yugoslavian republic to make a peaceful transition to statehood at the time of the federation's collapse. Yet tensions between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians over the constitutional design of the state meant it remained vulnerable to violence, to which it succumbed in 2001. Civil war was averted with the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, which promised to distribute power more evenly between the two. This settlement is portrayed in opposing extremes: by Macedonians, as a prelude to the demise of the country; by Albanians and the international community, as a guarantor of its existence. This paper eschews such interpretations. While it remains the best solution for preserving Macedonia's inter-ethnic equilibrium and facilitating its integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions, the Framework Agreement is not without flaw. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1812]
64.2775 RITHMIRE, Meg E. —
This article reviews recent work in the regional political economy of contemporary China. In keeping with a movement in comparative politics toward analyzing subnational politics, the “new regionalists” seek to identify and explain meaningful heterogeneity in the Chinese polity and economy. Yet they go further than simply using subnational cases to generate or test theories about Chinese politics. Instead, they propose that subnational political economies in China are a function of endogenous change rather than a reaction to national priorities. After identifying differences between the “new regionalism” and previous studies of decentralization in China, the author discusses this work according to the theoretical approaches (institutional, ideational, and socio-historical) used to explain the origins of regional differences. [R, abr.]
64.2776 RONAS, Malaya C. —
The year 2012 saw President B. Simeon Aquino III continue the firm pursuit of his program of good governance. The removal from office of Chief Justice R. Corona, the arrest and detention of former President G. Macapagal Arroyo, the filing of formal charges against her relatives and political associates, the dismissal of Aquino's own appointees for alleged corrupt practices, and efforts to make government transactions transparent were among the significant indicators of the administration's efforts toward good governance. The determined pursuit of good governance has established a widely acknowledged positive business environment for the country. The year 2012 also saw the passage of two landmark act of legislation: the Sin Tax Reform Law and the Reproductive Health Law. [R]
64.2777 RUDNER, Martin —
This study examines Al Qaeda's organizational dynamics, doctrinal precepts, strategic objectives, operational priorities, and tactical vectors in the context of its Twenty-Year Strategic Plan. This seven-stage Strategic Plan is addressed with a particular focus on its current phase (Stage 5), 2013–2016, involving the mobilization of Muslim forces for the “Declaration of the Caliphate”. In this regard, particular attention is paid to the Al Qaeda engagement in militant jihadist campaigns across the Middle East and other Muslim domains. The study concludes with an overall assessment of global threats and ongoing risks arising from the current phase of Al Qaeda's Twenty-Year Strategic Plan. [R]
64.2778 SAINT-GEOURS, Yves —
64.2779 SANDERS, David, et al. —
Democratic engagement is a multi-faceted phenomenon that embraces citizens' involvement with electoral politics, their participation in “conventional” extra-parliamentary political activity, their satisfaction with democracy and trust in state institutions, and their rejection of the use of violence for political ends. Evidence from the 2010 BES and EMBES shows that there are important variations in patterns of democratic engagement across Britain's different ethnic-minority groups and across generations. Overall, ethnic-minority engagement is at a similar level to and moved by the same general factors that influence the political dispositions of whites. However, minority democratic engagement is also strongly affected by a set of distinctive ethnic-minority perceptions and experiences, associated particularly with discrimination and patterns of minority and majority cultural engagement. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2714]
64.2780 SAUVÉ, Guillaume —
This article tackles the ambiguous relationship between the idea of democratization, as it was thought of during Perestroika, and the authoritarian outcome in the following years. Based on an analysis of the political thought of some of the most influential democrats, this article challenges the dichotomous portrayal of Russian democrats as either “true democrats” crushed by hostile forces, or as “fake democrats” pursuing selfish goals. I argue that their understanding of democratization was fully coherent with their support to the centralization of power in the hands of an “enlightened” technocratic elite, in as much as they considered politics as the management of historical and natural processes. In late Soviet Russia, where these reforms were met with suspicion, an authoritarian enlightenment appeared as a necessary measure. [R, abr.]
64.2781 SCHMIDT, Carmen —
Since the nuclear disaster in Fukushima, the interpretation of advanced societies as “risk societies” and the associated social and political implications became more topical than ever. Can the assumptions of the “risk society” be confirmed by the Japanese case and did the disaster foster a process of awareness that calls for political solutions? Many of the assumed relationships can be applied to the Japanese case. However, in contrast to the assumptions of “risk society”, it was the particular experience that promoted increased awareness. Further, risks can be curtailed, both locally and socially. Thus, in advanced contemporary society, class-based inequalities are not replaced by a fundamentally different form of distribution. Quite the contrary, risks as an integral part of the conflict structure of advanced industrial societies appear to deepen social inequalities rather than eliminate them. [R]
64.2782 SEMO, Marc —
What started out as a demonstration by local residents opposed to plans to cut down trees in Gezi park, in Istanbul, was [soon] transformed into a vast protest movement which rattled R.T. Erdogan, in power since 2002. His plans to radically transform the historic square reflected both the Islamist and consumerist aspects of his government's policy: a significant proportion of the park area was to be razed and replaced by a mosque and a huge shopping mall. Crowds of protestors flocked to the symbolic location, chanting slogans which questioned the entire authoritarian system overseen by Erdogan. Following a brutal crackdown by policy, an atmosphere of relative calm has returned to Taksim Square. But the situation is still volatile. [R, abr.]
64.2783 SHULMAN, Stephen —
This article evaluates the long-standing but rarely-tested proposition that nationalism and nationhood mask the extent of class divisions in a society. Specifically, it examines three possible routes by which state-nationhood might subjectively mitigate the importance of class. Nationhood may shape people's perception of the magnitude of economic inequalities, their perception of the magnitude of class conflict or their assessment of their own class position. An analysis of a mass public opinion survey from Ukraine in 2011 demonstrates that contrary to theoretical arguments advanced by a wide variety of scholars, national identity and national sentiments have very little or no impact on the perceived salience of class divisions in Ukraine. Contradictory forces within the national idea itself are identified to explain this outcome. [R]
64.2784 SIDEL, John T. —
Scholars working in diverse contexts and with diverging approaches have begun to converge on a set of explanations for the patterns of variance observed in subnational authoritarianism within and across national settings. Drawing on studies of Russia, the US, Southern Italy, Argentina and West Africa, this article shows how scholarship has identified the underlying economic foundations of subnational authoritarianism. Combining the findings of recent qualitative and quantitative studies with the author's own research in the Philippines, this article spells out a set of hypotheses which may help to explain patterns of variance in subnational authoritarianism. [R, abr.]
64.2785 SIMIĆ, Predrag
The crisis and the collapse of the former Yugoslavia “re-Balkanized” Southeast Europe and revived old Western stereotypes about the Balkans and “Balkanization”. The author [examines] the origin of the ideas and values that influenced Western policy towards this crisis, through a comparative analysis of two reports on the Balkan Wars by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace from 1914 and 1996, respectively. In the author's opinion, the cause of the Balkan Wars in the 1990s was not “old hatreds” between the Balkan nations, but the remnants of the old communist regimes, which in an effort to retain power had embraced nationalism as their policies, and thus came into conflict with the new values that brought an end to the Cold War. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1812]
64.2786 SIMONS, Claudia, et al. —
Research on power-sharing in Africa remains silent on the effects of national peace agreements on the sub-national level. Conversely, most armed conflicts originate and are fought in (or over) specific areas. A plausible hypothesis would be that for power-sharing to have the desired pacifying effect throughout the national territory, it needs to be extended to the local level. Based on fieldwork in six former hotspots in Liberia, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) we find that there is hardly any local content, including local power-sharing, in national agreements. However, neither local content (inclusion of actors or interest) nor local-power-sharing (either introducing a local power balance or monopoly) is indispensable to effectively bring about local peace, at least in the short-term. On the contrary, it might even endanger the peace process. [R, abr.]
64.2787 SMITH, Dane F., Jr. —
Politics in Sudan has cycled brief democratic interludes and lengthy periods of military rule ended by popular uprising. The failures and current paralysis of the Bashir regime suggest that the end is approaching. Governance failure stems from riverine Arab efforts to impose a Muslim-Arab narrative on a highly diverse country, working through “divide-and-rule” tactics. The demise of that narrative is apparent because the inclusive vision of the late southern leader J. Garang has infused the entire periphery. The south has become the independent nation of South Sudan. Divide-and-rule is breaking down in Darfur where Arab-on-Arab violence prevails. The US worked through regional and UN bodies to achieve the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the referendum in South Sudan, and the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur. These achievements have brought neither peace nor inclusive governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2633]
64.2788 SOLÍS, Patricio; BENZA, Gabriela —
Despite the growing institutionalization of social policy during the years of political alternation (2000–2012), poverty rates has remained unchanged an income inequality has been only marginally reduced. Understanding this apparent contradiction requires identifying some structural components of poverty and inequality that suffered little change during this period. We review one of these components, namely the class structure, understanding it as a set of hierarchical positions in the labor market. The composition of the class structure remained stalled during this period, creating structural barriers for upward social mobility. At the same time, while in the period 2000–2006 inequality decreased with moderate improvements in wellbeing for those in the working and rural classes, in 2006–2012 the reduction of income inequality took place in a context of impoverishment of the middle classes and lack of improvements for the working and rural classes. Thus, the decrease in income inequality between 2006 and 2012 cannot be interpreted as a sign of social progress. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2703]
64.2789 STANILAND, Paul —
Violence in the Kashmir Valley has dramatically declined since 2003, but this has not created a stable political order. India has not succeeded in overcoming the contradiction between its articulated ideals of “normalcy” and its actual policy, which undermines those ideals. This debilitating tension can be found elsewhere in Asia. [R]
64.2790 STEELE, Jonathan —
NATO troops are leaving Afghanistan in 2014, a quarter of a century after Soviet troops ended their occupation. How comparable are the two retreats, and will Afghans suffer fighting and destruction similar to what happened when foreign troops last left? M. Gorbachev, who took the withdrawal decision in 1985, felt the war had become an expensive stalemate. The USSR opted to base its exit strategy on diplomacy and the idea that the Afghan government should pursue peace talks with its armed opponents. This emphasis on negotiations differs from [US President] B. Obama's policy, which remains predominantly military and rejects compromise with the Taliban. Obama and NATO claim progress on the battlefield and argue that combat duties can safely be “transitioned” to newly trained Afghans. But most Afghans are gloomy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1953]
64.2791 STEFANY, Michael G. —
This article examines the process of Kazakhization (or “nativization”) during the political career of D. Kunaev (1912–1993), First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan (CPK) in 1960–1962 and 1964–1986. It examines Kunaev's political rise and interrelated political and demographic advances on the part of Kazakhs during his tenure: utilizing materials from the Russian State Archive of New History (RGANI) in Moscow as well as other data, the author provides a unique “bottom-up” statistical view of Kunaev's policy of political preference for natives, showing causality for the anti-Russian Alma-Ata demonstrations of 17–19 December 1986 that occurred shortly after M. Gorbachev forced Kunaev to step down. [R, abr.
64.2792 STEUER, Clément —
Egyptian Salafism really started to develop in the 1970s. It is comprised of groups of differing tendencies, of which the most violent was responsible for the 1997 Luxor massacre. Following the 2011 revolution, several Salafist parties were created. The most visible, al-Nour, obtained more than a quarter of the vote. It is fighting for Sharia law to be the main source of Egypt's legislation. After the ousting of President M. Morsi, they surprised commentators by positioning themselves on the side of the new regime. [R]
64.2793 STÖLLGER, Yesko Quiroga —
Brazil stands for economic growth, poverty reduction and social progress. It also conducts a self-conscious foreign policy. The surprising mass protests of the summer of 2013 are equally an outcome of this situation. The five BRICs countries are also more disparate than comparable, given the differences in growth, industrial diversification and the disproportionate weight of China. As Brazil looks towards the next elections (October 2014) a renewed debate will challenge the ruling PT party in terms of income inequality, poverty and deepened democratic participation. [See Abstr. 64.2768]
64.2794 SUMAADII, Mina —
For most of modern history, Mongolia has been isolated from the world due to the geopolitical struggles between Russia and China. As the communist system collapsed and liberal democracy was established, many outsiders wondered why the country succeeded in democratization where other neighboring ex-Soviet states had failed. The odds were mainly against the country, due to high levels of poverty and geographical distance from established mature democracies. Nevertheless, in Mongolia the common answer is that the political culture was compatible with the principles of liberal democracy. This work is an empirical study of macro- and micro-developments based on modernization theory. It explores the values and attitudes of the general population in an effort to examine what makes it pro-democratic. [R, abr.]
64.2795 SVENSSON, Isak —
This paper examines the religious dimensions of armed conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), a region where the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Islam, and Christianity traditionally dominate. About half of the armed conflicts in the MENA region were between parties where at least one side had made explicit reference to religion in their basic demands; this category of conflicts has increased substantially over time. Why are religious civil wars becoming relatively more common over time in the MENA region? I argue that the relatively high frequency of religious armed intrastate conflicts in the region can be explained by: (1) the intractability of interreligious conflicts; (2) the spread of several but relatively shorter intra-religious disputes; and (3) the increasingly transnational aspect of religious disputes in the MENA region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2707]
64.2796 TERRA, Cristina; RUEDIGER, Tatiana —
64.2797 THRÄNHARDT, Dietrich —
Germany is currently Europe's first country of immigration, with 74 per cent of immigrants originating in other EU countries. Why do immigrants in some EU countries work in low-pay sectors, and in others on more equal conditions with native workers? Thanks to strong growth Germany could solve this by creating more inclusive conditions, reducing labor costs and introducing a minimum wage. [See Abstr. 64.1824]
64.2798 TUNSJØ, Oystein
The global power shift from West to East offers Europe the chance to focus on pressing challenges close to home, and to create a new division of labor in transatlantic relations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2804]
64.2799 TÜYSÜZOĜLU, Göktürk —
Lebanon articulates nearly all of the chronic problems of the Middle East. The religious/denominational variety that Lebanon holds pushes the identity of being Lebanese into the background and causes the communions which have been factionalized by the help of social differentiation to gain importance when it is united with the international system-based conflicts that are related with the Middle East. Social and political tensions that arise from Lebanon take their sources from the securitization of the religious/denominational separation lines. This work deals with the future of Lebanon in the wake of the Arab Spring by drawing upon the theories of social constructivism and the Copenhagen School. [R, abr.]
64.2800 VINES, Alex —
Mozambique celebrated 20 years of peace in 2012. Renamo was a successful guerrilla force that mostly demobilized and disarmed. It also contested four presidential and parliamentary elections. Renamo became the largest opposition party in Africa until, 2002 but has since been less successful due to exclusion politics by the party of government Frelimo, and because of tactical mistakes by A. Dhlakama, Renamo's leader for 33 years. This paper argues that Dhlakama's leadership was critical in bringing an end to the conflict and delivering Renamo's demobilization, but he was unable to tactically change from a guerrilla mentality. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.2746]
64.2801 WACHTEL, Andrew Baruch —
The international community has expressed great concern about the treatment of the Uzbek minority in the south of Kyrgyzstan and has called on the majority community to make major efforts to improve the situation. The article compares the treatment of minorities in Kyrgyzstan with analogous situations in the Balkans and contends that, given the European-style ethno-national state model and democratic political system that have been adopted by independent Kyrgyzstan, such calls are unrealistic. [R]
64.2802 WILDE, Andreas; MIELKE, Katja —
This article presents findings from long-term empirical fieldwork and archival research into current and historical patterns of governance in northeastern Afghanistan, conducted between 2006 and 2009. Despite the long civil war, striking continuities have been found in the make-up and functioning of the local social order. Patron-client relations, eldership, and related practices of mediation are crucial structuring principles of rural society. They have dominated Afghan politics over centuries and still do today. Viewed from a long-term perspective, this continuity, related patterns of representation, and the role of middlemen and brokers suggest a certain degree of stability, in contrast to the popular perception of instability and disorder in this country. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.1953]
64.2803 WING, Susanna D. —
This briefing explains the political context that set the stage for Mali's ongoing crisis, explores the failings of Malian democracy and the recurrent rebellions in the north, and discusses the domestic politics of the French intervention. It concludes by considering the multiple challenges to the reconstruction of democracy. [R]
64.2804 WRIGHT, Thomas —
Facing economic stagnation which will sap its strength, heighten political tensions and diminish its global role, Europe must dismiss “muddling through” as an alternative to collapse. Only radical steps can avert a lost decade. [R] [First of series of articles on “The strategic consequences of Europe's lost decade”. See also Abstr. 64.2536, 2550, 2721, 2798]
64.2805 YANOU, Michael A. —
The paper reviews Cameroon's major electoral laws and the political structures created by them from the perspective of how these have impacted on the country's democratic performance. [It has] three parts: (1) participation in elections (2) electoral institutions and (3) resolution of electoral disputes. Each part is connected to the central theme: the democratic performance of the country in the last twenty years. The author concludes that the country's laws are incapable of leading to a culture of respect for the rights of the Cameroonian people to freely elect their leaders. This is so although it would from a casual analysis of the country's laws seem that the laws facilitate popular participation by the people in the political life of the country. [R]
64.2806 YEL, Ali Murat; NAS, Alparslan —
This paper discusses the conflict between the AK Party government and the Gezi activism with reference to hegemony, power-resistance dichotomy, local/metanarratives and the carnivalesque. The AK Party's 11-year rule revolutionized center-periphery relations in Turkey. The party pioneered the democratization process until the 2011 elections but took an authoritarian turn afterwards — which gave rise to the revolts. However, the protests mobilized a heterogeneous group, some of whom maintained militarist and patriarchal metanarratives while others took a libertarian stance. This paper highlights the fragmentation of discourses under the “Gezi Spirit” as well as among AK Party supporters. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2377]
64.2807 YI, Joseph —
This essay connects the 2103 Boston Bombings to the dynamics of a highly individualist, modern society. The perpetrators (Tsarnaev brothers) represent an atomized stratum of Americans, disconnected from communal institutions and organizations; socially insignificant men, ready to commit publicized, albeit isolated, acts of violence. With the exception of the World Trade Center, major terrorist attacks in the past two decades have been perpetrated by asocial, isolated individuals. An expansive security and welfare state is an inadequate response to atomized terror and is potentially problematic for our liberties. An approach more consistent with security and freedom is to nurture the rights and responsibilities of democratic citizenship. [R]
64.2808 YILDIRIM, A. Kadir —
Egypt's democratization efforts require domestic and international considerations: Domestically, the country must focus on the economy at the expense of the military's political role: While military involvement in politics is crucial to democratization, improvements in this area represents an outcome, not the cause, of the process. Discussions should concentrate on protecting lower- and middle classes, generate prosperity and create common ground between democracy and class interests. At the international level, Egypt requires countries to support democratization efforts and condemn extra-democratic actions. [R, abr.]
64.2809 YILMAZ, E. Sare Aydin —
[Although] the Southeast Asia sub-region has been home to international terrorist organizations for many years, it has become a subject of examination with the war the US waged against Al-Qaeda and other terrorist organizations associated with it, in the aftermath of 9/11 [2001]. In the sub-region, which hosts various ethnic and religious identities, terrorist organizations differ in terms of their reason of foundation. This paper looks into regional organizations which have the common motive of founding and ruling an “Islamic state” and are in moral and material contact with Al-Qaeda. [R]
64.2810 ZAMCHIYA, Phillan —
This article integrates state practices and party politics into the analysis of agricultural production, through a study of rural differentiation on three small-scale resettlement schemes in Chipinge District, south-eastern Zimbabwe. In common with most agrarian scholars, I show that levels of crop production among small-scale farmers are related to differential access to land holdings, farming inputs, labor, tillage, extension services, income and social networks. However, the processes involved in gaining access to such resources are not adequately explored in most scholarly work: differentiation in crop production is explained from an agro-ecological and socio-economic viewpoint that glosses over the role of politics. I argue that state practices and party politics are important in explaining differences in crop production among resettled farmers. [R] [See Abstr. 64.2665]
64.2811 ZARAS, Faidon —
The Europeanization literature has successfully highlighted the effects of the EU impetus on Turkish domestic actors' incentives and ability to pursue democratizing reforms. Given the on-going institutional transformation despite the loss of the EU momentum and limited internalization of democratic norms, it is argued that explaining institutional change would greatly benefit from an analytical framework fit to account for both phases of Turkey's transformation. This study uses a rationalist analytical framework to explore the on-going process of institutional change, focusing on Kemalism as a primarily endogenous institution. Acknowledging the link between the Helsinki Summit and the launch of institutional reform, the evolution of an analytically defined Kemalism is traced and explained in terms of anti-Kemalist collective action facilitated by the instrumentally motivated AKP government. [R]
64.2812
Articles by Thomas FOUILLERON; Mathieu LAINE; Jacques-Henri DAVID; Pierre-André CHIAPPORI; Hubert VÉDRINE; Jacques ATTALI; Michel ROCARD; Louis NÈGRE; Jacky ICKX; Michel ROGER.
64.2813
Chapters by various authors on all European countries, plus Australia, Canada, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, and the US.
64.2814
Articles by Michele FORD and Thomas B. PEPINSKY, “Beyond oligarchy? Critical exchanges on political power and material inequality in Indonesia”, pp. 1–10; Jeffrey A. WINTERS, “Oligarchy and democracy in Indonesia”, pp. 11–34; Vedi R. HADIZ and Richard ROBISON, “The political economy of oligarchy and the reorganization of power in Indonesia”, pp. 35–58; R. William LIDDLE, “Improving the quality of democracy in Indonesia: toward a theory of action”, pp. 59–80; Thomas B. PEPINSKY, “Pluralism and political conflict in Indonesia”, pp. 81–100; Edward ASPINALL, “Popular agency and interests in Indonesia's democratic transition and consolidation”, pp. 101–122.