Abstract
64.5037 AHMAD, Ahrar —
Bangladesh in 2013 exhibited intense political polarization that was both frustrating and ominous. Several factors exacerbated political tensions in the country including the war crimes trial and disagreements relating to the caretaker government. Judgments and rulings by the courts also fed the forces of political turmoil. The economic situation was relatively good but faced increasingly difficult challenges. In terms of international relations, particularly with India and the US, the year was unproductive. [R]
64.5038 AKHAINE, Sylvester Odion —
Using Nigeria as a case study, this paper interrogates democracy's capacity to enhance the material well-being of the people. It argues that there is a general awareness by the electorate of the social responsibility of government, as well as the failure of state actors to deliver the “dividends of democracy”, the persistent clamor for [which] has become an expression of the desired change by the electorate. Democracy will be meaningful only when it improves the human condition of the electorate; and this will only come about through the construction of a historical bloc for nation-building and modernization through an intense civic engagement with public policies in ways that uphold the democratic method, i.e., the process of electing state actors to preside over public affairs. [R, abr.]
64.5039 ALTMANN, Franz-Lothar —
The political construct of an ethnically divided state has its mirroring impact on the complicated economic order which blocks any attempts to achieve a sound economic recovery of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The negative features characterizing the Bosnian economy are numerous. They include stagnant and even decreasing industrial production, and over dimensioned and costly bureaucracy, constant high deficits in external trade, high unemployment accompanied by a partly compensating informal economic sector and weak social security structures. [R, abr.]
64.5040 ANDERSON, Leslie E. —
This article draws on J. Mansbridge and A. Morris's differentiation of oppositional anger and oppositional consciousness to understand the limits to protest in new democracies. Anger, which is necessary for triggering collective action, by itself does not foster effective popular action. Often a full-fledged oppositional consciousness also is needed. This article examines three cases of protest in Argentina to illustrate the roles of oppositional anger, minimal oppositional consciousness, and full-fledged oppositional consciousness in popular politics. The study concludes that, thus far, most groups in Argentina that engage in collective action have not manifested a full-fledged oppositional consciousness. Protesters, to be effective, need to develop a more coherent understanding of the systematic oppression that they face, including the persistence of Peronism. [R, abr.]
64.5041 ANTONSICH, Marco; HOLLAND, Edward C. —
The age of globalization has often been associated with de-/re-territorialization processes. The increasing integration of markets and the appearance of new modes of economic production and capital accumulation on the one hand, and the transformation of forms of political governance on the other, have led to the emergence of new territorial actors at the supra-national and sub-national scales. While these economic and political de-/re-territorialization processes have been studied at length, relatively little attention has been paid to the transformation of the territorial identities associated with these spaces. The study first [considers] whether territorial identities are experiencing a similar re-scaling along with modes of economic production and forms of political governance. Second, it explores which factors today explain the attachment of people to their territories. [R, abr.]
64.5042 ARMILOTTA, Giovanni —
Namibia is the best example of political maturity, peace and stability after a violent process of independence in Africa. The South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) was created during the Namibian War of Independence (1966–1990), while the country was under South African control and apartheid was applied. In 1989 SWAPO obtained a absolute majority in the election and in February 1990, one month before the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution was promulgated. It was written by black and white Namibians in a national and international atmosphere of consensus and permitted the creation of a liberal, democratic state. It seems that Africa's last colony will not repeat the mistakes of other African states. [Barbara]
64.5043 AYAD, Christophe —
In 2011, NATO's intervention decided the outcome of the Libyan revolution, removing a grotesque dictatorship. Three years on, the hopes raised by regime-change have given way to serious concern, as the reborn Libya lurches from one crisis to the next. The fragile legitimacy of the state is seriously undermined by the fact that the country has yet to adopt a new constitution — and the government does not even control all of Libyan territory. Clan-based militias that arose during the insurrection have not disarmed, and secessionist feelings are on the rise. Jihadist elements are taking advantage of the chaos. Libya's government and parliament are torn apart by infighting. The West, which abandoned Libya to its fate after the fall of Gaddafi, bears much of the responsibility for the country's current destitute state. [R, abr.]
64.5044 BASKAN, Birol —
The recent Arab revolutions/rebellions/protests have raised once again an old question: what features should the Arab political systems ideally have? Inescapably, perhaps, the case of Turkey frequently appears as a model to be emulated in the Arab world. A variety of actors, from GW. Bush to B. Obama, from R. Ganouchi to H. Clinton has in fact viewed Turkey in that role. Even though, many intellectuals and academics usually raise doubts about the suitability of Turkish model for the Arab world, it may still prove fruitful to consider the case of Turkey more seriously. [R]
64.5045 BELOKRENITSKY, V. Ya. —
The process of Islamization in Pakistan which had begun in earnest since the late 1970s, and its correlation with the growing diffusion of authority and power in the country is the chief subject of the article. The introduction of the Islamic laws, norms and practices has resulted in the increase of antagonism between different Islamic sects and schools and the estrangement of minorities, non-Muslim and Muslim (Shi'a), and to the growth of mass violence, chaos and terror. The brutalization of struggle for power and influence is directly linked to the repressive and authoritarian rule by the military that has exerted a profound impact on the home and foreign policy of the country. Furthermore, Pakistan is not unique as similar trends are characteristics for many other Muslim majority states. [R]
64.5046 BERNA, Ioana-Bianca —
Although researchers have discovered some important findings regarding Singapore's neoliberal developments, the Singapore government's emphasis on economic growth, Singaporeans’ popular conception of the nation, and the process of identity politics in Singapore, there is still a great deal that is unknown and that requires further empirical inquiry. The overall results provide strong evidence for Singapore's present political regime, its national identity, and its judicial system. [R]
64.5047 BEYLAU, Pierre, et al. —
In the light of the latest developments in the Syrian crisis, the authors analyze the Turkish position, with temptations of influence, but also the position of Egypt and Saudi Arabia against the rise of Islamist formations on the one hand, and the Iranian Shiite power on the other. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Middle East in all its states”. See also Abstr. 64.4935, 5079, 5117]
64.5048 BICKERTON, Chris J.; INVERNIZZI ACCETTI, Carlo —
This article looks at the legacy of “Berlusconism” for Italian politics. On the right, we identify a process of fragmentation. As a result of the personalized leadership of S. Berlusconi, where loyalties and ties were [personal] rather than to a party or a political tradition, there is little by way of legacy on the right. Surprisingly, we find that Berlusconi's greatest legacy lies on the left of Italian politics, in the figure of M. Renzi. In his savvy manipulation of the media and in the careful construction of his own image, accompanied by a non-ideological set of political slogans, Renzi has gone even further than Berlusconi. As a result, he may be the one to bury Italian “party government” and all its associated traditions and ideals. [R]
64.5049 BOANO, Camillo; LECLAIR-PAQUET, Benjamin —
A special kind of infrastructure has emerged around the West Bank, which lays bare Israel's capacity to spatialize its colonial power and to constantly solidify its presence. Reading these spatial devices through G. Agamben's work, this paper proposes a reflective attempt to read this site of contemporary occupation through a “resistant” lens as a novel take on Agamben's spatial topology and political aesthetics. The paper offers preliminary remarks on the search for alternative theoretical construction of Agamben “potentialities”. The paper allow speculations on the heterotopian nature of Israeli-produced infrastructures, perceived at once as actualized potentials in space, and spaces of potential. [R]
64.5050 BODUSZYŃSKI, Mieczysław P. —
A growing literature analyzes the external dimension of democratization, focusing, for instance, on the power of EU enlargement conditionality to spur democratic reform in the post-communist world, and especially the Balkans. This paper compares the effect of Western leverage over transitions in the Balkans and the Arab Spring countries. Western democratic leverage is a function of external power and internal vulnerability to external democratizing pressure, but it is also related to factors such as Western political will, the influence of countervailing external powers, and nationalist resistance. The article demonstrates that on all of these dimensions, Western democratic leverage over the Arab Spring countries is significantly lower than it has been over the Balkan states, and thus that the prospects for democratization in states such as Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia are dimmer. [R, abr.]
64.5051 BRUNKHORST, Hauke — “You can make it more complicated” —
Economically and in terms of social welfare, Europe is better off than most other world regions. However, its structural situation appears dramatic, as Europe is locked tight within its constitutional order. In the course of the on-going economic crisis since 2008, this might lead to a global explosion. The transnational political-economic ruling class has occupied the empty position of power. While these networks continue to tie Europe closer together, there is no comparable growth in social integration, blocking the way forwards and backwards. A Kantian reframing of Europe is necessary to evade this constitutional trap: the code “nation vs. nation” needs to be re-formulated to “class against class”, in other words: the trans-nationalization of democratic class struggle“. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4116]
64.5052 BUTCHER, Charity —
Many studies have suggested that oil wealth hinders democratization. This article analyzes the possible role that civil society may play in democratization in oil-reliant states by looking at the case of Algeria. I argue that the seemingly meaningless and artificial acts of “liberalization” initiated by the Algerian government in the late 1980s, which initially allowed civic associations to form, have provided an opening for some civic associations to organize and oppose the government. This process of liberalization, regardless of how empty it may have seemed at first, has “opened floodgates” that now cannot be closed. Thus, the recent protests in Algeria, and continued opposition to the government, can be seen as directly facilitated by the government's prior liberalization and opening of the system to civic associations. [R, abr.]
64.5053 CASE, William —
The most important event to take place in Malaysia during 2013 was its general election. The incumbent National Front government was returned to power, though with less than a majority of the popular vote. The government then rewarded Malay supporters with new affirmative action programs. It also repulsed an armed incursion into Sabah launched from the southern Philippines. [R]
64.5054 CLARK, Evelyn A.; LU, Phyllis Mei-Lien; CLARK, Cal —
This paper compares the status of women in Chile and Taiwan in order to examine two research questions: (1) what can explain Taiwan's considerably better record in enhancing the status of women? (2) What are the implications for the ongoing debate among global feminists about the effects of globalization on the status of women? Case studies of the two countries suggest that they are fairly similar in terms of progress on women's education and health, but that Taiwan has a very significant advantage in terms of women's employment status and political representation. Taiwan's better performance in these areas reflects its distinctive development pattern and electoral institutions, while the implications of the case studies for the nature of globalization's effects on the status of women are more complex and nuanced. [R]
64.5055 COAKLEY, John; FRAENKEL, Jon —
Ethnically divided societies — where there are two communities, each of which comes close to representing half of the population — pose a particular challenge to conventional principles of collective decision-making, and commonly threaten political stability. This article analyzes the experience of two such societies — Northern Ireland and Fiji — with a view to exploring whether there are common processes in the route by which political stability has been pursued. We assess the manner in which a distinctive relationship with Great Britain and its political culture has interacted with local conditions to produce a highly competitive, bipolar party system. This leads to consideration of the devices that have been adopted in an effort to bridge the gap between the communities: the Fiji constitution as amended in 1997, and Northern Ireland's Good Friday Agreement of 1998. [R, abr.]
64.5056 DECKER, Oliver, et al. —
Using a mixed methods-design, we examine the connection between economic crisis and right-wing attitudes in Germany. We found that economic strength functions as a collective identification object for regulating the self-esteem of society members. With reference to the psychoanalytical understanding on the functioning of fetishized objects, we proposed the formulation of “wealth as narcissistic plug” as a metaphor. On basis of the empirical results of our “Mitte” studies on right-wing extremism in Germany, we elaborate on this finding. Psychoanalytic theory allows us to understand more than merely the right-wing reaction at the center of society. When wealth is threatened, current society's democracy based on out-come-integration loses in meaning. In these moments, it becomes apparent that the goods-producing society is obsessed by a “day-to-day-religion” (D. Claussen). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.4116]
64.5057 DEMMEMHUBER, Thomas —
Egypt has been going through a complex political and social transformation process. In July 2013, the Egyptian military intervened once again and toppled the democratically elected President M. Morsi. The military itself but also the anti-Morsi protesters in the streets termed this intervention democratic for the sake of the Egyptian people and stressed that it was launched by the articulated popular will. But can a coup d’état be democratic at all? Indeed, relevant literature offers concepts that try to merge military interventions with normative assumptions about the coup's potential democratic character. Hence, this contribution reflects critically on the concept of the democratic coup and tests the concept for both interventions of the Egyptian military in 2011 and 2013. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.4907]
64.5058 DI MAURO, Danilo; SERRICCHIO, Fabio —
Since the beginning of the 2000s, support for Europe, especially at the mass level, started to decrease. This situation became more evident when the effects of the world financial and economic crisis invaded the political debate. This special issue [examines] and explains the new counter-trend in Italian skeptic sentiments towards the EU. In particular, it presents six different papers focusing on: Italian public support for the EU, the image of Europe in the national press, the Euroskepticism of radical-right parties and movements, the relationship between attitudes towards Europe and voting turnout, and the effects of two crucial issues — corruption and immigration — on attitudes towards European institutions. The studies presented confirm the importance of considering the context of each member-state and each national scenario. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.4562, 4587, 4614, 4693, 4699, 4746]
64.5059 DORMAN, Andrew M. —
In September 2014, the people of Scotland will vote on whether to become an independent nation. This article argues that defense and security implications of this referendum are far more fundamental than either the “yes” or “no” campaigns have admitted. It suggests that the Scottish government's plans for defense and security in NATO and the EU are at odds with its proposed armed forces and that Scotland may well find itself having to make far greater commitments to defense to assure its allies. It argues that a vote for independence will represent a game-changing event for the remainder of the UK's defense and security, which will have significant consequences for the UK's partners and allies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.4405]
64.5060 DRUGOV, A. Yu. —
After the fall of the authoritarian military regime of the “New Order” in Indonesia in May 1998, substantial reforms were accomplished, including four clusters of amendments to the Constitution and several laws ensuring democratization. But the political culture of Indonesians and, particularly, of the Indonesian elite is still bearing the heritage of the decades of authoritarism. The divisions within the elite are an obstacle for efficient implementation of the reforms, rule of law, rights of ethnic and religious minorities. [R, abr.]
64.5061 DUVOLD, Kjetil; BERGLUND, Sten —
This article considers the prospects of building political communities in the Baltic countries — countries that struggle to balance ethnic pluralism, nation-building, and democracy. It examines the relationship between political community and democracy from a theoretical perspective, followed by an outline of the nation-building strategies taken by Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania after re-establishing independence in the early 1990s. Drawing on survey data, we use territorial attachment to tap the sense of political community in the three countries. Notably, most of the Russian-speaking minorities in Estonia and Latvia identify themselves as “Russians”, and not with the country they reside in. This suggests that the contested issue of citizenship rights in the two countries has not been particularly conducive for creating cohesive political communities. We then examine the character of regime support in the three countries. [R, abr.]
64.5062 ERRAZZOUKI, Samia —
The discourse centering on reforms in Morocco has been largely shaped by the sources of power, namely the palace and its allies. Since Mohammed VI's accession to the throne, women's rights have consistently been framed within this neoliberal discourse. Pointing to various measures, such as the personal status code law reforms, the dominant narrative describes Morocco as a “progressive” country with regard to the treatment of women. Additionally, following decades of neoliberal policies initiated under King Hassan II, the liberalization of both the political and economic system has led to a series of consequences for the Moroccan working class, especially women. Contextualizing the impact of neoliberal economic policies and measures of political liberalization on class- and gender-based inequalities, this paper evaluates how working-class women in Morocco remain marginalized. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.5123]
64.5063 FANJUL, Enrique —
Democracy is not incompatible with Chinese culture, as opposed to Samuel Huntington's assertion regarding this issue. China will tend towards a complete democratic system, but unlike Eastern European countries after the fall of the Berlin Wall, this change will be gradual, following the example of the economic reform. The transition is slow because there is no real alternative to the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the country has a weak democratic tradition. However, freedom conditions have improved in the last years and there is a greater respect towards public opinion. In contrast to popular (Western) belief, the CPC has a large support amongst the population and will play a fundamental role in the process.
64.5064 FELBAB-BROWN, Vanda —
Uncertainties about the 2014 security, political, and economic transitions pervaded Afghanistan in 2013. The failure in 2013 to sign a US-Afghan security agreement permitting the presence of US troops after 2014 deepens those anxieties. As ISAF forces continued to withdraw from Afghanistan, Afghan security forces now have primary responsibility for Afghanistan's security but still face critical challenges and an undefeated Taliban. Peace negotiations have been stalled. Politics were dominated by the upcoming 2014 presidential election that can renew the legitimacy of the existing political system or throw the country into turmoil. [R]
64.5065 FITJAR, Rune Dahl —
Why do an increasing number of Scots want autonomy and even independence? The article discusses political and economic processes in Scotland that can contribute to understanding this development. It highlights important changes in Scottish politics and economy [since 1950] and discusses how these relate to territorial mobilization in Scotland during the same timeframe. The discussion covers processes of European integration, party system divergence, economic growth and petroleum production. Furthermore, the article discusses the emergence and growth of the Scottish National Party and its role in interpreting these changes. The analysis uses both quantitative and qualitative data to illustrate the political and economic development of Scotland and examines how these changes may have affected territorial mobilization in Scotland in the form of increased support for independence and autonomy. [R, abr.]
64.5066 FONG, Brian C. H. —
Existing literature has long recognized that a partnership has been forged between the PRC government and Hong Kong's capitalist class. By examining the formation of this partnership and its consolidation after 1997, this article argues that the business sector's direct access to the sovereign state has fundamentally changed the dynamics of state-business relations in the HKSAR. As a consequence of the partnership, business elites have taken their concerns straight to the mainland authorities whenever they see their interests affected by the post-colonial state. This kind of circumvention has become a part of post-1997 politics, undermining the relative autonomy of the post-colonial state and resulting in growing cleavages within the state-business alliance during the first 15 years of the HKSAR. [R, abr.]
64.5067 GEBREWOLD, Belachew —
Building on legitimacy theory, this article discusses the impact of the regional leadership of Ethiopia, Nigeria, and South Africa on regional security dynamics. It argues that regional powers are accepted as leading powers in their respective regions only if they can fulfill three conditions: domestic legitimacy (economic and political performances), regional legitimacy (recognition and compliance by regional states), and international reliability (whether their international alliances with various global powers support or counteract their regional leadership). The article compares and contrasts the characteristics of these three states and their respective regions in order to assess whether these regional powers are stabilizers or spoilers. Though various studies have analyzed regions and power, they have neglected the issue of legitimacy. [R]
64.5068 GHARBI, Musa al- —
The popular discourse on the Syrian conflict has largely taken for granted that B. al-Assad and his regime are unpopular in Syria, the revolution is widely supported domestically, the rebels are “winning” the war, and the fall of the regime is inevitable and imminent. To justify their interpretation of the conflict, opposition activists, Western policy-makers and media outlets make frequent reference to a number of “facts”, often statistical in nature. However, should we contextualize this data more rigorously, it becomes apparent that a radically different dynamic may be at work “on the ground” in Syria. This becomes important, as a more nuanced understanding of what is happening will have implications for what strategy the US should pursue, particularly given our experience in Iraq. [R]
64.5069 GRAÇA FEIJÓ, Rui —
In early 2013, Timor-Leste started to walk solely on its own feet, after the departure of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste and the International Stabilization Force. The year has proved to be broadly peaceful, signifying that the country has learned to live within its own resources. The level of political consensus has increased, as Timor-Leste engages in a process of generational turnover. [R]
64.5070 GRASSI, Davide —
The return of democracy in Latin America has been associated with a decline in political violence, but also with a failure to redress welfare troubles or restore social justice. This essay explores these problematic relationships. It argues that the impact of democracy on social welfare and internal civil violence is complex, develops unevenly and is mediated by a host of contributing factors. The bearing of democracy on political violence has been especially weak. In some countries, democratic elites played a role in reducing or eliminating armed conflicts by offering a series of political concessions to the opposition, in particular communication channels with the government and social and political rewards. However, political violence survived or intensified under democracy elsewhere, while it was eradicated by force [or] by concessions in a number of authoritarian settings. [R, abr.]
64.5071 GREFFRATH, Wynand; DUVENHAGE, André —
This article is concerned with the Arab Spring as an example of regime change in authoritarian contexts. It investigates whether the institutional characteristics of authoritarian regimes may have influenced the development and outcomes of revolutionary instability in the affected states of the region. The causes and dynamics of the Arab Spring are evaluated theoretically according to the particular regime characteristics encountered in the geopolitical span of the phenomenon. Theoretical perspectives are provided on different regime types, according to a typology of authoritarian regimes, in addition to perspectives on the dynamics of revolutionary regime change in authoritarian contexts. Throughout, particular attention is devoted to the dynamic interaction between social forces and the institutions of state. [R]
64.5072 GUIBERNAU, Montserrat —
This paper examines the factors that triggered the recent shift from devolution to secession expressed by the Catalan grassroots movement. This movement favors the “right to decide”, which specifically demands the right of Catalan citizens to be considered as a demos able to decide upon its political future by referendum. Conflict has emerged as a result of the Spanish state's prohibition to allow for a referendum on that issue. The paper offers an overview of the origins of modern Catalan nationalism by tracing back its roots to Franco's dictatorship and the subsequent transition to democracy. It analyzes the main arguments behind the qualitative shift from devolution to secession embodied in the rise of a novel bottom-up secessionist movement supporting the idea of holding a referendum on Catalan independence from Spain. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Self-determination and the use of referendums: Catalonia, Quebec and Scotland”, edited and introduced by the author, François ROCHER and Elisenda CASANAS ADAM. See also Abstr. 64.4590, 4731]
64.5073 GUILLEMOLES, Alain —
History has been moving very fast in Ukraine. In the space of just three months, a grass-roots protest movement has triggered a seismic geopolitical upheaval. The crowds occupying Independence Square in Kiev since late November 2013, in protest against President V. Yanukovych's decision to distance the country from Europe and move closer to Russia, culminated in the President's stepping down and the appointment of an interim government. But the jubilation was short-lived. Crimea, with its predominantly ethnic Russian population, immediately seceded (with some rather obvious help from Moscow) and announced it was joining Russia. This brutal redrawing of the 1991 national borders drew an angry response from the West and quickly raised the tension between the two Cold War adversaries. [R, abr.]
64.5074 GUNN, Geoffrey C. —
Ahead of upcoming elections, expectations ran high in 2013 across the archipelago for a highly pluralistic electorate. With China as a leading trading partner, the backdrop for Indonesia was steady economic growth, albeit checked by a sliding currency, a current account deficit, and a depressing culture of corruption. Mixing commerce and geopolitics, China, the US, and Japan all turned to Indonesia to expand their influence. [R]
64.5075 HANA, Enze; PAIK, Christopher —
Over a decade ago, an important debate began concerning the proper role of the ICJ in an international legal universe characterized by a large and rapidly increasing number of specialized courts and tribunals. What functions can and should the Court perform in response to the fragmentation of international law, and the proliferation of international tribunals? Initial proposals, especially those emerging in the late 1990s, were hierarchical and centralist in their orientation, and have justifiably fallen out of favor. This article uses the current international legal disputes about Australia's plain packaging tobacco legislation as the basis for an exploration of the possibilities for an alternative, non-centralist vision for the ICJ, which is sensitive both to the institutional limits of the international judiciary, and to the benefits of a fundamentally pluralist international legal order. [R]
64.5076 HASHMI, Arshi Saleem —
Westminster-style parliamentary democracy has been the driving force for political parties in Bangladesh ever since independence. There are five major political forces. The BNP and its allies form the right-of-center to conservative grouping. The initially socialistic organization Awami League (AL) has become a center/center-left political system. The extreme left (Bangladesh Communist Party) advocates revolutionary change, while right parties, such as Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Oikyo-Jote, call for an increased role for Islam in public life. Last, there is the Jatiyo Party, founded by ex-military ruler General Ershad, which operates independently. The political situation in Bangladesh can be evaluated in terms of social democracy and secularism, Bangladeshi nationalism and local politics, as well as the power tussle between BNP and AL, which is revealing of future challenges.
64.5077 HEBERER, Thomas —
In 2013, China's new party and state leadership specified its domestic and foreign policies in the context of Xi Jinping's vision of the “Chinese Dream”. A new reform package modifying China's growth and development model has been announced. In foreign policy, a debate has commenced regarding another side of the “Chinese Dream”: China's rise as a “Great Power”. [R]
64.5078 HERRERO, José Luis —
Nelson Mandela's fight against apartheid was an example of political leadership. He advocated total equality in a segregated society in opposition to those proposing proportional representation and his capacity of reconciliation against racial hatred avoided two civil wars in the 1990s. Some Western leaders wrongly accused him of being a terrorist and a communist, but his foreign and economic policies were pragmatic, as was his support for a limited use of violence to exert political pressure. South Africa still has many problems to deal with, but it is on the right track for a political normalization. Today, a large list of countries in transition processes are waiting for their Mandela and the countries’ leaders should study his legacy.
64.5079 HERVOUËT, Vincent, et al. —
Vincent Hervouët orchestrates a debate on the impacts of the Syrian conflict: regional at first, they feed the terrorist threat well beyond. The issues of opposition representativeness and weapons deliveries timelines are analyzed through the prism of previous Iraqi and Libyan conflicts. The above articles transcribe a series of roundtables held during the Lebanon special “Saint-Maur in complete freedom” Festival in November 2012. [R] [See Abstr. 64.5047]
64.5080 HOWE, Brendan M. —
In 2013, Laos joined the WTO, economic growth was over 8%, and graduation from least-developed country status by 2020 remains achievable. But its human development index of 0.543 remained below the regional average. Macro development projects still threaten the vulnerable. The abduction of a prominent campaigner and repatriation of North Korean refugees highlighted human rights challenges. [R]
64.5081 HSIEH, John Fuh-sheng —
The year 2013 in Taiwan was marked by a lackluster economy and stalemated politics. President Ma Ying-jeou's approval rating hit an alltime low. Still, Taiwan's relations with China were smooth, and Taiwan was able to make some gains in the international arena. [R]
64.5082 HUGHEY, Matthew W. —
From the “Reagan Revolution” to the election of B. Obama in the US, and from the backlash against multiculturalism in both Australia and Canada, westernized nations with colonial histories and unequal relations between a powerful white class and a subjugated non-white class now witness a strikingly adamant discourse and movement: growing numbers of white people claim that they are racially oppressed and seek redress against policies, laws and practices that they believe discriminate against them. I critically examine the white backlash in the “postracial” era (1960s-present) of the US by reviewing the extant scholarship on the white backlash, by highlighting landmark legal cases and media spectacles that represent claims of white racial victimization, and by arguing that white victimization discourse is an integral mechanism in the formation of contemporary white racial identity. [R, abr.]
64.5083 HUI, Dennis Lai Hang —
This paper develops a theoretical framework to understand the politics of financial crimes. It argues that policy efforts against financial crimes pursued by the state can be explained with reference to the financialization of the global economy and the quest for global competitiveness. These global forces are mediated by the dynamics of domestic politics, which determines the pace and the scope of financial regulation. This paper then applies this theoretical framework to explain the differences between Hong Kong and Singapore in their efforts to deal with financial crimes. The difference in terms of their regulatory thrusts in financial affairs relates to their divergent economic ideologies. The paper highlights the key challenges that Shanghai is facing in dealing with financial crimes with reference to the relevant historical experiences of Hong Kong and Singapore. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Challenges to the city transformation in East Asia”, edited and introduced by Kam-yee LAW. See also Abstr. 64.4511, 5124]
64.5084 HUNTER, Murray —
Who rules Singapore? This question is considered historically, through corporate development, the role of government, the media, the national narrative, the judiciary, the military, the banks, and the People's Action party's (PAP) structure itself. The article concludes by considering the future options for Singapore government and society. [R]
64.5085 INOGUCHI, Takashi —
This article describes the ups and downs and complexities of Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's “Abenomics” and “Abegeopolitics”, political approaches designed to revitalize Japan's economy and restore its national pride and strength, respectively. [R]
64.5086 JAZHBOROVSKAYA, Inessa S. —
The depth processes of systemic transformation of all spheres of public and social life in the countries of Central-East and South-east Europe are considered in the article as the fourth wave of the world democratization. Processes have been exposed, of the formation of foundations of the law state, of the democratic system, and of the civil society in the EU member states in comparison with other countries of the region. [R]
64.5087 JEAN, Carlo —
Mohamed Morsi's destitution has prevented a civil war in the manner of Syria and Libya and shaken the foreign policy scenario of the Middle East, allowing Moscow to regain influence in the area. Washington has described the coup d’état as “democratic”, despite the difficulty in characterizing it according to (naïve) Western criteria. Neither is it possible for the West to transform the new regime into a democracy nor to make the Army reach an agreement with the Muslim Brotherhood. The future is uncertain, but it seems like the Army will continue in power for at least one more decade, although the Brotherhood will never disappear from Egypt's political life.
64.5088 JEAN, Carlo —
The US's fear of terrorism and France's energy interests have been the main reasons for the approval of UN Security Council's resolution 2071, authorizing the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to intervene in southern Mali. This confirms French and American hesitations regarding a direct intervention, for it is difficult for Western countries to distinguish their allies from their enemies amongst the ethnical and tribal entanglement on other continents. The situation in Africa is particularly exacerbated by political corruption, religious rivalries, and the presence of terrorist groups. An ECOWAS intervention cannot succeed without Algeria's support, yet Algeria, albeit the only actor capable of preventing Sahel from turning into a new Afghanistan, is uninterested in international presence at its southern frontiers.
64.5089 JEAN, Carlo —
A scenario similar to that in Afghanistan is plausible in the Sahel. Due to difficulties in understanding local complexities, both France and the US were unwilling to intervene directly until France's military action in January 2013, supposedly aimed to protect Malian unity and fight terrorism. The intervention, however, jeopardizes the entire region's stability, as did the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)'s and the African Union's military intervention before it. It is not excluded that African boundaries will continue to change, for administrative frontiers imposed in colonial times are not adapted to Sahel's reality. Only a (very unlikely) massive Algerian intervention would change the situation. An agreement with Turkey could be useful.
64.5090 JERAM, Sanjay —
This article builds on recent attempts to explain why sub-state nationalist parties in West Europe and North America pursue varying discourses and policies in response to immigrant-generated diversity. It analyzes the dynamics of immigrant integration in two comparable cases of sub-state nationalism: Catalonia and the Basque Country. In contrast to the hypothesis that sub-state nationalism and immigration are inherently antagonistic, nationalist parties in both cases have experimented with multiculturalism to make diversity a new marker of national identity. The recent assimilationist turn in Catalonia, however, demonstrates that regional electoral competition can sometimes complicate matters of identity. [R]
64.5091 JIAN Titan Bo-xiu —
This study makes use of the framework of social to explain the post-socialist governance model and characteristics of local governments in contemporary China. The incident of Tieben in April 2004 is selected as an example to explain how the local government developed social capital using informal mechanism and policy networks to facilitate economic development and to enhance government performance, thereby forming the so-called post-socialist local regime. During the incident of Tieben, the local government collaborated with real estate developers and financial institutions. Framers were excluded from this plan and their interests were sacrificed. This study uses the concept of bonding social capital to explain this model. [R, abr.]
64.5092 JUTILA, Matti —
For many Central and Eastern states, EU membership offered the necessary incentive to change policies to more minority-sensitive direction. This article investigates the limitations of those incentives and discusses how the “security-track” of the minority system should be reorganized if the EU wants to remain an important minority political actor in post-enlargement Europe. The article first shows how the security-track operated through cooperation between the EU, Council of Europe and OSCE, using international pressure on Latvia to amend its citizenship legislation in 1998 as an illustrative example. With the case of mass evictions and expulsions of East-European Roma from France in 2010, the article shows the problems facing international governance of minority rights today. [R, abr.]
64.5093 KAMSTRA, Jelmer; KNIPPENBERG, Luuk —
This article examines the democratic roles performed by Ghanaian NGOs. Drawing on a comparative case-study approach, it explores how the organizational characteristics of five donor-sponsored NGOs relate to their ability to perform different democratic roles. Our analysis reveals that some of the democratic roles require contradicting organizational characteristics, which are therefore difficult to combine within one organization. Furthermore, it demonstrates that these NGOs do not contribute to democracy as predicted by theory. In particular, they are weak at providing channels of communication between state and society, and at directly representing, involving, and being accountable to ordinary citizens. We argue, nevertheless, that they perform these functions in a different way. [R]
64.5094 KANTHA, Pramod K. —
The political stalemate prevailing in Nepal since the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly (CA) in 2012 ended with the second CA polls in November. Bhutan's second parliamentary elections in July and the opposition People's Democratic Party's victory over the outgoing Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (Bhutan Peace and Prosperity Party) were signs of consolidation of Bhutan's nascent democracy. [R]
64.5095 KARSLIOĞLU, Hüseyin Avni —
The article argues that Turkey has built a solid and fast growing national economy while also upgrading democratic standards. Whereas many observers have widely criticized the authorities’ reaction to the Gezi Park protests in Istanbul in Summer 2013, the author considers the events as proof for a sound functioning of democratic institutions. The “democracy package” presented by the Turkish government in September 2013 marks an important step for the long-term and thorough democratization of Turkey. The conflict in Syria has forced more than 600,000 people from [Syria] to take refugee in Turkey, an enormous strain for Turkey. As concerns, Turkey's relations with the EU, Turkey and Europe share the same basic values and interests. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.4984]
64.5096 KAYA, Ayhan —
This paper is critically engaged in the elaboration of the ideology of multiculturalism in the European context, which is currently constrained by the securitization and stigmatization of migration and Islam. In western nation-states, migration has recently been framed as a source of fear and instability in a way that constructs “communities of fear”. This article claims that both securitization and Islamophobia have recently been employed by the neo-liberal states as a form of governmentality in order to control the masses in ethno-culturally and religiously diverse societies at the expense of deepening the already existing cleavages between majority societies and minorities with Muslim background. The article also refers to the revitalization of the rhetoric of tolerance and multiculturalism by the Justice and Development Party [AKP] rule in Turkey. [R, abr.]
64.5097 KEIL, Kathrin —
While neorealism evokes a confrontational rush for the Arctic's resources, whereas neoliberal institutionalism propagates the necessary reform of the institutional system governing Arctic issues, both share the underlying assumption of significant and rising stakes towards Arctic commodities. However, this debate has hitherto failed to substantiate the actual stakes of the main actors involved. Consequently, many studies make grandiloquent statements about prospects of cooperation and conflict and the appropriate institutional framework for the Arctic region, based on only limited empirical support. This article analyzes the Arctic oil and gas interests of the five Arctic littoral states (Russia, US, Canada, Norway and Denmark/Greenland). The analysis shows greatly different levels of interests towards the High North among the Arctic states. [R, abr.]
64.5098 KHALIL, Andrea —
This paper examines gender politics of the Tunisian revolution and the transitional period from 14 January 2011 to the elections on 23 October 2011 within the theoretical framework of revolutionary “restoration”. The broader arc of the revolution saw a radical change in Tunisia's gender politics from “state-feminist” ideology of the pre-revolution period to decentralized “gender activisms” of the post-revolutionary period. Revolution, however, also moves towards restorations of social and gender dynamics of the previous political order. The post-revolutionary “gender activisms” sought to restore the justice of foundational moral principles: “secular human rights” or “Islamist principles”. The transitional government also restored the gendered hierarchies reminiscent of the nationalist period. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.5123]
64.5099 KHAN, Muhammad Aslam —
I have argued that brimming instability affords a very ripe platform for the transnational actors in Middle East (ME) to flourish and become challenge for the Western Balkan Region (WBR) by targeting it through organized crimes in the process of pushing forward their agenda of introducing instability to any stable or an emerging stable region. ME today stands as an intensely ripped-off region by the conflicts and the impending conflicts where diplomacy appears to be flabbergasted about unyielding stance of the conflict parties and those besides, who have heavy stakes in the crucial arena. [R, abr.]
64.5100 KIPGEN, Nehginpao —
The simmering tension between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Western Myanmar escalated into a violent conflict in 2012, first in June and again in October. The violence led to the loss of over a hundred lives, destruction of thousands of homes, and the displacement of tens of thousands of people. The Myanmar government intervened to end the bloodshed but tension continues to linger. This article argues that, instead of alienating the Rohingyas politically, consociational democracy should be pursued to address the problem. The support and cooperation of both Buddhists and Muslims, and perhaps assistance from a neutral organization like the UN, would help achieve a political solution. [R]
64.5101 KNIGHT, Carl —
South Africa is a highly distributively-unequal country, and its inequality continues to be largely along racial lines. Such circumstances call for assessment from the perspective of contemporary theories of distributive justice. Three such theories — Rawlsian justice, utilitarianism, and luck egalitarianism — are described and applied. Rawls's difference principle recommends that the worst-off be made as well as they can be, a standard which South Africa clearly falls short of. Utilitarianism recommends the maximization of overall societal well-being, a goal which South Africa again fails to achieve given its severe inequality and the fact of the diminishing marginal value of money. The final theory, luck egalitarianism, aims to make distributions sensitive to individual exercises of responsibility. [R, abr.]
64.5102 LANDAUER, Matthew —
This essay focuses on popular unaccountability in democratic Athens: ordinary citizens participating but not speaking in the Courts and the Assembly were unaccountable. I explore possible justifications of popular unaccountability, including arguments from democratic sovereignty and epistemic arguments, and stress the importance of a third strand: the identification of jurors and assemblymen with deservedly unaccountable, because comparatively weak and powerless, idiōtai (private citizens), whose political activity failed to reach a level requiring intense scrutiny and control. Nonetheless, such a justification was always tenuous. As I show through a reading of Aristophanes’ Wasps, it was always possible to destabilize the juror idiōtēs identity and replace it with a much more troubling image: the identification of the juror with the dangerously unaccountable tyrant. [R, abr.]
64.5103 LARSON, Erik, et al. —
How do attempts to politically mobilize support on the basis of ethnicity resonate with the people targeted? This paper develops theory about the affinities between institutionalized political orientations — how individuals understand their place in political processes and how they make decisions about political issues — and the ways that ethnic appeals may make sense to people. By focusing on institutionalized orientations as a form of consciousness, this theory enables analysis of how orientations of different segments of a polity facilitate the resonance of ethnic appeals and relate to one another, which holds implications for attempts to counter ethnic mobilization. The paper applies this theory to Fiji, a country that has experienced divisive ethnic politics and attempts to forge alternate models of national unity. [R, abr.]
64.5104 LAWOTI, Mahendra —
After a decade of upheavals, Nepal elected in November 2013 its Second Constituent Assembly, but it is still unclear whether elites will accept reforms that empower wider sections of society. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4965]
64.5105 LEBAS, Adrienne —
After four years of sharing power with the opposition, Zimbabwe's longtime president Robert Mugabe and his party claimed a huge victory in the 2013 elections. What accounts for the opposition's stunning electoral decline? [R] [See also Abstr. 64.5116]
64.5106 LEE Ching Kwan —
This essay sketches an array of cultural, political, and bureaucratic mechanisms that mediate the Chinese Communist state's relationship with the major types of social protests, in the process exploring how governance and contention have transformed each other in the past six decades. In particular, it spotlights a noteworthy development in recent years: the increasingly salient market nexus between state and protest. While the regime response of making economic concessions to protesters is hardly unique in the context of China's own past, the transition from top-down mandated concession to pervasive bargaining between the state and protesters is a significant break with past patterns. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Growing pains in a rising China”. See also Abstr. 64.4399, 4526, 5159]
64.5107 LEE Hong Yung —
The second year of Kim Jong Un's rule in North Korea was enormously eventful. The year began with Pyongyang carrying out its third nuclear test, a move of reckless brinksmanship that alarmed the region and beyond. North Korea formally declared its goal of “simultaneously pursuing nuclear and economic development”, but failed to take a decisive step toward economic reform. The ruthless purge and execution of Jang Song-taek revealed the structural weakness of the ruling system. [R]
64.5108 LeVAN, A. Carl —
Despite two decades of democratization and some recent liberalization in North Africa, dictatorships linger around the world. New research on comparative authoritarianism questions personal rule and studies a range of dependent variables, such as why dictators sometimes provide public goods. This “analytic authoritarian” literature emphasizes collective governance and explores the institutional basis of policy control. Nigeria's military regimes between 1966 and 1998 provide examples of how military factions and subnational actors can impose transaction costs on authoritarian policy processes. These alternative centers of policy control limited the ability of dictators to unilaterally advance their policy preferences on questions relating to federalism and transition plans. [R, abr.]
64.5109 LIPTON, Merle —
This article examines whether, as some claim, post-apartheid South Africa's constitutional democracy is being eroded by, in particular, the alleged “reracialization” of policy, replacing the previous institutionalized discrimination against blacks with a black economic empowerment policy that favors the African majority over the white, cultured and Indian minorities. It also discusses whether the work of institutionalists such as North, Wallis and Weingast provides a useful theoretical framework for analyzing this and other aspects of South Africa's evolution since Union in 1910, when used as a complement to, rather than replacement of, the more usual race/class analyses. [R]
64.5110 LØVLIE, Frode —
Following the 2007 war between Fatah and Hamas, Palestinian politics appears to have followed the regional trend where the competition between secularism and Islamism is developing into a major political cleavage. Through comparisons of the two movements’ ideologies, however, the article questions the relevance of this religious-secular cleavage to explaining Palestinian factional politics. Fatah has turned increasingly religious in response to the spread of Islamism. Hamas has shed its overly religious rhetoric, absolutist territorial claims, and insistence on a violent solution to the Palestinian problem, in tandem with the deradicalization of the Palestinian population. In finding that both movements have moved toward the center of the political spectrum to maximize support, the article concludes that their rivalry is best understood as a competition for the median voter rather than as an indication of political polarization. [R, abr.]
64.5111 LYMAN, Princeton N. —
Nelson Mandela, who died in late 2013, fought for freedom for all the people of South Africa and masterfully guided his country's transition to a nonracial democracy. His record on foreign policy is more ambiguous, but also instructive. [R]
64.5112 MAIOLINI, Mario E. —
The Arab Spring has had little effect on the Gulf monarchies, which are actively present on the international scene, as a survey of milestones of Middle Eastern history since Nasser's pan-Arabism demonstrates. The Syrian Civil War and Iran's nuclear program have consolidated Saudi Arabia's and Qatar's primordial role in the region, as well as in the wake of the Arab Spring. The Gulf monarchies considered that the latter could threaten their stability and reacted by taking economic and financial measures, especially in view of appeasing Shiite minorities. Additionally, King Abdullah has carried out several social reforms in order to prevent innovative initiatives emulating countries that have been shaken by the Arab Spring.
64.5113 MALESKY, Edmund —
This essay reviews Vietnamese politics in 2013 through the lens of the constitutional drafting process and the unprecedented confidence vote in the National Assembly. Both events were framed by the country's ongoing economic struggles, elite political contestation, international integration, and a more informed public, fueled by an increasingly active blogosphere. The events foreshadow how future Vietnamese leaders can no longer rely on deep reservoirs of patriotism for legitimacy. Performance matters now more than ever. [R]
64.5114 MALIK, Anas —
Pakistan made history, with an elected civilian government completing a full five-year term in 2013 before turning power over to another elected civilian government. Elections saw high turnout, bringing N. Sharif back as prime minister. Though former military ruler P. Musharraf was placed on trial, the Pakistani military remains politically powerful. Violent militancy, power shortages, and fiscal problems continued, but an IMF loan should provide some short-term relief. [R]
64.5115 MANEA, Elham —
Throughout Arab history, women have played an integral role in many independence movements and at times of wars, and in the process defied social stereotypes and traditional constraints. However, the moment the situation started to normalize, the old social norms and traditional perceptions of women's roles have tended to reassert themselves. The same can be said about women's visible participation in the Arab popular uprisings of 2011: participation was followed by a conservative backlash. This paper narrates the pattern of women's political participation that was then followed by exclusion, offering concrete examples. It highlights the argument that this backlash may not be surprising after all. Nevertheless, despite the backlash, the flux now taking place in the region is unsettling gender perceptions and roles. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4907]
64.5116 MANGONGERA, Charles —
By militarizing key state institutions and using violence against the opposition, Zimbabwe's military elites have hindered the country's transition to democracy. In return, they have been richly rewarded. Can the military's tentacles be untangled from Zimbabwean politics? [R] [See also Abstr. 64.5105]
64.5117 MARINI, Philippe —
Noting the sinking of the Syrian conflict and the rise of Jihadism, the author calls for a clear position from the French government, which he blames for inconsistency in its foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.5047]
64.5118 MATSAGANIS, Manos; LEVENTI, Chrysa —
The severe economic crisis that has been affecting Greece since 2009 is having an unprecedented impact in terms of job and income losses, and is widely perceived to have a comparably significant effect in terms of greater inequality and increased poverty. This article provides an early assessment of whether (and to what extent) the latter is the case. Specifically, it simulates the impact of the austerity (i.e., fiscal consolidation policies) and the recession (i.e., negative developments in the wider economy) on the distribution of incomes in 2009–2012, and estimates how the burden of the Great Recession has been shared across income groups. The article discusses the policy implications of the research. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4869]
64.5119 MATTOS VAZUALDO, Diego —
This article reflects on one of the ways in which contemporary Bolivian society has tried to solve the abrupt sense of emptiness in the conception of the nation in the neoliberal era. The article argues that the coca leaf has been one of the most important elements used by certain sectors of the Bolivian society to fill this void. Its symbolic power has made it possible for the coca leaf (in certain political, social, and cultural circumstances) to pass from being a key element of local representation to a national one. Likewise, the coca leaf contains in itself the always problematic relationship between the local and the global policies of eradication. As a theoretical framework, the article turns to I. Wallerstein's notion of world-system, Th. Barnett's concept of globalization, and E. Laclau's conception of representation. [R, abr.]
64.5120 McCARGO, Duncan —
Cambodia in 2013 was dominated by close-fought national elections on 28 July, only narrowly won by the ruling Cambodian People's Party after an unexpectedly strong showing by the opposition. Generational change was a major theme of the year, seen in the growing activism of youth and the deaths of several prominent figures. [R]
64.5121 MESTVIRISHVILI, Natia; MESTVIRISHVILI, Maia —
The study [examines] whether and how an individual's perceived economic situation is related to emancipative values in Georgia. The analysis employs individual-level survey data from nationwide public opinion surveys conducted by the Caucasus Research Resource Centers (CRRC) in 2010 and 2011 in Georgia. Several dimensions of emancipative values are examined: gender equality, tolerance, participation, autonomy, interpersonal trust, satisfaction with life and religion. Level of education and age are brought in as alternative factors accounting for value change. The results are ambiguous and only partially confirm validity of the emancipative theory of democracy on an individual level in Georgia. [R]
64.5122 MILTON-EDWARDS, Beverley —
In the Gaza Strip, specifically, the dominant Islamist actor, Hamas, is facing internal challenges from other Islamist elements. These rival Islamists are also influenced by events across their border in post-revolutionary Egypt where a plethora of new Islamist actors are vying for political space and power. This article deals with Hamas's Islamist rivals, and the effects they have had on Hamas's governance of the Gaza Strip, and political and religious legitimacy within it. It will focus on ideological and violent disputes between the Islamist elements in Gaza, and the means by which Hamas and its security elements have tackled newly emerging rivals. [R, abr.]
64.5123 MOGHADAM, Valentine M. —
What has the Arab Spring meant to women, and women's rights, in the region? Three years after the mass social protests of January and February 2011, when and where can we expect the promises of democracy and equality, and the revolutionary spirit of unity and purpose, to be realized? This Foreword offers a stock-taking of events and possible future directions, with a focus on prospects for a women-friendly democratization. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Women, gender and the Arab Spring”, edited and introduced, pp. 131–136, by Andrea KHALIL. See also Abstr. 64.4380, 4382, 4448, 5062, 5098]
64.5124 MOK, Francis K. T. —
In the light of the apparent differences in political inclinations between China Mainland immigrants (or Mainlanders) and the people of Hong Kong and Taiwan, those who want to defend a restrictive policy on the admission and reception of Mainlanders by Hong Kong and Taiwan may appeal to two impartial political considerations: (1) the communitarian defense of preserving the distinctive liberal democratic culture of one's community; and (2) the need for democratic consolidation. However, various survey results suggest that the differences in political outlook between Mainlanders and other Chinese in Hong Kong and Taiwan, though significant, were not substantial enough to warrant a general rejection of China Mainland immigrants out of defense of a liberal democratic community. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.5083]
64.5125 MUKHERJEE, Kunal —
This paper looks at the conflict in the Indian Northeast and revolves primarily around the different levels of conflict. The Indian Northeast is most certainly one of the most under- researched conflict zones in academia. This paper uses M. Kaldor's “New War” thesis as a theoretical framework to understand the situation, and pays special attention to its very complex and multifaceted nature. The paper argues that the levels of violence differ from one state to another in a region which has always had complicated relations with the rest of India since 1947. Poverty, corruption, administrative failure, police brutality, identity politics, human rights abuses and the role played by external actors such as China and Burma in the region are some of the key features associated with this conflict. [R, abr.]
64.5126 MUNI, S. D. —
An opposition victory in this Himalayan kingdom's second elections in 2013 showed that surprises are possible even in a democratic transition that has been guided from above by the monarchy. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4965]
64.5127 MURRAY, Philomena; WARLEIGH-LACK, Alex; HE Baogang —
Both the UK and Australia have been studied by specialists in each region rather than by comparativists. This article examines the regional “awkwardness” of the UK and Australia comparatively. Australia and Britain are “awkward” states in their respective regions — Asia and Europe. This is clear in their approaches to institutions, economic policy, security and identity. We examine comparatively the role of power, institutions, economy, domestic politics and culture to see which mix best accounts for the awkward status of these two states. Through this comparison, this article demonstrates that the so-called “uniqueness” of the UK in regionalism literature is in fact a nearly “universal” phenomenon, insofar as many global regions include awkward states. [R]
64.5128 MUSTHAQ, Fathima —
After a brief era of political opening, the authoritarian old guard has ridden a dubiously conducted presidential election back into power. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4965]
64.5129 MYCOCK, Andrew; HAYTON, Richard —
This article assesses how the main British multi-national parties, while retaining an attachment of one form or another to the concept of the Union-state, have responded to existing and emergent identity tensions. Through examination of Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats, with brief discussion of the BNP, UKIP and the English Democrats, it considers the impact of devolution and the threat of separatist nationalism on party approaches and policy choices concerning English identity construction and governance. It also explores the extent to which devolution has compromised the ability of UK politicians to “speak of Britain” and the four composite nations. By comparing and contrasting the narratives articulated by parties at different levels of governance, it asks whether a nascent “party politics of Englishness” has emerged which can accommodate these challenges. [R, abr.]
64.5130 NASSOR, Aley Soud; JOSE, Jim —
Power-sharing has become a common strategy to resolve political conflicts in Africa. However, it has rarely survived for very long, and much of the scholarship on power-sharing remains largely negative. Yet Zanzibar's power-sharing approach, adopted in 2010, points to a more positive democratic possibility. We explore the background to this development, note some of the issues behind the move to power-sharing, and look briefly at its implementation following the 2010 elections. We argue that Zanzibar's power-sharing strategy appears to have ended the zero-sum nature of Zanzibari politics, ushering in a more consensus-based approach reminiscent of Julius Nyerere's concept of ujamaa. [R, abr.]
64.5131 NEWMAN, Saul —
This study analyzes two case studies: the Unionist-Republican conflict and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These disputes are comparable in that peace accords depend on majorities ceding rights to subordinate nationalist groups. However, dominant nationalist groups in the two cases have behaved differently. Unionists have proven more willing to make the necessary political concessions for peace. Testing hypotheses derived from theories of negotiation, trust, opportunity, positive and negative contact and covenants, the findings suggest these variations may be partially explained by the level of trust in subordinate nationalists, perceived threats to dominant labor, and the level of religiosity among dominant nationalists. [R, abr.]
64.5132 OCKEY, James —
The Thai government in 2013 faced numerous challenges: a gradual decline in popularity, continuing insurgency in the South, problems with the economy and economic strategy, and difficult relations with the military. These challenging issues on the agenda led to widespread demonstrations and intractable conflict by the end of the year. [R]
64.5133 PAGEDAS, Constantine A.; NORDENMAN, Magnus, eds. —
Introduction by Constantine A. PAGEDAS, pp. 1–5. Articles by Tozun BAHCHELI, “Cyprus 1974: Turkey's military success followed by political stalemate”, pp. 6–21; Michalis ATTALIDES, “The Cyprus problem after the 1999 Helsinki European Council”, pp. 22–53; Andreas D. MAVROYIANNIS, “The geopolitical role of Cyprus in the wider context of the European Union”, pp. 54–64; John SITILIDES, “The modern geopolitics of the Cyprus question”, pp. 77–94; Michael CLARKE, “Cyprus: the mouse that may yet roar”, pp. 95–104; Ross WILSON, “Turks, Cypriots, and the Cyprus problem: hopes and complications”, pp. 105–110.
64.5134 PANTIN, Vladimir I.; LAPKIN, Vladimir V. —
Considered in the article are basic risks and alternatives of the political development of modern Ukraine, due to its intermediate geopolitical position between the countries of the EU,. on the one hand, and Russia, on the other. It is demonstrated that Ukraine's radical rejection with Russia entails a multitude of problems and dangers for Ukrainian politics and economics. Fundamental variants and prospective scenarios of integrative interaction of Ukraine and Russia are considered. [R]
64.5135 PEDRO, Nicolás de —
Central Asia's future depends on what will happen in Afghanistan after the US troops’ withdrawal from the territory, which will redefine the region's scenario. Tajikistan is particularly vulnerable to the evolution of the Afghan conflict and to the risks that will follow it, namely Afghan drug trafficking and a rise of insurgent groups. Uzbekistan will play a major role in the US troops’ withdrawals’ logistics, but if repressive Islam Karimov is not re-elected in 2014, the country might not fulfil the security conditions for the operation. The relationship between Central Asian States is becoming tense and Russia will seize the chance to increase its influence. However, the sole actor capable of achieving a certain degree of regional integration is China.
64.5136 PHILIPPON, Alix —
Muslim symbolic politics in Pakistan has been a much studied topic even though little is known about the specific role of Sufism, the mystical trend within Islam, in these complex dynamics. This article argues that this highly ambiguous and ambivalent category of Islamic discourse, covering a wide spectrum of beliefs and practices, has often been tapped as a political resource, instrumentalized as a legitimizing tool by both state and non-state actors and played a major role in the ideological debates on the place of Islam in Pakistani state and society, especially since the beginning of the “War on Terror”. [R]
64.5137 PREZIOSO, Stefanie —
One effect of Berlusconism's amazing staying power was that the Italian public accepted as natural the dissolution of a whole series of paradigms on which its relation to politics and civil society had previously rested. To this one must add the extraordinary cultural strength of the new Right that emerged in the 1990s, setting the tone for Italian society. This strength lay primarily in a new way of combining diverse political cultures, which did not however smooth the rough edges specific to each tradition. The new culture rested on a particularly effective network that set itself the task of reshaping public opinion. The historiographic revisionism was massively broadcasted by the media and is responsible for the Left's difficulty developing a “revolutionary critique of the present”.
64.5138 RAM, Melanie H. —
This article explores how EU enlargement and the concomitant migration of some Roma to Western Europe influenced NGO activity and the representation of Roma interests. It contributes to our understanding of whether European integration advances or reduces opportunities for representation and participation of marginalized groups. Based in part on interviews with NGOs advocating for Roma migrants in France, the author finds that the freedom of movement that came with EU membership gave rise to new and expanded representation of Roma interests through NGOs, with the EU playing an important role in this advocacy. For the most part, however, it has not led to greater Roma participation or to policy responses aimed at improving their situation. [R]
64.5139 SABIROV, R. T. —
The arrest of the former President N. Enkhbayar in 2012 on the eve of the parliamentary elections galvanized the country and became one of the main events in the political life of Mongolia. Evaluation of the event is divided. Some see it as a shining example of the fight against corruption, indicating that Mongolia is on track for democratic development. Others believe that the country is sliding into authoritarianism. Mongolia, which became in the last twenty years a successful and probably only example of successful democratization in the post-socialist space in Asia is at risk with the advent of a authoritarian leader and change of the trajectory of political development. [R]
64.5140 SAMAD, Yunas —
The management and incorporation of ethnic identities in Pakistan has historically been far more problematic in Balochistan than other provinces and regions. With the killing in 2006 of Akbar Bugti, the head of the Bugti tribe, federal minister, chief minister and Governor of Balochistan, the province became politically polarized and has descended into a new cycle of bombings, abductions and murders. The rebellion has resulted in a major security operation pitting the security forces against the Baloch people, attacks against Punjabi settlers and sectarian violence against Hazara Shias that collectively threaten to derail major development projects and increase instability in Pakistan as a whole at a critical juncture. This article examines the insurgency in Balochistan and evaluates various perspectives used to explain the present crisis. [R, abr.]
64.5141 SECKELMANN, Magrit —
Many attribute the Pirate Party's rise in the surveys to the fact that it experiments with new decision-making policies within the party which combine principles of both direct and representative democracy. The differences between these two concepts are fading, especially since the 1990s with the expansion of the internet, but this phenomenon, also named metaphorically “liquid democracy”, is not easily conciliated with the notion of democracy in the German Basic Law, which considers both modalities separately. Whether these frictions can be solved efficiently and if a constitutional change is needed, is an issue that should open the door to further investigations.
64.5142 SIDEL, John T. —
The year 2013 in the Philippines saw President Aquino's administration buoyed by mid-term election results in May but otherwise mired in scandal, episodes of violence in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, escalating tensions with China, and difficulties responding to the massive typhoon that hit the Eastern Visayas in early November. [R]
64.5143 SIMONET, Daniel —
Despite political support and reiterated calls for re-industrialization, the German model (defined as a strong industry backed by the banking sector; greater cooperation between trade unions, the government and corporate boards; an export-driven economy) has remained unachievable in France. The industrial sector and exports have been receding since the 1970s; industrial relations have deteriorated and the “National champions” policy (that is, picking winners, for example, Airbus, or creating them via mergers, subsidizing large-scale pivotal industries, for example, IT Plan of 1968, coal and steel industries) was abandoned in the 1980s. Did that vacuum let the British model slowly take root in France? Are France and the UK heading toward greater convergence, or do elements of differentiation remain? This article argues that despite some changes to a more liberal political economy in France, Britishmodeled “active” labor policies, and a shift to international and financial capitalism remains stronger in France than in the UK. The current crises help highlight persistent differences. [R]
64.5144 SOHN Yul; KANG Won-Taek —
The new government led by President Park Geun-hye faced challenges that the previous government had largely failed to address: rising income disparity, stagnant growth, political reform, and foreign policy issues, including a nuclear North Korea and an assertive Japan. Park's foreign policy scored some successes while her old-style management of political affairs supported by the old guard caused a prolonged political stalemate with the opposition party. [R]
64.5145 SPRINGBORG, Robert D. —
The Turkish model of a constitutionally empowered executive body, controlled by the military, appears to have trumped the contemporary, Islamist one in Egypt. But the Turkish military coup of 1980 unwittingly and unintentionally laid the groundwork for the transition that ultimately swept it from power and its leaders into jail. Will Egypt's civilian political and economic actors be similarly and sufficiently astute to exploit the opportunities they inevitably will have even under military rule? Egyptian political forces will inevitably mount serious challenges as they did in Turkey. In Egypt, however, the domestic and regional political and economic contexts are so different from those in Turkey that the outcome of the struggle for power between civilians and the military are likely to deviate substantially from this Turkish model. [R, abr.]
64.5146 STONE, Jason G. —
With the defeat of the Tamil Tigers in a 26-year civil war, Sri Lanka had a chance for genuine reconciliation, but that chance is being squandered by the government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4965]
64.5147 TANNER, Rolf —
Narratives that dramatize and simplify conflicts should be corroded by exposure to complex reality. Yet they retain their mobilizing power in the Middle East, topped up by conspiracy theories. [R]
64.5148 TASPINAR, Omer —
The Turkish model of democracy, economic competence and regional influence is not unraveling because of a clash between Islam and secularism. The real conflict is between electoral democracy and liberalism. [R]
64.5149 THAN, Tin Maung Maung —
The year 2013 in Myanmar saw parliaments disagreeing with the executive. A joint parliamentary committee to review and amend the Constitution was formed. Western sanctions were virtually withdrawn. A resurgence of communal violence, the emergence of Buddhist nationalism, and public protest over mega-projects, land rights, wage disputes, and freedom to demonstrate were worrisome developments. A nationwide ceasefire agreement remained elusive. [R]
64.5150 TOLUNAY, Özlem Ilyas —
During the last ten years, a new Turkey has been created. The Justice and Development Part (AKP) government of Prime Minister R.T. Erdogan has begun the establishment of an authoritarian regime built upon Sunni Islamic principles and neoliberal economics. We are in an era where the two have combined to create the worst of all worlds for women. [R]
64.5151 TRAMPUSCH, Christine —
This article argues that a within-case analysis of the causes and patterns of the institutionalization of rating in the German financial system offers fresh insights into change in the major socio-economic institutions of advanced capitalism. Using the method of systematic process analysis, the article explores the expansion of credit rating in the German banking system from three perspectives: historical (power), sociological (diffusion) and behavioral institutionalism (prospect theory). It demonstrates that the proliferation of credit rating resulted from a change of preference on the part of large banks. With Germany as a least likely case for successfully implementing rating, the study [shows] that institutional analysis may benefit from incorporating behavioral institutionalism into the analysis of preference-change because this cites economic motivations as causes of preference shifts and institutional changes. [R]
64.5152 TUDOR, Maya —
Long prone to coups, Pakistan now for the first time has seen a freely elected government duly serve out its full term and peacefully hand the reins of power to another. [R] [See Abstr. 64.4965]
64.5153 TURNER, Robin L. —
Nearly two decades after South Africa's democratization, questions of tradition and accountability continue to trouble the polity as more than 14 million black South Africans remain subject to state-recognized, so-called “traditional” leaders — kings, queens, chiefs and regents. This article deepens our understanding of contemporary governance by exploring the agency of these citizen-subjects through close examination of traditional leaders’ strategies and citizen-subjects’ mobilizations in four rural localities. These cases illustrate how citizen-subjects are working with, against and through traditional leaders and councils, hybrid organizations and independent groups to pursue community development and effective, accountable governance, and show how the present governance framework enables traditional leaders to block or undermine collective initiatives. [R, abr.]
64.5154 VANDEGINSTE, Stef —
There is a remarkable discrepancy between the political representation of the Batwa ethnic minority group in Burundi compared to in Rwanda. Whereas Rwanda's focus on citizenship prevents the Batwa from claiming recognition as a politically salient societal segment, Burundi's governance model, characterized by ethnic, consociational power-sharing, guarantees the political representation of the Batwa in the legislative assemblies. The difference is mainly due to the various modalities of political transition that both countries have experienced. While in Rwanda, regime change came about through a military victory, Burundi's transition from conflict to peace involved a long and complex peacenegotiations process, with international mediators viewing the armed conflict and its resolution in explicitly ethnic terms. The comparative analysis offers insights into the potential of peace processes with respect to improved minority-rights protection following violent conflict. [R, abr.]
64.5155 VERDERAME, Giovan Battista —
The West is profoundly confused by the Arab Spring, which implies a confrontation between modernization and tradition. The authoritarian regimes in those countries have fallen, but the Islamic democracies replacing them do not satisfy the ideologues of the revolutions, who question their legitimacy. The scenario becomes particularly complex due to the fact that fundamentalism is not easily separated from politics and to the ambiguity of the armies’ role in the process. It is necessary to accept that Western values are not adequate for the Islamic world, which needs to harmonize the cohabitation of its members through an inclusive political dialogue.
64.5156 VOLLER, Yaniv —
This paper challenges the tendency to view Kurdish unilateralism as motivated primarily by greed. It argues that a better explanation lies in the KRG's contested sovereignty and aspiration to legitimize and guarantee its precarious existence. Gaining and demonstrating its control over oil reserves in the Kurdistan region and the territories claimed by the KRG has been viewed as essential in consolidating Kurdish sovereignty over the region and exhibiting this sovereignty to the international community, especially those objecting to Kurdish sovereignty. [R]
64.5157 WANG Yuhua —
Why has the Chinese communist state remained so durable in an age of democratization? Contrary to existing theories, this article argues that the strong state coercive capacity has survived the authoritarian rule in China. We demonstrate that the Chinese Communist Party has taken deliberate actions to enhance the cohesion of its coercive organizations — the police, in particular — by distributing “spoils of public office” to police chiefs. In addition, the state has extended the scope of its coercion by increasing police funding in localities where the state sector loses control of the population. We use and rely on mixed methods to test this theory. [R]
64.5158 WEIPERT-FENNER, Irene —
Three years after the mass protests in the MENA region it is still unclear if the transformations will lead to democracy. This article reflects the challenge that the open-ended developments posed for the first “wave” of publications. It starts with the difficulty to find an appropriate term for the events of 2011: “Arab Spring” or “Arab Revolutions”? Second, the reevaluation of autocratic regime research highlighted the relevance of social movements as well as the interconnectedness of politics from above and below. Yet, more general conclusions could hardly be drawn with the transformations unfolding. Finally, studies on Egypt and Tunisia underlined the ambivalence by showing how the army, the Islamists and the media supported as well as threatened democratization; EU democracy-promotion, however, seemed unable to adapt sufficiently to the development. [R]
64.5159 WELLER, Robert P. —
China has seen a remarkable growth and pluralization of religious activity over the past thirty years, a development that has rapidly overtaken the incremental and sluggish changes in the relevant regulatory structures. In much of the country, the government has managed the mismatch between religious practice and official rules by pretending not to notice violations of the regulations as long as people pretend that they are following the rules. Comparative evidence suggests that such a mode of governance can be long-lasting and effective by encouraging groups to self-censor, by allowing space for contextual experimentation, and by stressing the acceptance of nominal convention over the control of behavior. This situation is likely to continue unless China adopts a new vision of the desired relation between state and society. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.5106]
64.5160 WICKRAMASINGHE, Nira —
The year 2013 witnessed a further consolidation of the power of President M. Rajapaksa and his loyalists of the ruling United People's Freedom Alliance. The country's high economic growth continued amid allegations of corruption and nepotism. The regime's past and present human rights record came under serious scrutiny. [R]
64.5161 WYATT, Andrew —
The Congress-led coalition battled through another difficult year with issues of governance continuing to cause difficulty for the government. The economy performed unevenly, with high rates of inflation and slower economic growth. Close relations were maintained with the US, but relations with China remained awkward. Pakistan and India made little headway on improving relations. Campaigning for the 2014 general election began midway through 2013. [R]
64.5162
Articles on the lessons of the genocide, by Manfred EISELE; Wolfgang SCHOMBURG; Gerrit KURTZ; Judith VORRATH; Ekkehard GRIEP; Sarah BROCKMEIER.