Abstract
64.6384 ACHARYA, Amitav —
It is increasingly recognized that the literature on norms, like that of international relations more generally, neglects or obscures the voices and role of non-Western actors. Part of the reason has to do with its relatively narrow conceptualization of agency: who are the norm-makers and how do they create and diffuse norms? This article calls for a broader understanding of what norm-making means and who should be considered as norm-entrepreneurs. It then examines the debates and outcomes of the Asian-African Conference in Bandung in 1955 to illustrate some if not all of the key points about the normative agency of the developing countries in the construction of the postwar security order. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6497]
64.6385 ADRIAENSEN, Johan; COREMANS, Evelyn; KERREMANS, Bart —
To ensure math-averse students acquire the necessary quantitative skills, we propose a curriculum-based approach whereby a Learning Trajectory of Quantitative Methods (LTQM) is integrated in the nonmethodological courses of the program. A structured integration of such methods can ensure repeated exposure to applications of such methods in a context of their interests. Moreover, the use of a learning trajectory enables students to encounter ‘learning activities’ with gradual increasing complexity providing stepping stones rather than stumbling blocks. This article describes the LTQM and discusses both lecturer and student experiences with the proposed innovation thereby providing an in-depth assessment of the benefits and challenges with the integration of a curriculum-wide learning trajectory. [R, abr.]
64.6386 AGNEW, John —
When the territoriality of the state is debated by IR theorists, the discussion is overwhelmingly in terms of the persistence or obsolescence of the territorial state as an unchanging entity rather than in terms of its significance and meaning in different historical-geographical circumstances. Contemporary events call this approach into question. The end of the Cold War, the increased velocity and volatility of the world economy, and the emergence of political movements outside the framework of territorial states, suggest the need to consider the territoriality of states in historical context. Conventional thinking relies on three geographical assumptions (states as fixed units of sovereign space, the domestic foreign polarity, and states as “containers” of societies) that have led into the “territorial trap. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Are social sciences nationalistic?”, edited and introduced by Speranta DUMITRU. See also Abstr. 64.6410, 6470, 6651]
64.6387 AKSOY, Deniz —
This article studies the relationship between elections and domestic terrorism in democracies. Do approaching elections lead to an increase in the volume of terrorist activity? Extant theory suggests that terrorist groups strategically plan their attacks around elections. I argue that approaching elections are not always affiliated with an increase in the volume of terrorist activity. Electoral permissiveness, an important feature of democratic electoral systems, influences the extent to which periods close to elections are periods of heightened terrorist activity. Approaching elections lead to an increase in the volume of attacks in democracies with low electoral permissiveness but not in others. I test my argument with data from Western European democracies between 1950 and 2004. [R, abr.]
64.6388 Al-UBAYDLI, Omar; McCABE, Kevin; TWIEG, Peter —
Several scholars have argued that abundant natural resources can be harmful to economic performance under bad institutions and helpful when institutions are good. These arguments have either been theoretical or based on naturally occurring variation in natural resource wealth. We test this theory by using a laboratory experiment to reap the benefits of randomized control. We conduct this experiment in a virtual world (Second Life) to make institutions more visceral. We find support for the theory. [R]
64.6389 ALOYO, Eamon —
I argue that widely accepted just war theory precepts morally allow and require the assassination of politically powerful individuals [in] some circumstances instead of any other policy that would very likely severely harm more innocents. While all just war theory precepts permit just assassinations [in] certain circumstances, proportionality, necessity, and last resort make just assassinations required whenever they would cause severe harm to the fewest innocents. My argument implies: (1) there are fewer circumstances when wars and other policies that foreseeably but unintentionally harm innocents are just than is commonly thought; (2) the realm of morally permissible violent and non-violent action for powerful individuals is more limited than many presume and politicians are more often morally liable to actions that would mitigate or end objectively unjust serious threats for which they are culpable. [R, abr.]
64.6390 ANDREGG, Michael M.; GILL, Peter —
This introductory article discusses some of the main themes that are contained within this collection, originally delivered as papers to two conferences. There is brief consideration of some issues of method and major themes relating to the legacy of authoritarian regimes, the process of change and the current state of “democracy” are identified. Continuing controversies and uncertainties around intelligence have important implications for democratic governance in many countries which must encourage more comparative work in this key area of intelligence studies. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Comparing the democratization of intelligence”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.6446, 6793, 6800, 6827, 6881, 6890]
64.6391 ANNESLEY, Claire, et al. —
Securing executive attention for new policy demands is notoriously difficult as governmental agendas are crowded by established or “core” policy issues. This article investigates whether it is harder for new and costly policy issues to reach the government agenda when the economy is performing badly. It examines whether, and the extent to which, costly gender-equality issues regarding women's access to the labor market, equal treatment at work and care activities, are more likely to achieve executive attention when the economy is performing well. Using the Comparative Policy Agendas database, a systematic, quantitative analysis is conducted of when and why policies promoting sex equality in the division of labor reach executive agendas. [R, abr.]
64.6392 ARADAU, Claudia; HUYSMANS, Jef —
This article explores the role of methods in IR and argues that methods can be part of a critical project if reconceptualized away from neutral techniques of organizing empirical material and research design. It proposes a two-pronged reconceptualization of critical methods as devices which enact worlds and acts which disrupt particular worlds. Developing this conceptualization allows us to foreground questions of knowledge and politics as stakes of method and methodology rather than exclusively of ontology, epistemology or theory. It also allows us to move away from the dominance of scientificity (and its weaker versions of systematicity and rigor) to understand methods as less pure, less formal, messier and more experimental, carrying substantive political visions. [R, abr.]
64.6393 ARATO, Andrew —
The article presents the Round Table form, elsewhere post-sovereign multi-stage constitution-making as an independent democratic type superior to the alternatives. It locates the form along with Convention and Constituent Assembly both in a comprehensive typology based on models of regime-transformation, as well as historically. After making a set of normative arguments comparing the three forms, focusing on the issue legitimation, I make a case for the synthetic nature of the Round Table in relation to the two important democratic predecessors. Finally, I reluctantly admit the path-determined nature of the Round Table that strictly speaking seems relevant only (1) in the transitions from dictatorships, if (2) new forces do not have the power to accomplish revolutionary change. [R, abr.]
64.6394 ARIELY, Gal —
Findings regarding the way in which diversity affects social cohesion are discrepant, some scholars arguing that diversity has negative effects on social cohesion and others indicating insignificant or even positive effects. This study claims that these conflicting conclusions are explained by the vagueness of social cohesion — a multidimensional concept. Analyzing cross-national survey data from 42 European countries, it demonstrates how diversity is variably related to the diverse dimensions and operationalization of social cohesion. While diversity is not associated with the most commonly adduced dimension of social cohesion — interpersonal trust — it does possess a negative relation to two other dimensions of social cohesion: belonging and social solidarity. Even these negative relations are not consistent across different operationalizations of belonging and social solidarity, however. [R, abr.]
64.6395 ARNOLD, Jeremy —
Contemporary American discourse is saturated with worries about, or hopes for, America's decline. However, fears of America's decline have been a persistent theme of American writing since the second generation of New England Puritans, worries contained in the genre of the Americanized jeremiad. I argue that seeing H. Arendt's On Revolution as a jeremiad — a literary form central to American writing and dominated by a mood of despair and lamentation over decline that also issues in a positive call to remembrance and action — enables us to better account for a persistently misunderstood feature of Arendt's argument and to use the text as a political and theoretical resource for responding to powerful and unsettling political movements dominating American politics. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on Hannah Arendt, introduced by Dana VILLA. See also Abstr. 64.6717, 7577]
64.6396 AROSEMENA, Gustavo —
This study is an analytical account of the phenomenon of conflicts of rights, tailored to the context of international human rights law. It addresses the nature of conflicts of rights, the relationship between conflicts of rights and the extent and scope of the rights catalogue and the methods used to resolve conflicts. It is structured around the notion of a meta-rule. It argues that a conflict of rights can only be resolved ‘legally’ through the application of a rule that guides the decision-maker to a solution. The study addresses the suitability and justification of such rules. [R]
64.6397 ASHOFF, Guido; KLINGEBIEL, Stephan —
Since the 2000s, the international community has increasingly recognized two basic aspects of development cooperation. First, international development cooperation faces a systemic crisis. Because of the way it is organized and implemented, it is part of the problem it wants to solve. As a response, these have been the attempt of a systemic reform, which in terms of ambition and recognition is unprecedented in the history of development cooperation. Second, the environment of development cooperation has considerably changed. This goes for both the development problématique to which development cooperation reacts and the global context in which it operates. This contribution discusses both processes and draws conclusions for development cooperation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6398 ASHWORTH, Scott; BUENO DE MESQUITA, Ethan —
A long research tradition in behavioral political science evaluates the performance of democracy by examining voter competence. This literature argues that voters’ lack of information undermines a defense of democracy rooted in electoral accountability. We argue that this literature's single-minded focus on voter behavior is misguided. We use a sequence of formal models to show that traditional intuitions are incomplete because they ignore the effect that changes in voter behavior have on the equilibrium behavior of politicians. When this strategic interaction is taken into account, increases in voter information or voter rationality sometimes make democratic performance better and sometimes make democratic performance worse. One simply cannot assess the implications of voter characteristics for democratic performance without also studying how those characteristics affect the behavior of politicians. [R, abr.]
64.6399 AYDIN-ÇAKIR, Aylin —
This study argues that the proximity to a general election would affect the frequency of the opposition parties’ referrals to the constitutional court. This effect is hypothesized to be conditioned on the opposition parties’ prediction of the upcoming election results. To test this theory, I constructed an original data-set including all acts promulgated by Turkish Parliament and all cases that were brought to the Constitutional Court by the opposition parties during 1984–2011. The results show that once the opposition party believes that it will lose the election, it increases its referrals to the Court as election approaches. [R]
64.6400 BACHVAROVA, Mira —
What normative principles should multicultural states be guided by in responding to minority claims for the accommodation of cultural and religious social practices? This article explores how theories of non-domination can contribute to debates on this question in the multiculturalism literature. It examines Ph. Pettit's, C. Laborde's and F. Lovett's republican theories and argues that non-domination-based approaches to multicultural accommodation are more suitable to assess the dynamic of intra- and inter-group relations than the prominent liberalmulticulturalist alternative. However, their advantages are not contingent on the wider theories from which they emerge, but rather related to generalizable features of the non-domination ideal. This suggests that non-domination should also be appealing to non-republicans, who can adopt it minimally as a critical principle to determine illegitimate policies. [R]
64.6401 BALI, Valentina A.; PARK, Johann —
This paper studies the linkages between the timing of terrorist events and elections. As strategic actors, terrorists may respond to electoral environments by altering the frequency of their attacks around election times. Focusing on democracies, we examine variations in transnational and domestic terrorist incidents before elections over a 40 year span. We find distinct pre-electoral changes in the incidence of terrorist events. In the ITERATE data-set, where only transnational terrorist events are included, terrorist activities decline in election months, while in the partitioned GTD data-set, where only domestic terrorist events are kept, terrorist activities rise in election months. [R, abr.]
64.6402 BALINT, Peter —
Almost all philosophical understandings of tolerance as forbearance require that the reasons for objection and/or the reasons for withholding the power to negatively interfere must be of the morally right kind. I instead put forward a descriptive account of an act of tolerance and argue that in the political context, at least, it has several important advantages over the standard more moralized accounts. These advantages include that it better addresses instances of intolerance and that it is able to makes sense of state acts of tolerance. [R]
64.6403 BARANY, Zoltan —
The author looks at how national armies are built following the conclusion of civil wars and identifies lessons derived from three cases: Bosnia and Herzegovina, El Salvador, and Lebanon. He describes the key components of successful post-civil war building of an army. [R]
64.6404 BARNES, Tiffany D.; BEAULIEU, Emily —
How do stereotypes of female candidates influence citizens’ perceptions of political fraud and corruption? Because gender stereotypes characterize female politicians as more ethical, honest, and trustworthy than male politicians, there are important theoretical reasons for expecting female politicians to mitigate perceptions of fraud and corruption. Research using observational data, however, is limited in its ability to establish a causal relationship between women's involvement in politics and reduced concerns about corruption. Using a novel experimental survey design, we find that the presence of a female candidate systematically reduces the probability that individuals will express strong suspicion of election fraud in what would otherwise be considered suspicious circumstances. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 64.6725]
64.6405 BARNETT, Clive —
The relationship between urbanization and democratization remains under-theorized and under-researched. Radical urban theory has undergone a veritable normative turn, registered in debates about the right to the city, spatial justice and the just city, while critical conceptualizations of neoliberalism present “democracy” as the preferred remedy for injustice. However, these lines of thought remain reluctant to venture too far down the path of political philosophy. I argue that this relationship can be usefully understood by drawing on lessons from avowedly normative styles of political theorizing, specifically post-Habermasian strands of critical theory. Taking this tradition seriously helps one to notice that discussions of urbanization, democracy, injustice and rights in geography, urban studies and related fields invoke an implicit but unthematized democratic norm, that of all-affected interests. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6666]
64.6406 BARNETT, Michael N. —
This article argues that the international community is increasingly organized to preserve, protect, and promote human life, reflecting an ethics of care and impulse to intervene for the greater good. This mixture of care and control is captured by the concept of paternalism. Paternalism is either present or dormant in many (if not nearly all) interventions that are designed for the betterment of people and the good of humanity. This article: (1) reassesses and examines the analytical power of this much maligned and misunderstood concept; (2) considers the dimensions upon which paternalism varies in order to develop the concept's value for empirical analysis; (3) speculates how and why paternalism's form has moved from “strong” to “weak” over the last hundred years; and (4) considers whether, why, and when paternalism might be legitimate. [R, abr.]
64.6407 BARNIDGE, Matthew; ROJAS, Hernando —
The corrective action hypothesis predicts that hostile media perceptions and presumed media influence will be positively related to expressive political behaviors. According to this hypothesis, the presumed influence of biased media makes people attempt to “correct” perceived “wrongs” by voicing their own opinions in the public sphere. This study predicts that people with higher levels of hostile media perceptions and presumed media influence will talk politics more often and will seek out a wider array of viewpoints in political conversation. Analysis of survey data from a national representative sample of adults in Colombia largely supports these hypotheses, and also shows that presumed media influence mediates the relationship between hostile media perceptions and political talk diversity. [R]
64.6408 BARQUET, Karina; LUJALA, Päivi; RØD, Jan Ketil —
Advocates of transboundary conservation argue that borderlands can be a source of cooperation between neighboring states that previously engaged in conflict. It has been stated that, by opening negotiation channels based on environmental issues, jointly managed cross-border protected areas can promote and reinforce harmonious relations between contiguous states. We explore this assertion by empirically testing how transboundary protected areas (TBPAs) are related to militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) between contiguous states. Through the use of global data on protected areas and MIDs, we find that TBPAs tend to be established between countries that have previously been engaged in MIDs. [R, abr.]
64.6409 BECK, Lucas, et al. —
Hydro-political dependencies between countries are widely regarded as having important implications for international water cooperation and conflict. Quantitative ex-post empirical research on the subject so far uses very simple characterizations of international river geography to proxy for such dependencies, though. The authors developed a new geo-spatial dataset for water catchments worldwide. This dataset combines elevation models, flow accumulation approaches, hydrological data, and data on international boundaries to generate more precise and nuanced measures of hydro-political dependencies among riparian countries. The paper discusses these measurement concepts, illustrates how dependencies are distributed worldwide, and revisits three prominent quantitative studies on the issue to show how using improved data affects empirical findings. [R, abr.]
64.6410 BECK, Ulrich
This article argues that methodological nationalism is at odds with the “cosmopolitization of reality” produced by a global awareness of crises and risks which are neither confined, nor intelligible, at a national level. The article clarifies the notion of methodological cosmopolitanism which is to be distinguished from both normative cosmopolitanism and other ways to cope with difference. The processes of cosmopolitanism are described in seven theses which untangle the conditions of possibility of a cosmopolitan imagined community. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6386]
64.6411 BELL, Duncan —
I analyze some prominent strands of political thinking in the US and Britain during the first half of the 20th c., an important part of the genealogy of the democratic peace thesis. I delineate four types of argument about peace that were popular in the 19th c.: liberal-systemic, radicalliberal, socialist and republican. I then introduce two other modes of argument that circulated at the turn of the 20th c.: the “democratic war thesis” (the idea that democracies are war-prone) and the “empire peace thesis” (the argument that only imperial states are capable of assuring perpetual peace). I discuss racial utopianism — the claim that the unification of the Anglo-Saxons could eliminate war, securing peace and justice on earth. This white supremacist vision was a call for the racial pacification of the globe. [R, abr.]
64.6412 BELL, Sam R., et al. —
Information transparency is frequently heralded as a positive regime feature. However, does information transparency produce negative side effects such as increased terrorist activity? We theorize that freer transmission of information creates opportunities for radical dissidents to employ political violence to draw attention to their agendas. We build a theoretical argument connecting external (international) transparency to increases in transnational terrorism, and internal (domestic) transparency to increases in domestic terrorism. We find empirical support for our theory by analyzing the effects of measures of transparency on counts of terrorist attacks in as many as 144 countries for time periods as long as 1970 to 2006. [R]
64.6413 BELL, Sam R., et al. —
This article examines how human rights international NGOs (hereafter HROs) can increase the level of political protest in neighboring states. Previous research suggests local activities of HROs help to generate mobilization for protests against governments. This article shows that the presence of HROs in neighboring states can be a substitute for domestic HROs; if domestic HROs are already flourishing, there will be less of a “neighbor” effect. At sufficiently high levels of domestic HRO prevalence within a state, neighboring HROs help domestic HROs use institutionalized substitutes for protest mobilization strategies. Spatial econometric methods are used to test the implications of this theory. These results illuminate the role that NGOs play in these domestic political processes, and demonstrate the transnational nature of their activities. [R]
64.6414 BENHABIB, Seyla —
This essay engages with several critiques of my project a “cosmopolitanism without illusions”. Who is the subject of rights? What are the objects of rights? Is there a distinction between human and moral rights? Furthermore, what is prior in this cosmopolitan account: democracy or human rights? Do democratic iterations exhaust the meaning of principles of rights? Finally, does the “scarf affair” really signify the return of “political theology” or have not such disputes always accompanied secularization and modernity? I argue that moral rights comprise more than human rights and that non-human beings such as animals can have moral rights claims against us. Democratic iterations and rights complement one another. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6712]
64.6415 BENSON, David; LORENZONI, Irene —
The need to understand the scope for comparative lesson-drawing on national-level climate-mitigation policy has acquired added significance due to the current impasse in international-level governance. Greater policy-learning or lesson-drawing among peers at the national level could, to an extent, foster meaningful developments by overcoming generalized international apathy and inaction. In this respect, we analyze the features of one significant example of national climate policy in order to examine the scope for lesson-drawing, thereby setting out a normative research agenda. The UK Climate Change Act 2008 remains one of the few examples of legally enshrined national mitigation legislation and hence provides a relevant, but surprisingly under-researched, source of learning for policy-makers worldwide. [R, abr.]
64.6416 BERGGRUEN, Nicolas; GARDELS, Nathan —
Now legally for sale to the highest bidder, multi-party representative democracy may well be compromised beyond repair. When elected officials increasingly represent their contributors instead of constituents, voting becomes a form of disenfranchisement disguised as consent of the governed. [R]
64.6417 BERINSKY, Adam J.; MARGOLIS, Michele F.; SANCES, Michael W. —
Good survey and experimental research requires subjects to pay attention to questions and treatments, but many subjects do not. We discuss “Screeners” as a potential solution to this problem. We first demonstrate Screeners’ power to reveal inattentive respondents and reduce noise. We then examine important but understudied questions about Screeners. We show that using a single Screener is not the most effective way to improve data quality. Instead, we recommend using multiple items to measure attention. We also show that Screener passage correlates with politically relevant characteristics, which limits the generalizability of studies that exclude failers. We conclude that attention is best measured using multiple Screener questions and that studies using Screeners can balance the goals of internal and external validity by presenting results conditional on different levels of attention. [R]
64.6419 BILLON, Philippe Le —
Many “post-conflict” countries face difficulties in reaping the full benefits of their natural resource wealth for reconstruction and development purposes. This is a major issue given these countries’ needs and the risk of seeing “mismanaged” primary sectors undermine a transition to peace. Bringing together debates about the “inequality-mistrust-corruption” trap and relationships between natural resources and corruption, this paper suggest that some resource sectors may be more likely to foster inequalities, and thereby increase corruption and distrust, while others are less likely to do so. Reviewing arguments and empirical evidence, I point to the relative importance of transition contexts, stakeholder incentives and resource sector characteristics, and suggest how resource-related corruption may be better understood in relation to trustbuilding and reconciliation processes. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6601]
64.6420 BIRCH, Sarah; COCKSHOTT, Paul; RENAUD, Karen —
Electronic voting entered the political arena some years ago, with some countries advocating its use, some countries trialing and then abandoning it and yet others preferring to preserve the status quo of paper-and-pencil voting within a voting booth. We present the pros and cons of electronic voting and propose a set of characteristics we think electronic voting systems should exhibit. We then briefly review some pertinent concerns, issues and worries. We introduce the Handivote system, an electronic voting system that supports voting by means of SMS messaging, and explain how it measures up in terms of our own specified characteristics. [R]
64.6421 BJØRNSKOV, Christian; VOIGT, Stefan —
A common argument in the trust literature is that high-trust cultures allow efficient commercial contracts to be shorter, covering fewer contingencies. We take this idea to the topic of social contracts. Specifically, we ask whether social trust affects the length and detail of constitutions. Cross-country estimates suggest that national trust levels are indeed robustly and negatively associated with the length of countries’ constitutions. [R]
64.6422 BLAIR, Dennis; NEUMANN, Ronald; OLSON, Eric —
Despite thirteen years of American operations in fragile states, there have been few changes in our cumbersome, inefficient and ineffective approach to interagency operations in the field. The time for reform is now. [R]
64.6423 BLIESEMANN DE GUEVARA, Berit —
Exploring the historiography of the International Crisis Group (ICG), this article looks critically at the narratives surrounding the organization's self-declared success. The focus is specifically on the so-called ICG methodology, consisting of field-based research and analysis, practical policy recommendations and high-level advocacy. Combining a three-level approach to the analysis of organizational cultures with Yanow's concept of organizational myths, the article argues that the ICG methodology contains a number of organizational myths that are meant to mask tensions and contradictions in the organization's underpinning basic assumptions and values, which, if publicly discussed, could have the power to undermine its expert authority. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6424 BLIESEMANN DE GUEVARA, Berit —
This issue studies the ICG, one of the most notable and widely referenced producers of knowledge about conflict areas, used extensively by policy-makers, the media and academics. The authors take different theoretical and methodological approaches to make sense of this hard-to-ignore conflict expert, exploring the ICG's daily operations and role in international politics. This introduction sets the scene by offering a critical exploration of the organization and its approach to the construction of political knowledge. It analyses the ICG's position in the conflict-related knowledge market and the sources of its expert authority. It then discusses the organization's roles — from mediation to instrumentalization — in the “battlefield of ideas” in conflict and intervention contexts and its potential to make an impact on policy framings and outcomes. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Knowledge production in conflict: the International Crisis Group”, edited by the author. See Abstr. 64.6423, 6426, 6499, 6520, 6541, 6574, 6577, 6685, 7583]
64.6425 BLOOM, Pazit Ben-Nun —
This study experimentally tests a theoretical framework for moral judgment in politics, which integrates two research traditions, Domain-Theory and Sentimentalism, to suggest that moral judgment is bidimensional, with one dimension pertaining to harm and the other to moral emotions. Two experiments demonstrate that priming harm associations and the moral emotion of disgust prior to a political issue facilitates moral conviction on the political issue as well as a harsher moral judgment compared to no-prime and to nonmoral emotional and cognitive negative primes (sadness and damage to objects). In addition, harm cues and disgust, but not sadness or damage, interact with the pre-existing attitude toward the political issue in affecting moral conviction. [R]
64.6426 BØÅS, Morten —
This article explores the relationship between the ICG's interpretation of the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone and the main academic “greed and grievance” debate at the time. The ICG'S early policy recommendations were basically in line with the interpretation of these wars as caused by “opportunistic warlordism”. However, this supposed causal link is less evident in the analytical parts of its early reports, and in the policy recommendations of later reports. These contradictory findings point to both internal developments within the ICG and to its “two faces”: it seeks to influence policy-makers using detailed empirical analysis on the ground in countries in conflict or transition, but is also aware that policy-makers do not generally read long reports, thus it produces executive summary and policy recommendations for this target audience. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6427 BOHNE, Eberhard —
There has been a long-standing controversy over whether the study of public administration is a self-contained academic discipline or whether there are only different disciplines which are concerned with various aspects of public administration from their specific disciplinary perspectives. This study first surveys the concepts of public administration in different disciplines, after which public administration is conceptualized as a formal institution. This is followed by a presentation of the managerial, political and legal perspectives of the study of public administration and its character as an integrative discipline of its own. From a methodological perspective, a distinction is made between the study of public administration as an empirical-analytical discipline and a normative discipline. Finally, a theoretical framework is presented to be used in the study of public administration. [R, abr.]
64.6428 BOLLEYER, Nicole; TRUMM, Siim —
While direct state funding of political parties has been a prominent theme in cross-national research over the last decade, we still know little about party strategies to access state resources that are not explicitly earmarked for partisan usage. This article looks at one widespread but often overlooked informal party practice: the “taxing” of MP salaries — that is, the regular transfer of fixed salary shares to party coffers. Building on notions of informal institutions developed in work on new democracies, the theoretical approach specifies factors that shape the acceptability of this legally non-enforceable intra-organizational practice. It is tested through a selection model applied to a unique dataset covering 124 parties across 19 advanced democracies. [R, abr.]
64.6429 BOOTH, Kate; WILLIAMS, Stewart —
Catastrophic events such as wildfires are predicted to increase and intensify because of climate change. This paper speculates on how politics may look within such a context by deploying J. Rancière's political theorizations. We examine how a post-humanist re-configuration of this humanist notion of politics contributes to thinking about, acting for, and living within a rapidly changing climate. Specifically, we make a case for “more-than-human” political moments using the illustration of wildness — in the form of a wildfire — breaking free of wilderness and burning the settled lands of human habitation. In doing so, we draw on a relational ontology that re-configures agency and speech as “more-than-human”. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6701]
64.6430 BRANDSTÄTTER, Hermann; OPP, Karl-Dieter —
In a representative panel study, citizens of Leipzig (East Germany) were interviewed in 1993 and 1996 about their incentives for and participation in political protest activities. Conscientiousness, neuroticism, agreeableness, openness to experience, and extraversion (the Big Five) were measured with 16 bipolar adjectives. This report supplements a previous work of the authors that drew on the theories of rational choice and collective action and conceived of incentives as proximal causes and personality dispositions as distant causes of political protest. Based on structural equation modeling (SEM), this article deals with the respondents’ recurrent reports on protest incentives and protest acts as indicators of the latent construct protest propensity. [R, abr.]
64.6431 BRANTLY, Aaron Franklin —
National security cyber activities harm human rights and democracy activists. With increasing state cyber capabilities comes heightened pressure on civil society and democracy activists. We often think of the cyber arms race from the perspective of states and corporations; however, the real losers are activists who seek to promote democracy, development, and human rights. This article examines how advances in national security activities have created a new spectrum of issues for activists not previously encountered, and posits a theory of externalities emanating from the cyber arms race. [R]
64.6432 BRASSETT, James; RICHARDSON, Ben; SMITH, William —
The proliferation of private regulatory regimes raises important issues about legitimacy in global governance. This paper addresses some of these issues by elaborating a theoretical framework that can orientate normative investigation of these schemes. It turns to the idea of experimentalist governance, arguing that experimentalism can provide an important and provocative set of insights about the processes and logics of emerging governance schemes. The critical purchase of this theory is illustrated through an application to the case of primary commodities roundtables, part of ongoing attempts by NGOs, producers, and buyers to set sustainability criteria for commodity production across a range of sectors. The idea of experimentalist governance, we argue, can lend much needed theoretical structure to debates about the normative legitimacy of private regulatory regimes. [R, abr.]
64.6433 BRAUN, Dietmar; TREIN, Philipp —
The global economic and financial crisis is a challenge for all governments, but particularly for federal states because divided and/or shared territorial powers make federations susceptible to coordination problems in fiscal policy-making. This article explores the effects of the ongoing crisis on federal relations. Three kinds of problems that may become the cause of federal tensions and conflicts are evoked: opportunism of subgovernments, centralization and erosion of solidarity among members of the federation. Our analysis of fiscal policies and federal conflicts of 11 federations between 2007 and the present reveals three kinds of coordination problems: shirking in the use of federal government grants, rent-seeking in equalization payments, and over-borrowing and overspending. Our results show that shirking remained limited to few cases and occurred only in the first part of the crisis. [R, abr.]
64.6434 BRAY, Daniel —
This article argues that cosmopolitanism can be morally compelling and practically useful if it is conceived pragmatically as a set of ideals that guide interactions concerning cross-border problems. A will to believe in cosmopolitanism can be rationally justified by historical achievements and present tendencies in social conditions. Cosmopolitan beliefs are warranted, first, by demonstrating the empirical relevance of cosmopolitan ethics as a “living option” in a new era of interaction and interdependence. Second, a pragmatic reorientation of cosmopolitan theory is conducted to widen the basis for identifying cosmopolitan action and permit a reconstruction of its ideals appropriate to today's pluralistic world. Finally, cosmopolitan ideals of equality, critical intelligence, and intercultural dialogue are developed as guides to addressing crossborder problems, drawing on the issue of climate change to illustrate how they become operative. [R, abr.]
64.6435 BREAKEY, Hugh; DEKKER, Sidney —
In the challenging situations facing contemporary peacekeeping operations, local civilians remain vulnerable to extreme violence. One set of reasons for this unwelcome result surrounds the decisions to protect civilians forcefully in any given context. This paper describes how peacekeeping operations vest discretion over the use of robust force across multiple agents. Using signal-detection theory to model the decision-making of these agents, our analysis shows how the iterative nature of the decision-making process gives rise to a chain of authority where the most conservative decision-maker tends to prove decisive. With this analysis in tow, we turn our attention to recent protection initiatives, including Security Council Resolution 2098 (2013) and its controversial mandate for the new “Intervention Brigade” in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. [R, abr.]
64.6436 BRENNAN, Jason —
H. Landemore claims that under certain conditions, democracies with universal suffrage will tend to make smarter and better decisions than epistocracies, even though most citizens in modern democracies are extremely ignorant about politics. However, there is ample empirical evidence that citizens make systematic errors. If so, it is fatal to Landemore's defense of democracy, which, if it works at all, applies only to highly idealized situations that are unlikely to occur in the real world. Critics of democracy will find little in Landemore's defense of democracy to make them change their minds. [R] [Introduction to a symposium on “Hélène Landemore's Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many [Princeton, 2013]. See Abstr. 64.6505, 6528, 6569, 6600, 6625, 6629, 6657, 6691, 6696, and Hélène LANDEMORE's reply, Abstr. 64. 6588]
64.6437 BROUSSEAU, Eric; SGARD, Jérome; SCHEMEIL, Yves —
Political and economic rights are envisaged as the outcome of an ongoing bargain between citizens and their rulers. Over the long run, this constitutive process shapes the development of both the economy and the state. Globalization, however, corresponds to a period where both the market and civil society extend far beyond the borders of the initial political compact. Hence, citizens may not only ask that cross-border transactions be made easier; they may also challenge the institutional cohesion and integrity of the classical, Westphalian state, i.e., its legal and judicial order, and its bureaucratic capabilities. We propose a schematic description of how this political process may gradually exit the national perimeter and deliver four possible models of international or global governance. [R, abr.]
64.6438 BROWN, Chris —
This paper examines notions of power in relation to evidence-informed policy-making and explores four key areas. First, I outline contemporary conceptualizations of how power operates in society; second, I spotlight the implications of power inequalities for how evidence is used by policy makers (and present the policy “agora”; a discursively controlled paradigm of ideology and epistemology which serves to distinguish between the types of evidence that policy makers will and won't engage with); third, I define what I consider as evidence “misuse”, finishing with an analysis of why evidence misuse materializes and how its enactment might be minimized. [R]
64.6439 BRZOZOWSKI, Wojciech —
Evasion of the constitution consists in applying a constitutional norm in a way which brings about a legal effect forbidden by another constitutional norm. The effect is not forbidden expressly by any constitutional provision, and it may be determined by legal interpretation. This legal construct is highly controversial and it should be applied only as ultima ratio. If the constitutional evasion takes place in legislative procedure, it leads to the faultiness of an act passed in such a procedure. The act can be eliminated by constitutional review. [R, abr.]
64.6440 BUCHER, Bernd —
Although the norm-diffusion literature — especially the norm life-cycle model — is based on a constructivist ontology that gives equal weight to agency and structure, one can make out “a tendency in this literature to erase” agency from norm-diffusion narratives. This article suggests that the “invisibilization” of agency stems from two mutually reinforcing scholarly practices: (1) insufficient attention is paid to the metaphors describing norm-propagation; (2) norms are often placed in the subject position in sentences, leading to narrative structures in which norms function as agents. Rather than identifying actual actors, the norm-diffusion literature suggests that norms emerge, norms diffuse, and norms cascade. These semantics create an “illusion of agency” without accounting for the actual processes through which norms are articulated, propagated, contested, adapted, adopted, or rejected. [R, abr.]
64.6441 BUEGER, Christian —
I review the state of knowledge and the character of piracy studies. First, I review recent contributions and suggest that piracy studies is organized in three pillars. The first pillar studies the phenomenon of piratical practice and organization, the second the various organizational responses to it, and the third historicizes and theorizes piracy and the response to it. For each of these pillars, I outline future challenges. Second, I argue to understand piracy studies, following John Dewey as a “community of inquiry”, that is, a community of researchers interested in translating violence and crime at sea into distinct problems that can be mastered. Although researchers rely on different scientific methods as well as divergent problematizations, piracy studies is an inter-disciplinary project that combines abstract and critical stances with immediate practical policy relevance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.]
64.6442 BUHR, Daniel; FRANKENBERGER, Rolf —
The economic success of state-led forms of capitalism in Russia, China and some other autocracies is one of the most challenging developments for existing typologies of comparative political economy research. The OECD-world complex theories and models assess the interrelation of polity and economy, while well defined and systematic approaches for autocracies are seldom found. Most of the existing work are rather idiosyncratic case studies. We argue that by climbing up the ladder of abstraction (Sartori), we gain analytical leverage and comparability between cases and regions. By looking at state-capitalist developments in China, Singapore, Saudi-Arabia or Russia, there is strong empirical evidence for a variety of “incorporated capitalism”: bureaucratic market economies and patrimonial market economies. Why are those types of capitalism so successful? [R, abr.]
64.6443 BURCHARDT, Hans-Jürgen; TUIDER, Elisabeth —
In debates on global gender-equality and gender-policies, certain trends and ambivalences can be found that characterizes theories, concepts and practices of development cooperation to this day. First, an understanding of development as a linear evolutionary process is identified, and second, an androcentric perspective based on the theoretical construct of an individual actor is described, which is understood to be constitutive for both institutions and for the development of society as a whole. These two narratives are critically read from a feminist postcolonial perspective and extended by a more differentiated and power-critical stance, which is taking into account intersectionally interwoven ways of subjectification. Intersectionality is finally presented as a possible inspiration for the further advancement of development theory and development cooperation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6444 CABRERA, Luis —
Numerous recent accounts have called for extending participation beyond the state. The case is generally made on intrinsic grounds: democracy demands it. Respect for individual autonomy is said to be violated when outsiders are deeply affected by decision processes, or subject to coercion from them, without being able to participate in them. Yet, familiar problems around restrictions on the autonomy of persistent democratic minorities remain in such accounts, and they could be magnified with expanded boundaries. An alternative approach is offered here, grounded in a rights-based instrumental justification for democracy. It sees participation as foundationally — though not solely — valuable as a means of promoting and protecting fundamental rights. It recommends extending participation boundaries to reinforce protections within regional and ultimately global institutions. [R, abr.]
64.6445 CARREIRA DA SILVA, Filipe; CLARK, Terry Nichols; CABAÇO, Susana —
Selectively using Tocqueville, many social scientists suggest that civic participation increases democracy. We go beyond this neo-Tocquevillian model in three ways. First, to capture broader political and economic transformations, we consider different types of participation; results change if we analyze separate participation arenas. Some are declining, but a dramatic finding is the rise of arts and culture. Second, to assess impacts of participation, we study more dimensions of democratic politics, including distinct norms of citizenship and their associated political repertoires. Third, by analyzing global International Social Survey Program and World Values Survey data, we identify dramatic subcultural differences: the Tocquevillian model is positive, negative, or zero in different subcultures and contexts that we explicate. [R]
64.6446 CEPIK, Marco; AMBROS, Christiano —
This article analyzes why institutional crises are bound to happen and how they impact national intelligence systems’ development. Punctuated Equilibrium theory is reviewed and employed to explain one institutional crisis in each of Brazil, Colombia, South Africa, and India. In Brazil, the case study is the fall of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) director in 2008, following the Satiagraha operation conducted by the Federal Police Department (DPF). In Colombia, the 2009 wiretapping scandal known as chuzadas is examined. In South Africa, the investigation in Project Avani (2006–2008) is reviewed. Finally, in India the case study is the intelligence crisis following the Mumbai terrorist attacks in 2008. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6390]
64.6447 CERVERA-MARZAL, Manuel —
Although political philosophy has never reached the importance of electoral sociology and of IR, it has always been one of the sub-fields of French political science. Based on a longitudinal analysis of the Revue française de Science politique, this article deals with the opening of French political science to Anglo-American political philosophy. Our data invalidate two commonly-held assumptions: the existence of a fundamental hostility between political science and political philosophy, and the supposed closure of French political philosophy to debates in its English-speaking counterparts. [R]
64.6448 CHILLAUD, Matthieu —
This article addresses the issue of disciplinary variety in French IR from the perspective of P. Bourdieu's scientific field theory. The tug of war between “dominants” and “pretenders” for the control of IR as “their” discipline in French academia originates from the difficulty of (only) one discipline — political science — monopolizing IR. Compared to other subfields of political science, IR is the field of research that borrows most from other scholarly disciplines. These difficulties strengthened the imperviousness of French IR to the works of IR scholars from the Anglo-American world. This period matches roughly to one in which IR was dominated, in France, by law and history. Today there is still a very strong influence of this period when scholars from disciplines other than political science distrusted IR theories. [R, abr.]
64.6449 CHO Youngho —
Scholars of democratization have developed a variety of theories to explain national and cross-national differences in democratic support. These theories, however, pay little attention to the cognitive origin of democratic support. This study examines how informed understanding about democracy affects such support. To this end, it applies theories of institutional legitimacy and social learning and predicts that the relationship between citizen understanding of and support for democracy is not only positively concaved but also dependent on the historical experience of democracy. An analysis of the World Values Survey 2005–2008 reveals strong evidence to support the theoretical predictions. [R]
64.6450 CHOWDHURY, Arjun; DUVALL, Raymond —
Approaches to sovereignty in IR and Political Theory conceptualize sovereignty as located in stable entities, generally states. Insofar as political societies face crises of authority, those crises arise from exogenous factors, not the structure of sovereignty. We argue that this is a restrictive notion of sovereignty. In its place, we offer a theorization that can account for the dissolution or transgression of sovereign orders, focusing on the possibility that sovereigns may not recognize their subjects as the originary structure of sovereignty. In our understanding, sovereignty is logically and temporally before sovereign power. Consequently, the possibility of dissolution is a structural condition of all sovereign orders. This enables us to theorize the relationship between sovereignty, sovereign power, and the law, and to apply this broader concept to analyze politics in “weak” and “failed states”. [R, abr.]
64.6451 CIMBALA, Stephen J. —
Nuclear deterrence and cyber war are often discussed as separate worlds of research and military-strategic practice. To the contrary, a certain degree of overlap between nuclear deterrence and cyber conflicts is a plausible expectation for several reasons. First, future deterrent challenges will include regional nuclear arms races accompanied by competition in information technology and other aspects of advanced conventional command-control and precision strike systems. Second, cyber-attacks may be used against opposed nuclear command-control systems and weapons platforms as well as against infrastructure for the purpose of mass disruption during a crisis or war. Third, cyber capabilities support escalation dominance or escalation control, depending on the objectives of states and on the transparency of identification for cyber friends and foes. [R]
64.6452 CLAVERIA, Silvia —
This article accounts for cross-national and over-time variation in women's participation in cabinets. It focuses on some key political factors which have not been tested yet, such as the effectiveness of party gender quotas. Previous literature has mainly centered on structural variables, such as the degree of democratization and economic development. Using an original longitudinal cross-sectional sample of 23 advanced industrial democracies, this article provides new evidence that some important political factors should be considered. It finds that countries with a specialist system have a higher percentage of women in cabinet than generalist systems, left-wing parties in government appoint more women, women are more likely to receive a ministerial post when the governing party has adopted gender quotas, and an increasing number of women in parliament boosts women in cabinet. [R, abr.]
64.6453 CLOWARD, Karisa —
A substantial IR literature addresses the various ways in which international actors, and the norms they promote, influence state behavior. But less attention has been paid to the influence these actors directly exert at the local level, [although] many transnational campaigns promote norms for which individuals — not states — are the primary transgressors. When do individuals engage in real behavior change, and when do they simply change the public image they present to the international community? I employ a randomized field experiment to evaluate individuals’ willingness to make claims that differ from their true normative commitments. I conducted the experiment in the context of an original 2008 opinion survey about female genital mutilation and early marriage, in rural Kenya. [R, abr.]
64.6454 COAKLEY, John —
The turn of the 21st c. witnessed a surprising reversal of the longobserved trend towards the disappearance of second chambers in unitary states, with 28 countries — all but one of them unitary — adopting the bicameral system. This article explores this development by first setting it in the context of the historical evolution of second chambers and the arguments that support bicameralism, and then exploring the characteristics that distinguish today's second chambers from first chambers. A “census” of second chambers in 2014 provides data on second chambers in federal and unitary states, to facilitate comparison with earlier data, and to distinguish between “new” and longerestablished second chambers. [R, abr.]
64.6455 COICAUD, Jean-Marc —
The article focuses on how emotions and passions — two related but somewhat different notions — are addressed in IR. It makes three main points: (1) although presupposed in mainstream international relations, because of the influence of positivism, emotions and passions have tended to be overlooked. (2) In recent years, scholars with constructivist leanings have been increasingly interested in taking emotions and passions seriously as an academic area of research. (3) Despite the progress made in the 2000s on the understanding of emotions and passions in IR, more work remains to be done. As such it outlines future directions of research. [R]
64.6456 COLE, Daniel H.; EPSTEIN, Graham; McGINNIS, Michael D. —
A revised application of E. Ostrom's [“A diagnostic approach to the rational choice theory of collective action”, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA, 104, 2007] Social-Ecological System (SES) framework to G. Hardin's [“The tragedy of the commons”, Science 162, 1968: 1243–1248] demonstrates that its institutional structure is more complex than either Hardin or Ostrom had imagined. The “tragedy” arises from several interacting resources and institutions. If the grass on the pasture was not subject to appropriation, the cattle were not privately owned, or property- and contract-enforcement institutions supporting market exchange were absent, then the “tragedy of the commons” would not have arisen regardless of the open-access pasture. This paper highlights the utility of the SES framework and the care required to apply it precisely to specific social-ecological situations. [R]
64.6457 COLE, Phillip —
I critically address the role of arbitrary and contingent features in philosophical debates about migration. These features play a central role, and display the importance of ‘unreason’ in the debate and the limits of rational criticism. Certain elements of political thought have to be taken as given, as essential starting points or indispensable building blocks. As such, they cannot be exposed to rational criticism. Political arrangements such as national borders, nation-states and national identities constitute these building blocks, and justify coercive borders in order to sustain them. If we are to subject these arrangements to critical examination, then we move beyond the limits of liberal political philosophy. I examine theorists who take this kind of approach to the ethics of immigration: M. Blake, S. Scheffler and D. Miller. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “New challenges in immigration theory”, edited and introduced, pp. 493–502, by Crispino E. G. AKAKPO and Patti T. LENARD. See also Abstr. 64.6646]
64.6458 COLLINS, Alan —
This article responds to K. Booth and N. Wheeler [The Security Dilemma: Fear, Cooperation and Trust in World Politics, Basingstoke, 2008]'s reconceptualization of the security dilemma. They correctly identify that what many writers call the security dilemma is actually a paradox and they seek to disentangle the dilemma from the paradox. This enables them to argue, without contradiction, that it is possible to transcend the security dilemma but not escape it. Indeed, they argue it is inescapable. The inescapable claim is based on uncertainty in state relations being omnipresent and uncertainty being the defining feature of a security dilemma. I argue that certainty, in some cases misplaced, more accurately explains state interaction. Where that certainty is grounded in deeply embedded norms and beliefs about the other, and their relationship, the security dilemma has been escaped. [R, abr.]
64.6459 COLÓN-RÍOS, Joel I. —
The distinction between strong and weak judicial review occupies a privileged place in comparative constitutional law. This article argues that it is necessary to generate a new typology that includes two other increasingly influential models. The two “new” models can be identified as “strong” and “weak” basic structure review. The former not only provides judges with the ability to strike down legislation that is inconsistent with a particular constitutional provision, but also constitutional amendments incompatible with the principles on which the constitution rests. The latter model also provides judges with the power to strike down ordinary and constitution-amending legislation, but gives “the people”, acting through a constituent assembly, the final word on the validity of any form of positive law. [R, abr.]
64.6460 CORAZZINI, Luca, et al. —
This article proposes a novel rationale for elections and political campaigns considering that candidates incur psychological costs of lying, in particular from breaking campaign promises. These non-pecuniary costs imply that campaigns influence subsequent behavior, even in the absence of reputational or image concerns. Our lab experiments reveal that promises influence the behavior of both voters and their representatives. We observe that the electorate is better off when their leaders are elected democratically rather than being appointed exogenously — but only in the presence of electoral campaigns. In addition, we find that representatives are more likely to serve the public interest when their approval rates are high. Altogether, our results suggest that elections and campaigns confer important benefits beyond their screening and sanctioning functions. [R, abr.]
64.6461 COTARELO, Ramon —
There are permanent problems in political theory; problems which run through the whole discipline as a thread of concerns, never to be fully overcome. Nevertheless, they give meaning to the unending search of generation after generation of thinkers, and also unity to very different ways of thinking. In our times, laden by a growing lack of prestige of politicians and politics, by a high popular alienation from democratic institutions, it could be of some help going back to those old problems, in order to see if their renewed discussion can help us to better understand the sign of the times we live in and to give back to political action the dignity and respect of times past. [R]
64.6462 CRAWFORD, Jarret T.; PILANSKI, Jane M. —
Decades of scholarship have identified several determinants of political intolerance, including authoritarianism and normative threat. Previous attempts to associate other individual difference variables (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO]) and situational variables (i.e., out-groups’ gains in power and status) have been unsuccessful. Using a dualprocess motivational (DPM) model framework, in Study 1 we found that SDO predicted political intolerance of groups with hierarchy-attenuating political objectives. This relationship was consistent over and above other well-known predictors of political intolerance, including right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). In Study 2, we manipulated whether an immigrant-rights group was described as presenting a normative threat or as gaining power and status. Consistent with extant findings, RWA moderated the effect of normative threat on political intolerance. [R, abr.]
64.6463 CREMER, Douglas J.; McCONNELL, Will; ARCHER, Emerald M. —
The immediate perception after 9/11 [2001] was that we were entering a world of “new terrorism”: new actors, new tactics, new responses. And yet more than a decade later, it seems that not much has really changed. Authors have used the modifier “new” in many different ways, creating a contested and confused understanding of what terrorism is and how it appears in the world. The same applies to how one defines terrorism, examines its domains and forms, delineates its actors and strategies, or compares it to state violence and fear in international relations. Why [have] scholars, rather than agreeing on a definition of terrorism, focused on its many contexts, applications, and psychologies, concluding that there is a substantial and significant difference between the old and the new terrorism? [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Terrorism: reframing the discourse”, edited and introduced, pp. 539–542, by Douglas J. CREMER. See also Abstr. 64.6922, 6941, 7029, 7188]
64.6464 DAHL, Adam; SOSS, Joe —
This article raises a set of cautions regarding public value governance along two dimensions. First, it questions the common claim that public value governance poses a direct challenge to the economistic logic of neoliberalism. Second, although public value is often presented as a democratizing agenda, leading works sidestep foundational questions of power and conflict and advance prescriptions that are at odds with important democratic values. Without attending to these problems, the public value concept risks producing a new variant of neoliberal rationality, extending and strengthening the de-democratizing, market-oriented project that its proponents seek to overturn. [R] [See also commentary by Daniel L. FELDMAN, pp. 504–505; and Abstr. 64.6552]
64.6465 DANY, Charlotte —
Increasingly, NGOs participate in negotiations within international organizations as well as in global working groups and discussion forums. This trend is commonly said to enable the influence of the participating NGOs. Yet this article highlights the negative effects of the high level of NGO participation on the NGOs’ influence. It shows, in the case of the UN World Summit on the Information Society, how the NGOs’ influence is reduced to less relevant issues and how this influence turns out to be highly selective: while the views and demands of a few NGO actors are successful, more diverse views from the broader NGO community become neglected. This suggests greater caution regarding the usual claim that more is necessarily better with regard to NGO participation in global governance. [R]
64.6466 DAVIDSON, Mark; IVESON, Kurt —
The revolutions and protests that have spread across the globe since 2008 have been seen as a watershed moment. We examine the relationships between urban space and politics that have emerged across these events. We draw upon the political philosophy of J. Rancière to provide a framework to understand some events of this period as political moments and, in addition, attempt to build upon Rancière's work to trace out the geographical dimensions of politics. The paper concludes with a consideration of the counter-revolutionary projects enacted by current social orders. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6701]
64.6467 DAVIES, Thomas Richard —
R. Owen made a greatly more significant contribution to the theory and practice of IR than has hitherto been assumed. This article shows how Owen helped to develop an understudied but distinctive form of internationalist thought focusing on the role of education in the pursuit of peace. Owen's previously neglected contributions to human rights norms and to international organization are also explored, including his promotion of universal rather than nationally-oriented human rights standards, his role in the nascent movement towards the formation of international NGOs, and his contribution to international federalist ideas. Following an introduction to Owen's place in the literature, this article discusses each of these contributions of Owen to the theory and practice of IR in turn. [R, abr.]
64.6468 DE WET, Erika; VIDMAR, Jure —
This article [examines] two competing paradigms in the practice of judicial organs for the resolution of norm-conflicts: a human-rights-based hierarchy versus systemic integration or conflict-avoidance. Norm-conflicts typically manifest themselves between human rights obligations and other categories of international obligations. If judicial organs resolve such norm-conflicts in a manner that favors human rights obligations, this would support the view that the international legal order is increasingly operating within a paradigm of hierarchy, with human rights at its apex. The article addresses this question based on the results of a study conducted by 10 authors who have analyzed the practice of domestic, regional, supranational and international courts in dealing with norm-conflicts between human rights, on the one hand and the other subregimes of public international law, on the other. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6550]
64.6469 DeCANIO, Samuel —
This article compares the types of knowledge democracy and the market require to rationally allocate resources. I argue that high levels of public ignorance and voters’ inability to compare the effects of different parties’ policies make it difficult for parties and elections to rationally allocate resources. Markets mitigate these problems because the simultaneous existence of multiple firms’ products facilitates comparisons that mimic the conditions of scientific experimentation. The economy of knowledge involved in such comparisons indicates there are epistemic advantages to using firms and markets, instead of political parties and elections, to allocate scarce resources. However, in contrast to arguments that markets merely provide better information than political decisions, I argue markets’ epistemic advantages are derived from the way they facilitate comparisons that minimize decision-makers’ need for knowledge or understanding. [R]
64.6470 DELPLA, Isabelle —
Criticizing methodological nationalism first amounts to attacking a myth of political interiority which would suggest that the state exists in itself and by itself, independently from foreign countries and foreigners. Highlighting the transnational phenomena of globalization, as methodological cosmopolitanism does, helps to counter such solipsistic illusions. However, the critique of methodological nationalism is insufficient when it duplicates such a myth by ignorance or neglect of norms of international law. Cutting through methodological nationalism and cosmopolitanism, this paper proposes a methodological internationalism, that, against the myth of interiority, takes into account the immanence of the international in the national. This methodological proposal, here limited to its critical dimension against methodological nationalism, is then developed into a thought experiment showing how the national can be coextensive with the international and foreign relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6386]
64.6471 DERICHS, Claudia —
Against the backdrop of a decreasing capability of the US to function as a global-order-generating power and tectonic shifts in the international scale of economic and political centers of gravity, the bipolar world order has become obsolete. With regard to regional and inter-regional affiliations and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific and the Asia-Middle Eastern region respectively, the current world order can be identified as a polycentric one in which Europe and the West are still accepted as partners, but do not fulfill the role of a model for non-Western societies anymore. Looking at regional perspectives on world history and international relations, the article traces the main lines of this “new” polycentric world order. I argue that Asia and the Persian Gulf have become focal centers for the shaping of this order. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Theories of development, world history transformations, political development challenges, theoretical innovations”, edited and introduced, pp. 5–39, by Cord JAKOBEIT, et al. See also Abstr. 64.6397, 6443, 6531, 6576, 6580, 6583, 6599, 6616, 6621, 6631, 6711, 6732, 7413, 7556]
64.6472 DETGES, Adrien —
The contribution proposes an actor-centered approach, which allows determining the precise locations of violent events in armed contests over renewable resources. It is developed by analyzing the spatial logic of pastoralist violence in northern Kenya, a frequently cited example of scarcity-related struggle over renewable resources. The analysis demonstrates that pastoralist violence in northern Kenya has frequently occurred close to well sites and in locations of higher rainfall, which offer favorable conditions for livestock raiding. These results lend support to narratives of pastoralist violence, which emphasize the strategic use of violence with regard to the ecological opportunities and constraints of African rangelands. [R, abr.]
64.6473 DIABY, Aboubacar; SYLWESTER, Kevin —
Some past theoretical models have predicted that bribes paid by firms to government officials are greater under a decentralized bureaucracy, where a firm faces numerous officials. A “tragedy of the commons” arises where officials set bribe payments too high and so drive firms out of the industry. Other models predict the opposite as numerous officials in a decentralized bureaucracy bid down bribe payments. Using the Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey from the World Bank, a firm level survey covering 24 former communist countries and Turkey, we examine whether reported bribe payments by firms are higher when firms face potentially numerous demands for bribes. We find that bribe payments are higher under a more decentralized bureaucratic structure. [R, abr.]
64.6474 DINAS, Elias —
Children are more likely to adopt their family's political views when politics is important to their parents, and the children of politically engaged parents tend to become politically engaged adults. When these transmission dynamics are considered together, an important hypothesis follows: the children who are most likely to initially acquire the political views of their parents are also most likely to later abandon them as a result of their own engagement with the political world. Data from the Political Socialization Panel Study provide support for this hypothesis, illuminate its observational implications and shed light on the mechanisms, pointing to the role of new social contexts, political issues and salient political events. [R, abr.]
64.6475 DITRYCH, Ondrej —
This article offers first a brief commentary on K. Deutsch and his collaborators’ development of the concept of security community, before moving to a critical review of constructivist attempts at resurrecting it. It [argues] that while the serious effort to give security community a new life is laudable, the appropriation also renders the concept at once theoretically complex and methodologically superficial. Drawing constructive lessons from previous research, it demonstrates the potential of the security communities research provided that it (1) restores the Deutschian ethos of rigorous, transparent, collective and transdisciplinary research; (2) takes seriously the challenge to the realist paradigm by zooming in and out of the modern state when thinking about security community; and (3) investigates more thoroughly also the processes of disintegration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6476 DONALDSON, Sue; KYMLICKA, Will —
Many commentators have argued that non-human animals cannot be seen as members of the demos because they lack the critical capacities for self-rule and moral agency which are required for citizenship. We argue that this worry is based on mistaken ideas about both citizenship, on the one hand, and animals, on the other. Recent studies of moral behavior show that civil relations between citizens are largely grounded, not in rational reflection and assent to moral propositions but in intuitive, unreflective and habituated behaviors which are themselves rooted in a range of pro-social emotions (empathy, love) and dispositions (cooperation, altruism, reciprocity, conflict resolution). Fifty years of ethological research have demonstrated that many social animals — particularly domesticated animals — share the sorts of dispositions and capacities underlying everyday civility. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 64.]
64.6477 DORFF, Cassy; WARD, Michael D. —
Quantitative IR scholarship has focused on analysis of the so-called dyad. Few studies have given serious thought to the definition of a dyad, or to the implications that flow from such a conceptualization. This article argues that the current approach to dyadic analysis is necessarily incomplete and at times induces incoherent pictures of the ebb and flow of interactions among actors in global politics and economics. It presents the Social Relations Model as a systematic way of analyzing the dependencies inherent in dyadic data. The study uses this model to examine militarized interstate disputes from 1816 to 2001, the trade network of 2000 and reciprocity between enemies in the treatment of prisoners of war. [R]
64.6478 DREYER, David R. —
This article examines the less investigated gap between political scientists and the engaged public. Reasons for the gap are explored by making inferences about public preferences through an examination of New York Times non-fiction bestsellers on politics from 1985 to 2009. The analysis suggests that although non-fiction readers have an interest in a wide range of political issues, political scientists often fail to reach the engaged public for several reasons, such the public's increasing consumption of books of a partisan or ideological nature versus the norm of objectivity in academic research. On the basis of an examination of bestsellers on politics, this study explores the nature of the engaged public/political science divide and considers ways of potentially bridging the gap. [R]
64.6479 DROPE, Jeffrey; CHOWDHURY, Abdur —
Researchers have noted frequent and mostly unexplained gender differences in the levels of support for policies of free or freer trade: women tend to be less favorable toward policies of liberalizing trade than men. Positing an economic security explanation based largely on a mobilefactors approach, we ask if it is women generally who are more negative toward trade or rather women who are more economically vulnerable — i.e., women from the scarce labor factor. We utilize data from two recent surveys on individuals’ attitudes toward different facets of trade and its effects to examine this hypothesis empirically. Rejecting a monolithic definition of “women”, we find that disaggregating by education level illuminates to some extent what underlying characteristics might be helping to drive some of these findings. [R, abr.]
64.6480 DRULÁK, Petr; DRULÁKOVÁ, Radka —
K. Deutsch focused in his work on many aspects of building political community which can enrich our understanding of international cooperation and European integration. His concept of the political community helps us to explain current problems of the European integration: the current pre-occupation with the market and institutions leads to the neglect of the common redistribution and of the horizontal ties among the state institutions and among the peoples. This article also points to the tension between Deutsch's awareness that the study of political communities requires the examination of values, love and spirituality, and his positivist, quantitative methods which do not allow for such an examination. This tension invites to a re-reading of Deutsch, which can enrich the liberal tradition of IR. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6481 DUFEK, Pavel —
Cosmopolitans claim that arguing from the perspective of moral cosmopolitanism does not necessarily entail defending a global coercive political authority, or a “world-state”, and suggest that ambitious political and economic (social) goals implied in moral cosmopolitanism may be achieved via some kind of non-hierarchical, dispersed and/or decentralized institutional arrangements. I argue that insofar as moral cosmopolitans retain “strong” moral claims, this is an untenable position, and that the goals of cosmopolitan justice, as explicated by its major proponents, require nothing less than a global state-like entity with coercive powers. I supplement some existing works questioning the notion of “governance without government” with an argument that goes right to the conceptual heart of cosmopolitan thought. I draw on some recent scholarship regarding the nature of international organizations, EU, or transnational democratization. [R, abr.]
64.6482 DUINA, Francesco; BOK, Jared —
This article contributes to the growing comparative scholarship on regional trade agreements (RTAs) and the dynamics they engender in national and local life. An objective of that scholarship is to identify patterns across RTAs. We investigate how RTAs have helped separatist and autonomous movements in their ambitions. We propose that both the left- and right-leaning movements have successfully appropriated, in positive and negative language, RTAs in their rhetoric to articulate not only their goals against their nation states but also their claims against those who oppose them. We identify four factors that might explain the observable differences in rhetorical approaches. The empirical evidence concerns the Quebecois nationalists in Canada, Convergència i Unió in Spain, the Zapatistas in Mexico and the Lega Nord in Italy. [R, abr.]
64.6483 DUUS-OTTERSTRÖM, Göran —
The problem of past emissions — how to share fairly the costs of climate-changing emissions caused by polluters who are no longer in existence — presents an increasingly pressing challenge to scholars and policy-makers. Since standard contribution-based principles are inapplicable when it comes to past emissions, theorists have instead proposed various non-contribution-based historical principles. This paper develops such a principle — the Inherited Debt Principle — which seeks to account for the intuition that historical injustice matters to current duties in a way that does not appeal to the counterfactual benefits derived from that injustice. This principle, it is argued, offers a surprisingly plausible solution to the problem of past emissions. [R]
64.6484 DYZENHAUS, David —
I argue that legal and constitutional theory should avoid the idea of constituent power. It is unhelpful in seeking to understand the authority of law and the place of written constitutions in such an understanding. In particular, it results in a deep ambivalence about whether authority is located within or without the legal order. That ambivalence also manifests itself within positivist legal theory, which explains the affinity between theories of constituent power and legal positivist accounts of authority. Legal theory should then focus on the question of law's authority as one entirely internal to legal order, thus making the question of constituent power superfluous. [R]
64.6485 EARNEST, David C.; FISH, Jennifer N. —
How do students “see” globalization? How do they understand visual representations of its political, social and ethical dimensions? This article discusses the use of visual materials as a tool for teaching globalization theory. Images convey specific values and beliefs, frame understandings of global problems, provide access to distant locales and offer a form of resistance. Such media allow students to consider how images may reproduce inherently politicized articulation, and to gain a better understanding of models of and concepts related to globalization. The article discusses a specific exercise, learning outcomes and pedagogical barriers to students’ understanding of visual representation of space and place. It provides both specific images related to globalization and student analyses which illustrate how visual analyses may facilitate integration, synthesis and retention of otherwise abstract theories and concepts. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7249]
64.6486 ECKES, Christina —
Counterterrorist sanctions against individuals are a prime example of pluralism. Multiple claims of constitutional authority (in resolutions of the UN Security Council, under EU law, and national law) assume to govern the same legal situation. Choosing between these different authorities has great implications for the legal situation of individuals. This paper analyzes the legal position of individuals facing this plurality of claims of constitutional authority and how their rights are largely dependent on the choices of domestic courts. Attention is given also to the broader implications of individual sanctions as an example of pluralism. What does it mean for popular sovereignty? Do patterns or guidelines emerge of how courts should address multiple claims of authority? The paper [considers] the latest amendments of the UN sanctioning procedure (Resolutions 1988 and 1989). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6550]
64.6487 EISENSTEIN, Marie A.; CLARK, April K. —
This research focuses on the variable “psychological security” as a mediating influence for religion, and its influence on political tolerance. While the composite variable of “psychological security” (typically measured by dogmatism, self-esteem, and trust) has been part of many studies of political tolerance, insufficient attention has been paid to the influence of these separate indicators. This is problematic because certain religious beliefs, practices, and/or affiliations may contribute differentially to the particular components of psychological security that are linked with greater political intolerance. So, we do not know “if” and “how” religion may influence these separate psychological security components or the mediating influence of these components in the religion/psychological security-political tolerance connection. This project “unpacks” the unique influence of the psychological security components in our understanding of political tolerance and assesses their mediating influence. [R, abr.]
64.6488 EMERSON, R. Guy —
Recent analysis on New Regionalism has, for B. Hettne [“Beyond the ‘new’ regionalism”, ibid. 10(4), Dec. 2005: 543–571; Abstr. 56.4447], raised important ontological questions over “what we study when we study regionalism”. The paper contributes to this debate by focusing on the shared beliefs, norms and rituals that hold a region together. Working between the New Regionalism literature and thinking on international regimes, this paper outlines the “inescapable inter-subjective quality” of a region. This focus on inter-subjectivity seeks to improve on existing approaches that consider shared social structures as already fixed, and/or as autonomous constructs operating over and above regional actors. In order to appreciate how inter-subjective structures and regional agents interact with each other, the paper explores the social construction of Latin America. [R, abr.]
64.6489 EPSTEIN, Charlotte —
I consider what it means to theorize international politics from a postcolonial perspective, understood not as a unified body of thought or a new “-ism” for IR, but as a “situated perspective”, where the particular of subjective, embodied experiences are foregrounded rather than erased in the theorizing. What the post-colonial has to offer are ex-centered, post-Eurocentric sites for practices of situated critique. This casts a different light upon the makings of international orders and key epistemological schemes with which these have been studied in IR, such as “norms”. In this perspective, colonization appears as a foundational shaper of these orders, to a degree and with effects still under-appraised in the discipline. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a series of articles on “Interrogating the use of norms in international relations: postcolonial perspectives”, edited by the author and Ayse ZARAKOL, Julia GALLAGHER, Robbie SHILLIAM, Vivienne JABRI. See Abstr. 64.6551, 6731, 7338, 7613]
64.6490 ERIKSEN, Stein Sundstøl; SENDING, Ole Jacob —
We subject the public-private distinction to analytical scrutiny and argue that it does not hold when analyzing phenomena beyond the domestic setting. We differentiate between public as a category of analysis and a category of practice. As a category of analysis, public denotes a particular configuration of accountability and capacity, which can, in principle, be found at the global level. As a category of practice, public is a claim to universality and responsibility that different types of actors use to legitimize what they do. We illustrate the added value of this conceptualization through a discussion of possibly emerging global public actors, and of how actors’ claim to “publicness” in an incomplete public sphere serves to conceal their particularistic character, thereby undermining “publicness” at the global level. [R, abr.]
64.6491 ERLENBUSCH, Verena —
This article disputes the premise dominant in moral philosophy and the social sciences that a strict definition of terrorism is needed in order to evaluate and confront contemporary political violence. It argues that a definition of terrorism is not only unhelpful, but also impossible if the historicity and flexibility of the concept are to be taken seriously. Failure to account for terrorism as a historical phenomenon produces serious analytical and epistemological problems that result in an anachronistic, ahistorical, and reductive understanding. Because there are no historically or contextually stable answers to the question what terrorism is, this article argues for a novel account of terrorism that replaces the attempt to define terrorism with an analysis of its meaning and function within a specific context. [R]
64.6492 ESSELMENT, Anna Lennox; LEES-MARSHMENT, Jennifer; MARLAND, Alex —
Political advisors to heads of government occupy such a privileged sphere of influence that their role is a source of consternation among democratic idealists. Interviews with advisors to prime ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK inform a small body of comparative literature about political advising in the Commonwealth. The authors find that first ministers consider input from many advisors and therefore the counsel of any one advisor is of limited impact. Further research is needed to understand the extent to which these agents project the power of the executive office and make decisions on the principal's behalf. [R]
64.6493 FAIZULLAEV, Alisher —
This article examines the role of state actors, organization agencies, and individual agents in diplomatic interactions and negotiations. States as diplomatic actors, organizations as diplomatic agencies, and individuals as diplomatic agents enter into complex and interdependent relationships. Proposing a three-level analysis of interstate interactions and diplomatic negotiations, I argue that no diplomatic negotiation happens without interactions between parties at the state, organizational, and individual levels. The agency-structure paradigm provides a conceptual framework for understanding behavioral and structural properties of international interactions and their influence on diplomatic negotiations. [R, abr.]
64.6494 FELD, Lars P. —
The distinct characteristic in Buchanan's thinking about federalism in contrast to the traditional theory of fiscal federalism is his view about fiscal competition. I demonstrate that this thinking went through three stages. From the 1950s to the beginning of the 1970s, his analyses were well embedded in the traditional fiscal federalism literature and concerned with equity and efficiency issues. In the Leviathan approach starting from the mid-1970s, he considered competition between jurisdictions as a means to restrict Leviathan governments. In his interpretation of federalism as an ideal political order, Buchanan binds these perspectives together and adds a procedural view: Federalism enables citizens to exert political control, it raises their interest in politics because one vote has more influence, and it facilitates to act morally within their moral capacity. [R]
64.6495 FEY, Mark; MEIROWITZ, Adam; RAMSAY, Kristopher W. —
Building on the canonical model of crisis-bargaining, this article analyzes the role of two forms of commitment in bargaining: the ability to commit to a settlement and the ability to commit to end negotiations and initiate war fighting. The findings show that, contrary to expectations, allowing a proposer to retract their offer after learning of its acceptance does not lead to greater demands. Instead, a rational actor can be best off if he/she honors the accepted agreement in crisis-bargaining, even though the act of accepting an offer changes the proposer's beliefs about the probability that an offer is acceptable. However, allowing a proposer to continue bargaining in lieu of fighting does change the dynamics of bargaining, although this effect diminishes as players become more patient. [R, abr.]
64.6496 FIERKE, K. M. —
The article analyzes [an] argument by A. Margalit about why the notion of a specifically global ethic of care is difficult in practice. He highlights the importance of the particular, but also highlights the problem that care for the specific other — and identification of that other — is exclusionary. While his discussion of the potential for a global memory, based on the Holocaust, should provide a way out of the problem, the case of Israel/Palestine reveals a paradox insofar as the memory of the Holocaust has tended to block out the memory of Al Nakba (the catastrophe), the more particularized memory of Palestinians. I explore memory, identity and care as they relate to Israel/Palestine, [and] the feminist argument about an ethic of care, asking to what extent it provides a way out of the paradox. [R, abr.]
64.6497 FINNEMORE, Martha; JURKOVICH, Michelle —
Inclusive participation by all states is now taken for granted in many global governance efforts, but this was not always the normal practice. Construction of broader participation norms in the late 19th and early 20th c. was a joint project that owes much to innovations in the Americas and regional norms developed within that group as it organized meetings among the American states. Central to these norms was sovereign equality that, in the American context, entailed universal participation of all American states and voting on a one state/one vote basis at conferences. This article traces the spread of these norms from the Americas to the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907, and highlights the varied sources for many of our contemporary multilateral practices in these early events. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Principles from the periphery: the neglected southern sources of global norms”, edited and introduced by Eric HELLEINER. See also Abstr. 64.6384, 6929, 7345]
64.6498 FISCHBACHER, Urs; SCHUDY, Simeon —
Comprehensive reforms often fail, despite being beneficial to society. Politicians may block comprehensive reforms in an attempt to form vote-trading coalitions in which they benefit from a piecemeal reform at the expense of others. Because formal commitment devices for vote-trading are frequently missing, trust and reciprocity among legislators can play an important role for vote-trading. We investigate in a laboratory experiment whether legislators will impede comprehensive reforms in an attempt to form vote-trading coalitions even if formal commitment devices for vote-trading after reform failure are missing. We find that open ballots allow for vote-trading without commitment, based on trust and reciprocity. In turn, legislators frequently reject efficient comprehensive reforms in such institutions. [R]
64.6499 FISHER, Jonathan —
Focusing on the case of US policy towards the Lord's Resistance Army/northern Uganda crisis — particularly the B. Obama administration's 2011 decision to send “combat-equipped US forces” to pursue the rebel group across central Africa — it is argued that the role of African governments themselves merits greater consideration. The decision to send in these “military advisers” was arguably strongly influenced by campaigns run by Western policy institutes, notably the International Crisis Group, and US advocacy groups since around 2007. The Ugandan regime of Y. Museveni has nevertheless itself fundamentally shaped the nature and direction of the debate into which such groups have entered. This raises crucial questions about the agency of African governments in Western “crisis” decision-making fora. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6500 FLEMING, N. C. —
The former draws heavily on political philosophy, and of necessity requires a definition of the middle, or political center, and an understanding of how these shift, together, over time, and depend on particular cultural contexts. The study of extremist politics, in contrast, often assumes the “extremist” attribute of its subject matter in order to analyze the behavior, attributes, preoccupations, strategies, supporters and influence of extremist groups and individuals. The two can complement one another in examinations of how liberal democracies respond to extremist politics — especially government, media and electorate — and in comprehending the relative strengths and weaknesses of liberal democracies and extremists. The study of extremism reveals assumptions about mainstream politics and ethics, and their potential vulnerability to the causes of extreme dissent. [R]
64.6501 FLITCROFT, Kathy, et al.
Much of the evidence translation literature focuses narrowly on the use of evidence in the initial policy-formulation stages, and downplays the crucial role of institutions and the inherently political nature of policymaking. More recent approaches acknowledge the importance of institutional and political factors, but make no attempt to incorporate their influence into new models of evidence translation. To address this issue, this article uses data from a comparative case study of bowel cancer screening policy in Australia, the UK and New Zealand, to propose alternative models of evidence incorporation which apply to all stages of the policy process. [R]
64.6502 FOLLESDAL, Andreas —
Should state borders matter for claims of distributive justice? The article explores, only to reject, the best reasons for an “Anti-Cosmopolitan” position which grants some minimum international obligations. This Anti-Cosmopolitanism rejects distinctly distributive principles of justice, familiar from discussions of justice among compatriots: There are no further limits on permissible global inequalities. “Anti-Cosmopolitans” deny that claims to equality or limits to inequality should apply across state borders. The article explores what it is about states that can justify such a disjunct in the normative claims individuals have against each other. Several arguments about such alleged salient aspects of states and their constitutions are considered, but are found lacking. The main conclusion is to challenge the reasons Anti-Cosmopolitans offer against bringing distributive principles to the “Global Basic Structure”. [R, abr.]
64.6503 FORSBERG, Erika —
This essay reviews diffusion as studied in large-N civil war research. It identifies number of pitfalls and lacunae. First, the definition of diffusion as a process — whereby internal conflict in one location alters the probability of internal conflict erupting in another location at a later point in time — entails a number of difficulties for empirical modeling. Researching such a process involves an attempt to study a phenomenon that, in essence, is unobservable. It also creates difficulties in identifying relevant units of analysis, because the process involves at least two units. Second, diffusion is customarily identified based on correlations within a spatial and temporal proximity. Classifying it in this way risks simultaneously over- and underestimating cases of diffusion, which in turn generates uncertainty regarding the main determinants of diffusion. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “The politics of international diffusion”, introduced by Etel SOLINGEN and Tanja A. BÖRZEL. See also Abstr. 64.6545, 6572, 6668, 6722, 7455, 7508, 7592, 7630]
64.6504 FRENCH, Richard D. —
Some of the most perceptive observers of public life have emphasized its tragic dimensions, because the lens of tragedy offers a unique insight into the realities of the world of politics. I synthesize this tragic perspective by employing the comments of those best positioned to identify the salient features of public life, its primary dramatis personae. Politics occasionally provides us with the kind of spectacular catastrophe that journalists like to construe as tragedy. But I evoke a different, more personal, less visible kind of tragedy: the small but malignant tragedies of self-betrayal, of inflation of the ego and deflation of conscience, of helpless witness to injustice and misfortune, of status unaccompanied by power or efficacy, of the shrinking of aspiration to the scale of the practicable, of disillusion and, on occasion, of despair. [R, abr.]
64.6505 FRIEDMAN, Jeffrey —
Normative political epistemologists, such as epistemic democrats, study whether political decision-makers can, in principle, be expected to know what they need to know if they are to make wise public policy. Empirical political epistemologists study the content and sources of real-world political actors’ knowledge and interpretations of knowledge. In recent years, empirical political epistemologists have taken up the study of the ideas of political actors other than voters, such as bureaucrats and politicians. Normative political epistemologists could follow this lead if they were to focus on the technocratic orientation of nearly all political actors in the West:. Since most technocratic policy is made by political elites, the reliability of elites’ knowledge of the causes of and cures for social and economic problems is a natural topic for normative political epistemology. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a Round Table, edited by the author. See also articles by Scott ALTHAUS, Mark BEVIR, Jeffrey FRIEDMAN, Hélène LANDEMORE, Rogers SMITH, and Susan STOKES. See also Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6506 GALEMBERT, Claire de; KOENIG, Matthias —
While the comparative study of secularism has become a thriving field of research, the precise political processes underlying the governance of religion is still a field to be scrutinized. Such processes cannot be understood without paying attention to the judicial arena. Building upon the burgeoning literature on the judicialization of politics, this article highlights that practices of social movement actors and public policy-makers are embedded not only in national constitutional traditions but also in global rights discourses and international judicial frameworks. Introducing case studies on France, Quebec, Switzerland, Turkey, Israel and Malaysia, assembled in this issue, it lays out an array of methodological strategies and analytical perspectives that allow studying the multi-level dynamics, complex power configurations and ambivalent consequences of governing religion with judges. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Judicialization in governing the religious”. See also Abstr. 64.6836, 6848, 6874, 6917, 7191]
64.6507 GARAPON, Antoine —
The discourse of struggle against corruption has become over present. It stems however from an economic and morbid concept of corruption. That approach neglects the political issues, which leads one to question the specific risks which corruption causes to democracy. [R, transl.] [First of a series of article on “Corruption: an illness of democracy”. See also Abstr. 64.6765]
64.6508 GAULME, François —
Both perpetrators and forms of violence change. States are no longer the central referents of contemporary conflicts. We can no longer understand them as the outcome of a linear history starting from tribal societies and leading to Western political structures. In the future, different worlds will exist alongside one another: anthropologists are uniquely placed to help understand and manage conflicts taking place within frameworks that do not correlate with our state-based logic. [R]
64.6509 GAYON, Vincent; LEMOINE, Benjamin —
This article investigates the permanent work of construction, naturalization and maintenance of the economic order made by a multitude of actors and technical instruments. It consists in describing how the doctrinal project of economy disembeddedness take shape, detaching itself from the political and social institutions. It first offers a constructivist reading of K. Polanyi's writings, highlighting the author's insistence on the uncertain and contested process of production and exchanges’ practices emancipation vis-à-vis traditional guardianship. Then, by showing how the invention of the economy as an autonomous sphere of activity raises crowd resistance and “reversed economic worlds” settling their own standards and laws by opposition to the economy “rules” and values. The post-World War II configuration is revisited as an exemplary laboratory of politics and state re-embeddedness of the economy. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Ordering the economy”, edited by Brigitte GAÏTI, Vincent GAYON and Benjamin LEMOINE. See also Abstr. 64. 6708, 6740, 6810, 6872b, 6923, 6962]
64.6510 GENOVESE, Federica —
To advance empirical research on international environmental institutions, new data on national positions at the international climate-change negotiations are introduced. The observations cover more than 90 countries at two historical moments of climate-change decision-making: the pre-Kyoto Protocol enforcement (2001–2004) and the post-Kyoto Protocol (2008–2011) meetings. Data were collected from different types of written text. Coding entailed a qualitative (dictionary-based) content-analysis and a quantitative text-analysis. By systematically exploring these new data, I offer a “map” of national preferences at the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). I also propose a discussion of the dimensions of conflict and policy competition over ten years of climate negotiations. [R]
64.6511 GERBER, Alan, et al. —
The Standards Committee of the Experimental Research Section of the American Political Science Association has produced reporting guidelines that aim to increase the clarity of experimental research reports. This paper describes the Committee's rationale for the guidelines it developed and includes our Recommended Reporting Standards for Experiments (Laboratory, Field, Survey). It begins with a content-analysis of current reporting practices in published experimental research. Although researchers report most important aspects of their experimental designs and data, we find substantial omissions that could undermine the clarity of research practices and the ability of researchers to assess the validity of study conclusions. [R, abr.]
64.6512 GERBER, Marlène, et al. —
From a normative vantage point, post-deliberative opinions should be linked to the quality of arguments presented during discussion. Yet, there is a dearth of research testing this claim. Our study attempts to overcome this deficiency. By analyzing a European deliberative poll on third-country migration, we explore whether statements backed by reason affect opinions, which we term deliberative persuasion. We contrast deliberative persuasion to non-deliberative persuasion, whereby we explore whether the most frequently repeated position influences opinions. We find that with regard to regularization of irregular immigrants, deliberative persuasion took place. In the context of European involvement in immigration affairs, however, opinions are driven by the most frequently repeated position rather than by the quality of argumentation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7352]
64.6513 GERSBACH, Hans —
We study the interdependence between campaign contributions, the candidates’ positions, and electoral outcomes. In our model, a candidate who moves away from his firmly established position towards a more risky one generates costs for the voters. Campaign contributions allow the candidates to reduce these mobility costs. We show that if donations were prohibited, then a unique equilibrium regarding the position choices of candidates would exist. With unrestricted financing of political campaigns, two equilibria emerge, depending on whether a majority of interest groups runs to support the leftist or rightist candidate. Interest groups may finance candidates whose position is far away from their own ideal point. The equilibria generate a variety of new features of campaign games, and may help identify the objective functions of candidates empirically. [R]
64.6514 GIEBE, Thomas; SCHWEINZER, Paul —
Decision-making processes are studied using non-standard all-pay structures. Our interest is motivated by regulatory, political, legal, military, and economic applications in which individual actions determine the consequences for a larger group or the general public. The common features of these examples are a competitive environment, a winner-takes-all reward structure, and some form of all-pay-all payment rule. [R]
64.6515 GILMORE, Jonathan —
The War on Terror has posed a difficult challenge for proponents of cosmopolitanism, through its invocation of cosmopolitan-like discourse, focused on emancipation, democracy-promotion and the protection of human rights, in support of the controversial practices of warfighting and counterinsurgency, which sit uneasily with a cosmopolitan ethical position. More recently, the 2011 intervention in Libya has again highlighted the persistence of this militarized form of cosmopolitan practice with very limited reflection on the congruence between rhetoric and appropriate practice. This article argues that these contradictions should not necessitate a rejection of cosmopolitanism, but rather a critical rethinking of how cosmopolitan-informed policies play out in practice. It advances an idea of practical cosmopolitanism, self-reflective, critically attuned to the practice of cosmopolitanism and focused on the experience of cosmopolitan-informed policies by the intended beneficiaries. [R, abr.]
64.6516 GINSBURG, Tom; VERSTEE, Mila —
In recent decades, there has been a wide-ranging global movement towards constitutional review. This development poses important puzzles of political economy: why would self-interested governments willingly constrain themselves by constitutional means? What explains the global shift toward judicial supremacy? Though different theories have been proposed, none have been systematically tested against each other using quantitative empirical methods. We utilize a unique new dataset on constitutional review for 204 countries for the period 1781–2011 to test various theories that explain the adoption of constitutional review. [R, abr.]
64.6517 GOETZE, Catherine; BLIESEMANN DE GUEVARA, Berit —
In a universalist-liberal understanding of the concept, cosmopolitanism is the optimal mind-frame for peace-builders to rebuild post-war societies, due to the tolerance, justice-orientation, and neutrality regarding local cleavages that the concept entails in theory. This article argues, however, that cosmopolitanism cannot be understood outside of its social context, therefore requiring sociological empirical analyses. Drawing on three such sociological concepts — elite, glocal, and localizable cosmopolitanism — the article analyzes empirically through interviews with peace-builders in Kosovo whether and in which form these international civil servants display cosmopolitan worldviews. The study concludes that while in theory the localizable variant would be best suited to contribute to locally sensitive, emancipatory peace-building, this form of cosmopolitanism is absent in practice. [R, abr.]
64.6518 GRAUVOGEL, Julia; SOEST, Christian von —
Despite long-term sanction pressure by the EU, the US and/or the UN, non-democratic rule has proven to be extremely persistent. Which domestic and international factors account for the regimes’ ability to resist external pressure? Based on a new global dataset on sanctions from 1990 to 2011, the results of a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) provide new insights for the research on sanctions and on authoritarian regimes. Most significantly, sanctions strengthen authoritarian rule if the regime manages to incorporate their existence into its legitimation strategy. Such an unintended “rally-round-the-flag” effect occurs where sanctions are imposed on regimes that possess strong claims to legitimacy and have only limited economic and societal linkages to the sender of sanctions. [R]
64.6519 GRAY, Julia; SLAPIN, Jonathan B. —
There is wide variation in both the institutional structure of regional economic organizations (REOs) and the degree to which they achieve their goals. This article presents a theoretical framework and empirical evidence to explain the variance in the institutional design and effectiveness of these agreements. It argues that the conditions that produce effective and broad agreements are not a function of design, but rather of exogenous factors. If countries within the REO have fewer options for world trade beyond the REO, they will develop strong institutions and make substantial use of them. A new cross-regional dataset, compiled from expert surveys, shows that expert evaluations of how well a REO functions hinge less on that agreement's legalization and more on the trade opportunities that REO members faced when the institution was formed. [R, abr.]
64.6520 GRIGAT, Sonja —
The ICG's panacea for overcoming violent conflicts is institution-building and security-sector reform, which are centerpieces of the “standard program” of liberal peace- and state-building. However, it is not only its policy advice but all the ICG's publications in general that aim to diffuse the liberal governance agenda. This article argues that, through the narrative technique of epideictic oratory, the ICG is aiming to educate its audience into a liberal governmentality characterized by practices and procedures which effect a de-politicization of violence, foster liberal forms of governance and self-government and thus contribute to sustaining liberalism as a global “regime of power”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6521 GROSSMAN, Guy; HUMPHREYS, Macartan; SACRAMONE-LUTZ, Gabriella —
How does access to ICT [Information and Communication Technology] affect who gets heard and what gets communicated to politicians? [While] ICT can lower communication costs for poorer constituents, technological channels may be used disproportionately more by the already well connected. To assess the flattening effects of ICTs, we presented a representative sample of constituents in Uganda with an opportunity to send a text message to their representatives at one of three randomly assigned prices. Critically, and contrary to concerns that technological innovations benefit the privileged, we find evidence that ICT can lead to significant flattening: a greater share of marginalized populations use this channel compared to existing political communication channels. Price plays a more complex role. Subsidizing the full cost of messaging increases uptake by over 40%. [R, abr.]
64.6522 GRUZD, Anatoliy; WELLMAN, Barry —
This special issue presents leading-edge work into how the characteristics of social media affect the nature of influence in networks. Our central thesis is that social influence has become networked influence. Influence is networked in two ways: by occurring in social network and by propagating through online communication networks. We want to understand online social influence in its diversity: who is exercising influence, how it is done, how to measure influence, what its consequences are, and how online and offline influences intertwine in different contexts. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.7095, 7209, 7291]
64.6523 GRYNAVISKI, Eric —
I argue that declaring war — making conditional and reasoned moral demands — continues to be an important requirement for just wars. Declaring war is procedurally important because it ensures that a state makes a formal moral case, showing respect to innocent third parties whose interests are affected and providing targets the right to confront their accusers and hear evidence. While not a panacea, requiring declarations is a significant improvement on the ad hoc politics of wartime justification that plagues wars such as Iraq. Further, declarations, as ultimatums, are the only reasonable interpretation of the ‘last resort’ requirement in just war theory. A final section extends the argument to contemporary wars against non-state actors, showing that a politics of recognition underlying declarations of war may prove especially fruitful today. [R, abr.]
64.6524 GUERRIN, Joana; BOULEAU, Gabrielle —
In the 1990s, public policies of flood-risk prevention in France changed in nature. Construction of protective infrastructure that prevailed since the 19th c. was challenged. Floods were then characterized as an inevitable hazard in cities but beneficial in rural areas. Criticisms were raised against the natural-disaster guarantee system adopted in the 1980s. This paper compares the French model to that for the US and the Netherlands, where engineer corps played an important role. National policies have built territories both privileged and very dependent on the state. We trace the influence of environmental movements in the production of new models at the international level. [R, abr.]
64.6525 GUINAUDEAU, Isabelle —
Do parties matter for policies? Despite the vast number of contributions to this old question, empirical findings remain highly contrasted and fail to demonstrate a substantial partisan influence. Nevertheless, this article argues that we should not conclude that parties are irrelevant for understanding policies. After an overview of the available empirical findings, it emphasizes that studies of legislative and governmental politics provide solid reasons for expecting a partisan influence and that we could make sense of the contradictory results by exploring the conditions under which parties matter. The final section identifies potential institutional, political, contextual and issue-specific determinants of partisanship in policy-making. [R]
64.6526 GUNITSKY, Seva —
This article examines how the principles of complex systems can illuminate recurring mechanisms of change in IR theories. It applies the logic of complex systems to two specific puzzles — the problem of theorizing change in structural realism, and the dynamics of cross-border democratic diffusion. In the first case, by shifting the analysis of anarchy's consequences from state behavior to state attributes, complex systems can illustrate the sources of domestic and international transformations embedded in structural theories. In the second case, the principles of coadaptation in complex systems can help reframe diffusion not as the unilinear spread of democracy but as the interplay of self-reinforcing and self-dampening dynamics, whose interaction shapes both actor expectations and democratic outcomes. In both cases, complex systems serve a limited but useful role. [R, abr.]
64.6527 GUNITSKY, Seva —
This article puts forward a theory of institutional waves that focuses on the effects of systemic transformations. A variety of statistical tests reveals strong support for the idea that shifts in hegemonic power have shaped waves of democracy, fascism, and communism in the 20th c., independent of domestic factors or horizontal diffusion. These “hegemonic shocks” produce windows of opportunity for external regimeimposition, enable rising powers to rapidly expand networks of trade and patronage, and inspire imitators by credibly revealing hidden information about relative regime effectiveness to foreign audiences. I outline these mechanisms of coercion, influence, and emulation that connect shocks to waves, empirically test their relationship, and illustrate the theory with two case studies: the wave of democratic transitions after World War I, and the fascist wave of the late interwar period. [R, abr.]
64.6528 GUNN, Paul —
In Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013], H. Landemore argues that deliberation and the aggregation of citizens’ dispersed knowledge should tend to produce better consequences than rule by the one or the few. However, she pays insufficient attention to the epistemic processes necessary to realize these democratic goods. In particular, she fails to consider the question of where citizens’ beliefs and ideas come from, with the result that the democratic decision mechanisms she focuses on are insufficiently powerful to justify her consequentialist defense of mass decision-making. If “the few” are technocratic experts, Landemore supplies little reason to resist their rule on epistemic grounds, for she does not secure a knowledge base for the citizens that might compete with the knowledge that is often attributed to such “experts”. Aggregating and deliberating about poor information is no substitute for good information. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6529 GWARTNEY, James D.; HOLCOMBE, Randall G. —
Buchanan advocated the market mechanism for allocating resources because it is based on voluntary exchange. People engage in market transactions only when they believe they benefit from doing so. Buchanan depicted the political process the same way. People engage in collective activities to accomplish together ends that they would be unable to accomplish individually, or through bilateral exchange. Buchanan's vision of politics as exchange is a normative framework for evaluating the rules within which political activity takes place. Rules that meet the criterion of agreement are desirable constitutional rules, and Buchanan recognized that not all government activity satisfies that criterion. Buchanan is the father of the sub-discipline of constitutional political economy, and his “politics as exchange” approach provides the foundation for much work in that area. [R, abr.]
64.6530 HANSON, Jonathan K. —
Traditional economic growth-regressions are not adequate to identify the role of political institutions because they assume a universal growth paradigm exists. Instead, there are distinct paradigms of investment- and innovation-based growth, and the effects of political institutions vary across them. Using a dataset covering 83 countries from 1965–2008, this study employs a mixture models estimation to identify these paradigms. It finds that state authority is critical for countries engaged in investmentbased growth, and competitive political participation tempers the pace of capital accumulation but increases productivity growth. Conversely, where innovation-based growth predominates, state authority has little effect and competitive political participation slows the pace of growth. Constraints on rulers do not support investment in either paradigm. [R]
64.6531 HAUCK, Gerhard —
In today's mainstream development theory, the grand debates of the 1970s/1980s seem to be forgotten. But the problems dealt with in these discussions play an enormous role in the new approaches as well and their explosive nature persists. The old debates are not productively assumed but simply put aside. The result is that time and again the convictions of one or the other position — most often those of modernization theory — are accepted without any question. As a consequence, old mistakes are unknowingly reiterated. The most important of these mistakes is a “methodological nationalism” that sees in nation-states the central — if not the only — acceptable unity of analysis in development theory and ignores all the influences of the capitalist world system. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6532 HAVERCROFT, Jonathan —
Recently, historians of the international system have called into question the significance of the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648 as the moment when the international system formed. One argument is that the non-intervention norm typically associated with Westphalian notions of sovereignty developed much later. This paper examines the early 17th-c. debates over the right of the Pope to depose monarchs in the defense of spiritual matters. Reading Hobbes's Leviathan in its intellectual context to see how his theory of sovereignty was developed to support a theory of non-intervention leads to two important contributions to current political science debates. By exploring similarities between these recent debates and those between Bellarmine and Hobbes in the 17th century, I offer a fresh perspective on what is at stake in current claims to international community. [R, abr.]
64.6533 HEIJSTEK-ZIEMANN, Kavita —
In this article, a typology of reforms most suitable for Western democracies is built using two dimensions: the aggregative-integrative and the indirect-direct. Using a data-set of reforms, consisting of 21 democracies, reforms in the last two decades are categorized as either pendulum, consensus, voter or participatory reforms. The article [then] explores whether patterns of reforms follow mass-level cultural changes in four egalitarian societies. Following grid-group cultural typologies some of the patterns of democratic change anticipated are: that pendulum reforms are accompanied by changes towards a more atomistic culture, consensus reforms are associated with hierarchical societies, voter reforms are guided by accelerated individualism, and finally, that participatory reforms match increasingly egalitarian societies. [R, abr.]
64.6534 HELLER, Regina; KAHL, Martin; PISOIU, Daniela —
After 9/11 [2001], state actors in different parts of the world and to various degrees decided to give security and counterterrorism measures priority over human rights and fundamental freedoms. In order to legitimize their policy choices, governmental actors used normative argumentation to redefine what is “appropriate” to ensure security. We argue that, in the long run, this may lead to a setback dynamic hollowing out established human and civil rights norms. We develop a theoretical and analytical framework, oriented along the model of the life cycle of norms, in order to trace “bad” norm dynamics in the field of counterterrorism. We conceptualize the norm-erosion process, particularly focusing on arguments such as speech acts put forward by governmental normchallengers and their attempts to create new meaning and understanding. [R, abr.]
64.6535 HENRY, Adam Douglas, et al. —
The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is one of the most frequently applied theories of the policy process. Most applications have been in Western Europe and North America. This article provides an overview of the ACF, summarizes existing applications outside of Western Europe and North America, and introduces the special issue that features applications of the ACF in the Philippines, China, India, and Kenya. it concludes with an argument for the continued application of the ACF outside of Western Europe and North America and a research agenda for overcoming challenges in using the ACF in comparative public policy research. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 64.6840, 6843, 6863, 6899]
64.6536 HERIAN, Mitchel N. —
This article examines the relationship between trust in government and support for local governmental services. It is hypothesized that trust in government will predict support for local government services, but that trust will differentially predict support across policy areas. The results demonstrate that trust predicts support for human services and infrastructure but is not related to support for emergency services. The findings contribute to the broader literature on attitudes toward local governmental services and may hold potential clues for policy-makers interested in understanding the factors that shape public preferences for governmental service-delivery. [R]
64.6537 HERTZBERG, Benjamin R. —
E. Anderson's The Imperative of Integration is most notable for its creative application of her conception of non-ideal theory. I assess Anderson's conception and argue that it does not adequately account for the necessary role of political ideals in non-ideal theory. Political ideals, I argue, determine what counts as a political problem and shape the practice of non-ideal theorizing in ways Anderson does not fully address. This methodological difference leads me to depart in a small but significant way from her criticism of the color-blind ideal: by failing to consider the role of ideals in defining political problems, Anderson's criticisms of the color-blind ideal fail to note the contradiction advocates of that ideal find between the critical implications of their view and its alleged policy prescriptions. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6779]
64.6538 HILL, Daniel W., Jr.; JONES, Zachary M. —
The empirical literature that examines cross-national patterns of state repression seeks to discover a set of political, economic, and social conditions that are consistently associated with government violations of human rights. Null hypothesis significance testing is the most common way of examining the relationship between repression and concepts of interest, but it is inadequate for this goal, and has produced potentially misleading results. To remedy this deficiency in the literature, we use cross-validation and random forests to determine the predictive power of measures of concepts the literature identifies as important causes of repression. We find that few of these measures are able to substantially improve the predictive power of statistical models of repression. [R, abr.]
64.6539 HIROI, Taeko; RENNO, Lucio —
This article addresses central issues in multiparty presidential systems: the functioning of legislative coalitions and the dynamics of legislative conflict. Since electoral competition has elements of both positive-sum (increase in common support) and zero-sum (exact division of the support) qualities, lawmaking in coalitional systems presents unique challenges. Using legislative data from Brazil, we examine how coalition management and unity affect legislative delay and obstructionism. We find, among others, that: (1) coalition management is pivotal for both faster legislative approval and less obstructionism, but its effect depends on coalition size; and (2) cohesive opposition impedes the legislative process. [R]
64.6540 HIRSCH, Michal Ben-Josef —
I argue that ideational change is a causal mechanism that facilitates norm-emergence. In particular, I propose three types of content-change that capture changes in the ideas associated with the goals expected to be attained by the application of the norm (“logic of consequences”), with its morality (“logic of appropriateness”), and with its relations with similar or alternative practices (“specification”). These changes in the rational and moral reasoning and argumentation that frame the practice that is associated with an emerging norm are likely to make this practice congruent with more contexts and appealing for more states. To illustrate the content-change proposition, this article traces the emergence of the international norm of truth and reconciliation commissions. [R, abr.]
64.6541 HOCHMÜLLER, Markus; MÜLLER, Markus-Michael —
After nearly seven years of ever-escalating violence related to the Mexican “war on drugs”, in 2013 Mexico entered the ICG's “observatory” of countries facing a violent crisis. We critically interrogate this “Mexican turn” of the ICG, as well as its accompanying forms of crisis knowledge-production. By applying analytical insights from critical policy analysis and post-colonial security studies, we highlight the Western-centrism embedded in the ICG'S perspective on Mexico's security crisis. In analyzing this perspective on questions of drug trafficking, statehood and indigenous justice, we demonstrate how this Western-centrism produces a de-politicizing and overly technocratic crisis narrative. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6542 HOFFMAN, Lisa M. —
In contrast to more traditional debates about voting patterns, local versus state administrations, and individual rights and participatory democracy, this article addresses the question of urban politics through an analysis of subject-formation. By taking subject-formation as the analytical focus, research questions about “politics” shift from traditional ones about local or state government and the development of consensus, for instance, to ones about the constitution of subjects who are governed and govern themselves in particular ways. Using the emergence of two increasingly commonplace subject forms in contemporary China — urban professionals and volunteers — as examples, the article considers how modes of self-regulation become political problems and also how subjects may be of the urban as well as located in the urban. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6666]
64.6543 HOLLAND, Jack —
This article explores video use and the student learning experience in Politics and IR. The study brings together and builds on two extant literatures — on deep learning and visual literacy — in order to explore how students make use of three types of video: lecture summaries, current affairs clips and fictional television. Questionnaire and focus group data generate a nuanced picture, with distinct implications for the learning experience. The article shows how different types of video can be linked to the development of different skills for different students. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7249]
64.6544 HOROWITZ, Michael C.; STAM, Allan C. —
Policy-makers and the electorate assume political executives’ life experiences affect their policy choices once in office. Recent IR work on leaders focuses almost entirely on how political institutions shape leaders’ choices rather than on leaders’ personal attributes and how they influence policy choices. This article focuses the analytic lens on leaders and their personal backgrounds. We theorize that the prior military background of a leader is an important life experience with direct relevance for how leaders evaluate the utility of using military force. We test several propositions employing a new data-set, building on Archigos, that encompasses the life background characteristics of more than 2,500 heads of state from 1875 to 2004. [R, abr.]
64.6545 HOZIC, Aida A. —
This article explores three modes of film diffusion (markets, festivals, and “alter-routes” facilitated by new technologies) and argues that despite significant lowering of barriers to cultural trade, films are often subject to structural and ideational firewalls linked to the state. Thus, political effects of cultural flows — and of the imaginaries they foster — remain highly contested and fundamentally uncertain. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6503]
64.6546 HRYNIEWICZ, Janusz T. —
This study [considers] whether and to what extent core-periphery theory can be used to describe international economic relations in the process of creating a global knowledge-based economy. The most important core-periphery theory theses were selected and tested empirically. [R, abr.]
64.6547 HUO Jingjing —
I suggest that different types of capitalism specialize in communicating different types of information. Strongly coordinated capitalism communicates insider information but suppresses public information, and viceversa for weakly coordinated economies. Selectively targeted insider information credibly signals intention for long-term cooperation, while indiscriminately revealed public information credibly reveals intention for opportunism. Since the same hidden knowledge cannot be revealed both indiscriminately and selectively, coordinated capitalism forces the two types of information to crowd each other out. Using the external financing of R&D as an example, I test this theory in informational environments typical for different types of capitalism (mature technologies for some and cutting-edge for others). [R, abr.]
64.6548 IM, Tobin, et al. —
This research investigates how levels of citizen trust in government and compliance are affected by citizens’ use of the internet. Starting from the premise that information is a key determinant of public opinion and citizen behavior, this research explores the extent to which the time that citizens spend on the internet affects their trust in government and compliance with government policies, compared with the influence of the traditional, off-line, mass-media modalities, such as newspapers. In addition, we also assess the impact of citizens’ use of e-government on levels of trust in government and compliance. The analyses suggest that the more time individuals spend on the internet, the lower their degree of trust in government and lower level of citizen compliance. [R, abr.]
64.6549 INGOLD, Karin; GSCHWEND, Muriel —
This study addresses the question of what role science plays in policy processes. We apply the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and investigate three complementary assumptions using a qualitative comparison of four cases: the ACF claims that scientific experts can take very different positions in the policy process, depending on how conflictive or consensus-oriented the relations among actors and coalitions are within a so-called policy subsystem. Put differently, the type of subsystem impacts on the position of science within the process. The results show that subsystem-specific factors impact upon whether scientific representatives act at the periphery of a process or as policy-brokers seeking feasible policy solutions. [R, abr.]
64.6550 ISIKSEL, Turkuler —
This article interrogates the intellectual foundations of global legal pluralism as a descriptive and normative position, and assesses its core claims with reference to the changing status of individuals in the post-national realm. It turns to the tradition of value pluralism in political philosophy, particularly as articulated by Isaiah Berlin. It argues that as a normative position, pluralism is normatively underdetermined, offering too little guidance as to how the conflicts endemic to a pluralistic world ought to be resolved. Unless it is supplemented by other, more substantive principles of political legitimacy such as democracy, freedom, equality, or justice, the principle of pluralism applied to the global legal realm is poised to reproduce, even exacerbate, existing inequalities of power and resources among those whom it affects. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Rights, remedies and responsibilities of individuals under legal pluralism”, edited and introduced by the author and Anne THIES. See also Abstr. 64.6468, 6486, 7313, 7349, 7389]
64.6551 JABRI, Vivienne —
This article provides a post-colonial reading of norms in international politics. Focusing specifically on the question of post-colonial agency, the article argues that the constructivist literature provides a distinctive spatial and temporal ordering of the “international” that on the one hand can be seen to attribute agency to the post-colonial subject, while on the other can easily be interpreted as denying a presence for this subject. An alternative reading suggests that post-colonial agency is not only constituted by the international and its normative construction, but is also constituting, having the capacity to variously subvert and transform, but within limits. Focusing on H. Bhabha and F. Fanon, the article looks to how post-colonial thought can be mobilized to respond to this challenge, and to point to an alternative conception of the transformative potential of post-colonial agency. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6489]
64.6552 JACOBS, Lawrence R. —
The emerging field of public values helpfully focuses on the norms and government policies that serve the public interest, but its analysis neglects the barriers to actually creating public value in contemporary America. Chief among these are contending strains of public beliefs and opinions, the disproportionate influence of affluent individuals and business and professional associations, as well as governing structures predisposed toward inaction and drift. This article contrasts the expectations of the public values field with research on American politics to identify barriers to advancing the public interest under current conditions. Although public values scholars’ analysis of American public life is inadequate, they do raise challenging questions about how a publicregarding agenda can be “designed in” to politics and policy. [R, abr.] [Part of a symposium on “Exploring the value of public value”, edited and introduced by John M. BRYSON, Barbara C. CROSBY and Laura BLOOMBERG. See also commentary by Hank SHEINKOPF, pp. 494–495; and Abstr. 64.6464]
64.6553 JÄKEL, Olaf —
The cognitive semantic analysis of “denotational incongruencies” by means of comparative investigations of structural field patterns can also be put to use in the investigation of certain kinds of “contested concepts”, namely cases in which the field patterns themselves are under dispute. The case analyzed is that of marriage, a cultural concept that has recently come under dispute in the socio-political discourse of Western countries. Competing cultural models to be compared in this context include the traditional/conservative model as well as different versions of a more tolerant model and a liberal/progressive model. The analysis focuses on authentic language data from the US, Canada, Great Britain, and Germany, supplemented by a diachronic comparison of dictionary definitions as well as the results of a survey done with young German informants. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6635]
64.6554 JARMAN, Holly —
Responding to arguments that states are strongly constrained by global capital, this article uses the concept of the entrepreneurial state to analyze the ways states create cross-border health markets. The article, combined with the others in this special issue, provide three key findings: (1) we find that the territorially bound nature of much domestic health policy is being challenged by international integration in a growing number of sectors; (2) we find that cross-border legal frameworks in place to govern markets are extensive but not sufficient to decide questions of global health; (3) we conclude that states matter in cross-border health because they shape rules that govern markets. [R, abr.]
64.6555 JIMÉNEZ GARCÍA, Francisco —
Taking international human rights law seriously entails overcoming the various stages of this legal system. Currently, it means that legal culture, as recognized and interpreted internationally, should be incorporated into national legal systems through the existence of equivalent and effective procedures. The study analyzes the progress of economic and social rights on the basis of the decisions of various specialized committees as well as International tribunals, particularly the European Court of Human Rights. In this regard, the treatment of the right to adequate housing and the prohibition of forced evictions present special interest. [R]
64.6556 JOHNSON, April A. —
Scholars of American politics have generally found a negative relationship between ambivalence and political engagement. This study explores such conclusions and argues that the effect of ambivalence on engagement varies according to electoral context. Using a multi-level modeling strategy, I find that ambivalence has a significant overall effect on political engagement for citizens in the US but a lesser overall impact for citizens in Great Britain. Yet by allowing the slope and the intercept of ambivalence to vary across parliamentary districts, I find that ambivalence has asymmetrical effects on political engagement within Britain. I conclude by arguing that ambivalence essentially operates in a differential manner across electoral contexts and provide preliminary evidence as to why this is. [R]
64.6557 JOHNSON, James —
Political theorists rely on models in ways that typically are neglected, [for] reasons have little to do with the standard rationale political scientists advance: they use models to deduce predictions that, treated as hypotheses, can be tested against the “real world”. Starting from Th. Schelling's view of models, I show how J. Rawls and M. Foucault each rely on a model in ways that conform to his characterization. I then draw a comparison between I. Berlin and K. Arrow to illuminate the value of formalization. I sketch a view of models not as devices for making predictions but as tools for conceptual exploration. On that basis, I argue that the standard rationale turns out to be deeply problematic. [R, abr.]
64.6559 JORDANA, Jacint; ROSAS, Guillermo —
Can autonomous banking regulatory agencies reduce the odds that a country will suffer a crippling banking crisis? We investigate the impact that agencies charged with banking regulation and prudential supervision can have on financial stability in the banking sector. We argue that the potential benefits of autonomy are hard to realize because banking regulators face incentives to shirk in their mandate to secure banking stability. These incentives are strongest in political systems with high numbers of veto players, where the autonomy of a banking agency is difficult to undo even if the agency is derelict in promoting banking sector stability. We test an implication of this argument: that the probability of bank-crisis onset should diminish with the level of autonomy of the banking agency, but only in polities with low numbers of veto points. [R, abr.]
64.6560 JØRGENSEN, Knud E.; VALBJØRN, Morten —
In this rejoinder, we appreciate B. Rosamond and A. Warleigh-Lack's addition [“‘Greatly exaggerated’: the death of EU studies-new regionalism dialogue? A reply to Jørgensen”, ibid. 48(4), Dec. 2013: 542–555; Abstr. 64.294] to our typology of dialogues [“Four dialogues and the funeral of a beautiful relationship: European studies and the New Regionalism”, ibid. 47(1), March 2012: 3–27; Abstr. 62.2966], yet restate our main reasons to remain skeptical about the outcome of a dialogue between European Studies and New Regionalism. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7321]
64.6561 JOSHI, Madhav; LEE Sung Yong; GINTY, Roger Mac —
This article assesses the extent to which the liberal peace (the dominant form of internationally supported peacemaking) actually deserves the sobriquet “liberal peace”. In recent years, an intense debate emerged on this question as critics of the critique of the liberal peace have sought to downplay its dominance. These debates are interesting but are mainly based on qualitative analysis supplemented with some case study material, and often rely on assertions rather than evidence. This article adds to this debate with simple aggregate data from the Peace Accords Matrix that is comprehensive and comparative. The article constructs a five-part framework to analyze the liberal elements of peace accords liberalism and then tracks the extent to which the elements of the framework are found in peace accords. [R, abr.]
64.6562 JUNG, Florian; SUNDE, Uwe —
This paper studies the endogenous emergence of political regimes, in particular democracy, oligarchy and mass dictatorship, in societies in which productive resources are distributed unequally and institutions do not ensure political commitments. The political regime is shown to depend not only on income levels, but also, in particular, on resource inequality. The main results imply that under any economic environment a distribution of resources exists such that democracy is the political outcome. This distribution is independent of the particular income level if the income share generated by the poor is sufficiently large. On the other hand, there are distributions of resources for which democracy is infeasible in equilibrium regardless of the level of economic development. The model also delivers results on the stability of democracy. [R, abr.]
64.6563 KALLHOFF, Angela —
The most distinctive features of public goods are usually understood to be the difficulty of excluding potential beneficiaries and the fact that one appropriator's benefits do not diminish the amount of benefits left for others. Yet, because of these properties (non-excludability and nonrivalry), public goods cause market failures and contribute to problems of collective action. This article portrays public goods in a different light. Following a recent reassessment of public goods in political philosophy, this contribution argues that public goods are particularly suitable for sustaining a well-ordered society. Public goods contribute to social inclusion, they support the generation of the public, and they strengthen a shared sense of citizenship. [R, abr.]
64.6564 KAMOLA, Isaac; NOORI, Neema, eds. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 599–603. Articles by Isaac KAMOLA, “The African university as ‘global’ university”, pp. 604–607; Neema NOORI, “Does academic freedom globalize? The diffusion of the American model of education to the Middle East and academic freedom”, pp. 608–611; CHOU Meng-Hsuan, “The ‘republic of research administrators’ in Europe: how to get the researchers moving”, pp. 612–615; Martina VUKASOVIC, “Universities and public contestation during social and political crises: Belgrade University in the 1990s”, pp. 616–619; J. Salvador PERALTA and Thiago PEZZUTO PACHECO, “Resisting ‘progress’: the new left and higher education in Latin America”, pp. 620–623; Rasmus Gjedssø BERTELSEN, “The university as a transnational actor with transnational power: American missionary universities in the Middle East and China”, pp. 624–628.
64.6565 KÄPYLÄ, Juha; KENNEDY, Denis —
The article takes a critical approach to compassion. It argues that humanitarian action is incomprehensible outside of a general theory of how compassion structures the encounter between the suffering object of relief and the caring public. It does this by elaborating a pragmatist and eclectic approach to compassion in which seemingly internal affective responses have a socio-political existence and are already enabled by productive power, in particular by socially circulated and embodied narrative frames. By engaging a representative sample of NGO imagery related to the 2010 post-earthquake response in Haiti, the article illustrates not only how specific narrative frames seek to both elicit and govern the ways of feeling compassion, but also how these aesthetic and emotional practices are ethico-politically problematic in portraying distant sufferers and facilitating action. [R, abr.]
64.6566 KASYMOVA, Jyldyz; GAYNOR, Tia Sherèe —
Citizen engagement in local decision-making processes is improving, especially with respect to environmental issues. This research evaluates environmental participation in three jurisdictions. We explain the success of participation by looking at the benefits of engagement. In all three cases, a significant degree of collaboration between local governments and not-for-profit organizations was present. Institutional commitment to engage the public was evident in the case of Newark, New Jersey, while Tonawanda, New York, delegated citizen engagement functions to the local environmental justice group. Even in less democratic regimes like Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, active environmental participation at local levels was found to be effective. [R]
64.6567 KATZENSTEIN, Peter J. —
The article provides a reminiscence of K. Deutsch as a teacher and scholar. I examine his scholarship and focus on its enduring qualities. In particular, I highlight how he was a passionate advocate of innovative approaches to enduring political problems. His comprehensive theoretical vision, with central concepts such as communication and learning, remains as inspiring as his methodological eclecticism. It offers a synthesis of traditional sociology of the Europe he had left behind with the rationalist empiricism that he encountered in America. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6568 KEATING, Vincent Charles; RUZICKA, Jan —
How can trusting relationships be identified in international politics? The recent wave of scholarship on trust in IR looks for one or the combination of three indicators: the incidence of cooperation; discourses expressing trust; or the calculated acceptance of vulnerability. These methods are inadequate both theoretically and empirically. Distinguishing between the concepts of trust and confidence, we instead propose an approach that focuses on the actors’ hedging strategies. We argue that actors either declining to adopt or removing hedging strategies is a better indicator of a trusting relationship than the alternatives. We demonstrate the strength of our approach by showing how the existing approaches would suggest the US-Soviet relationship to be trusting when it was not so. In contrast, the US-Japanese alliance relationship allows us to show how we can identify a developing trusting relationship. [R, abr.]
64.6569 KELLY, Jamie Terence —
What is the optimal size of a democratic society? While not taking an explicit stand on this issue, H. Landemore's model of democracy in Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013] suggests that democracies ought to be small, certainly smaller than many existing states. If, as Landemore argues, we must rely on the random selection of representatives, then we should be concerned about both the size of the population and the way cognitive diversity is distributed within it. Given the realities of party politics and media framing, this means that smaller political societies will yield wiser decisions than very large ones. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6570 KENIS, Anneleen; LIEVENS, Matthias —
Situating the “post-ecologist turn” within the framework of post-politics, we not only investigate why environmental issues are so easily represented in consensual and technocratic terms, but also seek avenues for repoliticization. We thereby try to avoid the pitfall of a voluntarist or substantively normative approach to what repoliticization can mean. By pointing to the subtle polemic on a meta-level which lurks beneath even the most consensual discourse, a potential starting point for repoliticization is uncovered, which also enables a political rereading of the “post-ecologist turn”. Finally, we argue that the same characteristics that make the environmental question liable to depoliticization can also turn it into a field of politicization par excellence. [R]
64.6571 KLEINE, Mareike —
According to principal-agent theory, states (the principals) delegate the implementation of a legalized agreement to an international organization (the agent). The conventional wisdom about states’ capacity to control international organizations is that differences among the member states impede control and consequently enhance the agent's autonomy, whereas agreement allows for effective control and limited autonomy. Contrary to this conventional wisdom, this article argues that conflicts among states need not always impede effective control: if an international organization comprises a sufficient number of policies, there are gains from the exchange of control over its portfolios that are of special sensitivity to different member states. As a result, international organizations exhibit informal spheres of national control, or national fiefdoms. The article demonstrates the theory's plausibility using the example of the EU and other international organizations. [R, abr.]
64.6572 KLINGLER-VIDRA, Robyn; SCHLEIFER, Philip —
Much of the diffusion literature in IR, IPE, and comparative public policy focuses on explaining patterns of convergence among states, international organizations, and transnational organizations. This literature suggests that full or complete convergence is not a necessary or even likely outcome of diffusion processes. However, as of yet, findings of varying degrees of convergence remain largely context-specific and a more general and systematic review of the mechanisms explaining “how much” convergence occurs is still missing. To address this gap, this article offers a state-of-the-art review of studies describing and explaining the phenomenon. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6503]
64.6573 KNIGHT, Jack —
I assess the theoretical approach employed by E. Anderson in The Imperative of Integration [Princeton, 2010]. Anderson advocates a non-ideal theoretical approach to questions of normative political theory. She uses non-ideal arguments to offer a compelling justification of racial integration as a social policy. I unpack her argument to identify some of the important strengths of non-ideal theory. In doing so, I argue that non-ideal approaches provide insights that are necessary for the development of persuasive answers to normative questions, but that are not achievable with ideal theoretical alternatives. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6779]
64.6574 KODDENBROCK, Kai —
This article [examines] the way Congolese government politics is analyzed in ICG reports. The logics of government and the dilemmas of rule in a country with the size, geography and history of the DRC receive hardly any attention in ICG reporting. Building on K. Schlichte's approach to the dilemmas of rule, the article argues that President J. Kabila has in fact responded skillfully to the dilemmas of elite inclusion across the different hubs of power and wealth from the Kivus to Katanga to the capital Kinshasa. While his political and human rights records are by no means impeccable, not all is rotten in the state of Congo, and the Kabila government deserves more analytical rigor and openness than is offered by the pathologizing modes of analysis used by the ICG. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6575 KOLEV, Kiril —
This paper builds on existing studies linking formal electoral institutions to democracy. It reveals that there is an interactive effect between the electoral formula and the levels of ethnic polarization that systematically influences the quality of elections and the probability of government turnover. Proportional representation is associated with better elections and more frequent government turnover than single-member district majority formulas in ethnically polarized countries. However, the opposite is true when ethno-cultural groups are not numerous or polarized. This study contributes to the existing literature on formal political institutions by presenting evidence that the electoral formula's impact on governance is contingent on the context in which such institutions operate. [R]
64.6576 KÖSSLER, Reinhart —
The idea of late development featured on the example of advanced countries and industrialization has been characteristic of socio-economic development thinking since its inception. The present critique is directed, on the one hand, towards the transfer of the concept itself from biology. This leads into unresolvable impasses, which however offer lessons. This transfer is connected to the pervasive methodological nationalism in socio-economic development thinking. This feature as well as the unacknowledged colonialist slant is closely connected with one of the founders of this line of thinking, Friedrich List. In contradistinction to much of received views, it is particularly he who shows ways which are apt, at most, to shift existing global hierarchies, which however are reproduced in their core structure. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6577 KOSTIĆ, Roland —
Peace-building situations can be described as battlefields of ideas where key international policy-makers engage in internal battles for control over intervention policy. Knowledge-production, based on timely information and analysis, is crucial to winning these battles of ideas. By providing detailed information, analysis and recommendations, the International Crisis Group (ICG) has assumed an important role in this process. This article investigates ICG analyses and recommendations and the way they fit into the specific internal debates within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in 2000–2001. By looking at the work of the ICG in BiH around the elections in 2000, it demonstrates that it often acted as a legitimizing agent of US positions and policy in the country. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6578 KOZLOSKI, Robert —
Since the end of the Cold War, the US has attained mixed results using the traditional instruments of power in pursuit of foreign policy objectives. In the future these instruments may prove even less effective because of domestic problems and changes in the geopolitical environment. Advanced military capabilities enabled by emerging technology may provide policymakers with broader options and greater utility when coercion is required in international relations. The application of non-lethal force is not a substitute for war but an effective lever to consider in future conflict. This article proposes several concepts: digital blockade, conflicttermination, wide-area denial, and offshore control, which could be used during future state-level conflict. While these emerging capabilities offer great promise, they are not a panacea. [R, abr.]
64.6579 KRUPNIKOV, Yanna; LEVINE, Adam Seth —
Experimentation is an increasingly popular method among political scientists. While experiments are highly advantageous for creating internally valid conclusions, they are often criticized for being low on external validity. Critical to questions of external validity are the types of subjects who participate in a given experiment, with scholars typically arguing that samples of adults are more externally valid then student samples. Despite the vociferousness of such arguments, these claims have received little empirical treatment. We empirically test for key differences between student and adult samples by conducting four parallel experiments on each of the three samples commonly used by political scientists. [R, abr.]
64.6580 KUNZ, Rahel; SCHWENKEN, Helen —
The current phase of the “migration-development nexus” emphasizes the positive potential of migrants. A gender analysis allows for a better understanding of this phase. This article focuses on the international discourse arena, the Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD), and on the paradigmatic case of Mexico. Drawing on feminist theory and governmentality approaches, it is argued that particular gendered subjectivities, based on gender stereotypes, are mobilized, normalizing certain forms of behavior and legitimizing political interventions. These gendered subjectivities are embedded in the model of the heteronormative transnational family, which is expected to guarantee stable social relations and the flow of remittances. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6581 KUO Ming-Sung —
The question of constitutionalization cuts through the heart of theoretical debate on the fragmentation of global governance. This paper contributes to this debate through a comparison of global administrative law (GAL) and the conflicts-law approach. While the conflicts-law approach espouses the move towards global constitutionalism, GAL disavows constitutional ambition. The differing diagnoses these two approaches make of global governance lead to their distinct proposed solutions. GAL identifies the lack of accountability as the underlying concern of global governance and responds to fragmented global governance through balancing-centered legal management. The conflicts-law approach instead attributes the challenges facing global governance to the illdesigned democratic institutions in nation-states and turns to “democratic juridification” as the solution. GAL and the conflicts-law approach reflect two distinct images of constitutionalism. [R, abr.]
64.6582 KURKI, Milja; SUGANAMI, Hidemi —
Causal inquiry has been a controversial matter in IR scholarship in recent years. [Yet] many post-positivist and critical theorists in the discipline have remained unconvinced of the virtues of causal inquiry. Crucially, the political consequences of causal analysis seem to be a sticking point for many such critics. Yet, the politics of causal analysis are, we argue, complex and relatively poorly engaged with at present. Indeed, the arguments against causal analysis, which rely on warnings concerning the political nature of causal analysis, are inadequate and incomplete. We contend here that causal analysis is, indeed, political but that this does not mean that we should not engage in causal inquiry. On the contrary, we argue that this is what makes causal inquiry interesting and important in social science. [R, abr.]
64.6583 KURTENBACH, Sabine; WEHR, Ingrid —
The possibilities and means of controlling violence in “modern” societies have been contested issues in social theory and present complex challenges for development policy. After briefly discussing the concepts of “violence” and “modernity”, the article analyzes the relation between control of violence and the construction of modern statehood in some classical contributions to social theory, and the debate on development policy. Pointing to the blind spots in the respective debates, it deconstructs implicit and explicit assumptions of alleged causal mechanisms between the development of modern institutions, the norms and specific forms of controlling violence. These critical voices, however, have not influenced current approaches to peace-building in post-conflict societies advocated by development agencies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6584 KUYPER, Jonathan W. —
How can democracy best be pursued and promoted in the existing global system? I propose a novel suggestion: democratization should occur at the level of international regime complexity. Because each issue-area of world politics is distinct, we require tailor-made responses to the global democratic deficit. I conceptualize global democracy as an ongoing process of democratization in which a set of core normative values are more or less satisfied. I explicate equal participation, accountability, and institutional revisability as those key standards. I argue that the democratization of regime complexes should occur across two distinct planes: (1) the realm of multilateral negotiations; and (2) institutional forms of democratic experimentalism between rule-makers and rule-takers. I evaluate and defend the potential of this argument by analyzing the intellectual property rights regime complex. [R, abr.]
64.6585 KUYPER, Jonathan W. —
This article analyzes how, and under what conditions, a systemicallypluralist structure of international law provides a springboard for global democratization. I argue that contestation and deliberation — core values of democracy — can and do arise within systemic pluralism. Specifically, I contend that institutional heterarchy between legal orders and forum-shopping by different actors provide a means to engender these democratic values. I maintain that democratization can be sought on both horizontal and vertical planes: the former being the sphere of multilateral negotiations; the latter being governance which links individuals directly to sites of public power. I analyze recent developments within global intellectual property law, establishing and treating the multiple jurisdictions in this issue-space as an instantiation of systemic pluralism. I thus provide a normative strategy for ongoing democratization of international law. [R, abr.]
64.6586 LABORDE, Cécile —
I explore S. Benhabib's suggestion that hijab controversies can be interpreted as a return of political theology. I first clarify what political theology is; I then ask what it means to talk about a “return” to it in relation to hijab controversies; and I finally ponder how much of the return of political theology is a genuine challenge to secular political theory. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6712]
64.6587 LALEFF ILIEFF, Ricardo —
The article traces the thought of Th. Hobbes and Carl Schmitt to discuss the problems of contemporary warfare. In this sense, it is argue that the current relationship between war and politics can be linked with a series of categories from those authors. The present mode of war expresses the progress of depoliticization and neutralization liberal in its last phase of development. [R]
64.6588 LANDEMORE, Hélène —
The idea that the crowd could ever be intelligent is a counterintuitive one. Our modern, Western faith in experts and bureaucracies is rooted in the notion that political competence is the purview of the select few. Here, as in my Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013], I defend the opposite view: that the diverse many are often smarter than a group of select elites because of the different cognitive tools, perspectives, heuristics, and knowledge they bring to political problem-solving and prediction. I defend my epistemic argument against proceduralist democrats; the value of model thinking against empiricists; the bracketing of fundamental value-diversity against critics who see such diversity as an essential feature of politics; the intelligence of the masses in the face of voter ignorance and systematic biases; and the normative priority of democracy over market mechanisms. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6589 LANOSZKA, Alexander —
In categorizing international hierarchies, theorists often emphasize some balance between levels of consent and coercion. I show that emphasis on these terms is conceptually problematic. Borrowing insights from republican political theory, I argue that we can better distinguish hierarchies on the basis of whether they feature domination. Under domination, the subordinate's freedom of choice is contingent upon the predilections of the superordinate state, which can assert its supremacy whenever and possibly, however, it may please. By contrast, in hierarchies of non-domination, the superordinate state enjoys the “powers of attorney” with which it might be permitted to practice coercion in order to advance an agreed-upon goal. I demonstrate the applicability of this conceptual framework by examining Soviet and American relations with Central-Eastern and Western Europe, respectively, during the Cold War. [R, abr.]
64.6590 LATHAM, Andrew A.; CHRISTENSON, James —
Despite the transformative potential of the “New Wars” paradigm, what might be labeled the “first generation” of scholarship has been subject to a range of cross-disciplinary conceptual and empirical challenges that have called into question many of its key findings. While there is much that is valid in these critiques of the New Wars thesis, ultimately it is premature to conclude that they have fatally undermined the New Wars paradigm as a heuristically useful framework for inquiring into the (changing) character of violent political conflict. All of this suggests that what is needed now is not the abandonment of the New Wars paradigm, but a longer-term historical perspective that can help us avoid many of the conceptual errors that plague the extant literature. [R]
64.6591 LAU, Joanne C. —
What is wrong with participating in a democratic decision-making process, and when doing something other than the outcome of the decision? It is often thought that collective decision-making entails being prima facie bound to the outcome of that decision, although little analysis has been done on why that is the case. Conventional perspectives are inadequate to explain its wrongness. I offer a new and more robust analysis on the nature of voting: voting when you will accept the outcome only if the decision goes your way is an act of bad faith: you are not taking part in a “process that decides what we will do”. This analysis sheds light on understanding the intrinsic nature of voting and what we are doing when we make decisions collectively. [R]
64.6592 LAUDERDALE, Benjamin E.; CLARK, Tom S. —
Item-response theory models for roll-call voting data provide political scientists with parsimonious descriptions of political actors’ relative preferences. However, models using only voting data tend to obscure variation in preferences across different issues due to identification and labeling problems that arise in multidimensional scaling models. We propose a new approach to using sources of metadata about votes to estimate the degree to which those votes are about common issues. We demonstrate our approach with votes and opinion texts from the US Supreme Court, using latent Dirichlet allocation to discover the extent to which different issues were at stake in different cases and estimating justice preferences within each of those issues. [R, abr.]
64.6593 LAWSON, Chappell; GREENE, Kenneth F. —
Recent research on clientelism focuses on mercenary exchanges between voters and brokers. In this “instrumentalist” view, machine politics is sustainable only where patrons can punish clients for defection — a situation that does not apply in many places known for clientelism. We build a different theory of clientelism around the norm of reciprocity. If exchanges rely on clients’ feelings of obligation to return favors to their patrons, then clientelism can be sustained even where the ballot is genuinely secret. To support this argument, we draw on a range of research, including a series of split-sample experiments embedded in two surveys on Mexico specifically focused on reciprocity. Our findings have implications for voting behavior, party organization, and the types of public policies that may prevent clientelism. [R]
64.6595 LEANDER, Anna —
This article contributes to the debate over the whether or not the mainstreaming of Corporate Social Responsibility/Codes of Conduct should be welcomed. To grapple with this question requires an engagement with the multiple and necessarily situated performativities (or jursigenerativities) of these codes. The article illustrates the argument through an analysis of two jurisgenerative processes (linked to regulation and to politics) triggered by Codes of Conduct in commercial military markets. It shows that the codes are creating both a hybrid regulatory (or constitutional) network that makes it possible to hold firms accountable and a militarization of politics. It draws on a study of three cases involving ArmorGroup, a forerunner and advocate of regulation in military markets. [R, abr.]
64.6596 LEBOW, Richard N. —
I describe Karl Deutsch's personal and political background and career and offer an assessment of him as a scholar, teacher, and mentor. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6597 LEE Woojin —
Within the framework of the generalized Wittman-Roemer model of political competition, this article provides a canonical example showing that political parties may matter in explaining how redistribution policies change with respect to changes in inequality. Some authors [W. Lee and J. E. Roemer, “The rise and fall of unionized labour markets: a political economy approach”, The Economic Journal 115, 2005: 28–67; I. Ortuño-Ortín and J. E. Roemer, “Endogenous party formation and the effect of income distribution on policy”, Working Paper WP-AD 2000–06, Universidad de Alicante] have noticed that in the Wittman-Roemer model, the left and the right parties may respond differently to changes in inequality, but their observation is based upon numerical calculation. This paper constructs an analytical tractable example that helps open the black box with sound intuition. [R]
64.6598 LEEMANN, Lucas; BOCHSLER, Daniel —
This paper provides a general approach for the detection of fraud. While most existing contributions focus on a single instance and form of fraud, we propose a more encompassing approach, testing for several empirical implications of different possible forms of fraud. To illustrate this approach, we rely on a case of electoral irregularities in one of the oldest democracies: In a Swiss referendum in 2011, one in twelve municipalities irregularly destroyed the ballots, rendering a recount impossible. We do not know whether this happened due to sloppiness, or to cover possible fraudulent actions. [R, abr.]
64.6599 LEPENIES, Philipp H. —
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are a historically unique system of seemingly measurable targets and indicators. They were created to prove the effectiveness and the usefulness of development aid empirically. The MDGs apparently represent a transparent, neutral and measurable political framework for action. Yet, although the goals will be missed, the idea of fixing a set of statistically measurable goals is seldom questioned and is still viewed as seminal. This article uses the analytical framework of governmentality to show how the fixation of global targets triumphed; but also how the MDGs unduly narrowed the international discussion on what is meant by development and thus allowed institutional self-interest to succeed. This self-interest is hidden behind the veil of statistical indicators. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6600 LEVINSON, Sanford —
Against critics of capacious notions of democratic rule by “the many”, H. Landemore vigorously defends what she calls “democratic reason” because of the epistemic value of active deliberation by diverse groups of people. Deliberation is necessary to overcome isolated reasoning (where one might prefer an educated “expert” over an “average” citizen), and diversity is necessary to overcome the potential echo chamber created by conversations in a (non-diverse) group of “the best and the brightest”. The best way to create optimal democratic rule may involve greater reliance on random selection of decision-making bodies than on standard-model elections. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6601 LINDBERG, Jonas; ORJUELA, Camilla —
“Corruption in the aftermath of war” brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars to enquire into the dynamics of corruption in postconflict societies. This introduction discusses five themes, problematizing and summarizing key findings from the 10 articles included. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited and introduced by the authors. See Abstr. 64.6419, 6644, 6670, 6778, 6785, 6834, 6876, 7554, 7602, 7616]
64.6602 LINDVALL, Johannes —
Who benefits from deep economic crises: the left, the right or neither? On the basis of evidence from elections in 1929–1933 and 2008–2013 in all states that were democracies in both periods, I argue that the electoral consequences of the Great Depression and the Great Recession were surprisingly similar: in both periods, right-wing parties were at first more successful than left-wing parties, although this effect only lasted for a few years. The manner in which a crisis develops over time should be taken into account when examining the effects of deep economic downturns on the electoral fortunes of the left and the right. [R]
64.6603 LOUWERSE, Tom; ROSEMA, Martin —
In election times, more and more voters consult voting advice applications (VAAs), which show them what party or candidate provides the best match. The potential impact of these tools on election outcomes is substantial. This article focuses on the method used to calculate the match between voters and parties. More specifically, we examine the use (explicit or implicit) of alternative spatial models and metrics. The analyses are based on the actual answers given by users of one of the most popular VAAs in Europe, StemWijzer in the Netherlands. The results indicate that the advice depends strongly on the spatial model adopted. A majority of the users of StemWijzer would have received another advice, if another spatial model had been used. [R, abr.]
64.6604 MACIEL, Robert —
This article considers the role and relevance of liberal multiculturalism in contemporary political theory. Liberal multiculturalism is a form of multiculturalism that emphasizes group-specific rights for minority groups within a liberal framework. Minority protections are adopted to secure basic liberal rights. The article first reviews W. Kymlicka's formulation of liberal multiculturalism, the standard liberal multiculturalist position. The article then moves to exploring responses to the position. First, I explore liberal responses and second, I look at a recognition-based approach. In the final section the article provides a brief response to both of these critiques. I find that the liberal criticisms are overstated and that recognition-based approaches can help identify a possible way for liberal multiculturalism to respond better to the claims of minorities. [R]
64.6605 MacMILLAN, John —
The Democratic Peace research program presents its claims in terms of their potential to underpin a universal world peace. Yet the Democratic Peace appears weaker at the edges of the democratic world, where the spread of democracy and the depth of democratic political development is often limited and where historically many of the purported exceptions to the Democratic Peace are found. Whereas Democratic Peace scholarship has tended to overlook or downplay these phenomena, from a critical materialist perspective they are indicative of a fundamental contradiction within the Democratic Peace whereby its universalistic aspirations are thwarted by its material grounding in a hierarchical capitalist world economy. This, in turn, raises the question of whether liberal arguments for a universal Democratic Peace are in fact hollow promises. [R, abr.]
64.6606 MAGNI-BERTON, Raul —
The effect of immigration on redistribution has been widely debated. This paper contributes to this debate by testing two explanations: that (1) immigration tends to reduce redistribution due to people's higher levels of xenophobia; and that (2) immigration affects redistribution because immigrants do not have the right to vote. Since the demand for redistribution depends on the (expected) gap between median voter income and mean income, immigrants affect the demand for redistribution because, as non-citizens, they do not change the median voter's income, but, as economic stakeholders, they do affect the mean income. [R, abr.]
64.6607 MAGNUSSON, Warren —
Historically, the urban was the condition of possibility for the political, but the symbiosis of the two has been concealed by the rise of the state and the concomitant development of the social sciences. The effort to recover the connection by denoting a separate domain of “urban politics” is self-defeating, because it re-instantiates an ontology of the political that consigns the urban to the domain of “low” politics. The dominant ontology suggests that “high” politics is always in the domain of states and empires, and that everything else is subject to it; political theory underpins the state system and the modern social sciences. Nevertheless, a different ontology of the political is always already implicit in the concept of the city, understood as a local phenomenon and a global way of life. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6666]
64.6608 MALHOTRA, Neil; MARGALIT, Yotam —
We develop a theoretical framework of how expectation-setting affects voters’ retrospective evaluations of incumbent performance. To test the theory, we conduct a series of between-subjects experiments in which we independently manipulate both expectation-setting and the eventual outcome. In domains where politicians have practical authority, or direct influence over outcomes, setting high expectations incurs a cost in public support if the projected outcome is not attained. The same is true in domains where politicians have theoretical authority, or limited influence, but where expectation-setting sends a signal about the leader's judgment. However, in domains where politicians have neither practical nor theoretical authority, setting high expectations is unambiguously beneficial, implying that optimism is valued by voters as a personality disposition. [R, abr.]
64.6609 MALTAIS, Aaron —
I argue that the most effective and plausible way to break the ongoing pattern of delay in the international climate regime is for economically powerful states to take the lead domestically and demonstrate that economic welfare is compatible with rapidly decreasing GHG emissions. However, the costs and risks of acting first can be very large. This raises the question of whether it is fair to expect some states to go far ahead of others in an effort to improve the conditions for cooperation. I argue that a costly obligation to act unilaterally and to accept weak initial reciprocity can be justified and does not violate standards of fair burden-sharing. Rather, the costs of creating the underlying conditions within which we can hope to achieve meaningful international cooperation are non-ideal burdens for which we can appropriately assign fair shares. [R, abr.]
64.6610 MARCOUX, Christopher; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
What determines state participation in regulatory regimes? This article argues that if international regulation creates markets for new technologies, innovative companies support the ratification of the relevant regulatory treaties. Consequently, technological innovativeness should have a positive effect on regulatory treaty ratification. From the harmonization of telecommunication technology to pesticide regulation, many regulatory treaties create new product markets, so the argument applies to a variety of regulatory issues. This hypothesis is tested against data on the ratification of two major multilateral treaties for pesticide control: the 1998 Rotterdam Convention and the 2001 Stockholm Convention. Countries that are capable of biotechnology innovation are found to be more likely to ratify each treaty. [R, abr.]
64.6611 MARINOV, Nikolay; GOEMANS, Hein —
This study uses new data on coups d'état and elections to document a striking development: whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1991 installed durable rules, the majority of coups after that have been followed by competitive elections. It argues that after the Cold War, international pressure influenced the consequences of coups. In the post-Cold War era, countries most dependent on Western aid were the first to embrace competitive elections after their coups. This theory also helps explain the pronounced decline in the number of coups since 1991. While the coup d'état has been the single most important factor leading to the downfall of democratic governments, these findings indicate that the new generation of coups has been far less harmful for democracy than their historical predecessors. [R]
64.6612 MARKOVITS, Andrei S. —
In tracing his 15-year relationship with K. Deutsch, the author portrays the key intellectual agendas and major scholarly contributions that formed the core of Deutsch's academic life. The article highlights how Deutsch's personal life as well as his singularly impressive qualities shaped the originality and greatness of his intellectual contributions but also the profound humaneness of his quotidian life. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6613 MARSH, Robert M. —
Modernization theory is far from dead. Publications on modernization theory have increased in number during each successive five-year period since 1970. I distinguish between modernization theory “then” — its formative period from 1949 to 1979, and “now” — the period since the 1990s. Two main things have happened to the theory. (1) Some research findings in diverse sub-fields continue to vary with, and be explained by, societies’ level of modernization, thereby confirming the original modernization paradigm. (2) When other researchers discovered anomalies that could not be explained within the original theory, they did not abandon the theory. Instead, they creatively extended it in new directions that could account for the anomalies, using such concepts as reflexive modernization, risk society, first and second modernity, ecological modernization, evolutionary theory, [etc.]. [R, abr.]
64.6614 MARTIN, Lanny W.; VANBERG, Georg —
In “Modeling the institutional foundation of parliamentary government formation”, Journal of Politics 74(2), Apr. 2012: 427–445; Abstr. 62.4353], M. Golder, S. Golder, and D. Siegel argue that models of government-formation should be rebuilt “from the ground up”. They propose to do so with a “zero-intelligence” model of government-formation. They claim that this model makes no theoretical assumptions beyond the requirement that a potential government, to be chosen, must be preferred by all its members and a legislative majority to the incumbent administration. They also claim that, empirically, their model does significantly better than existing models in predicting formation outcomes. We disagree with both claims. We demonstrate that the predictions of the zero-intelligence model are no more accurate than random guesses, in stark contrast to the predictions of well-established approaches in traditional coalition research. Scholars would be ill-advised to dismiss traditional approaches in favor of their approach. [R, abr.] [Followed by Matt GOLDER, Sona N. GOLDER and David A. SIEGEL's response, pp. 880–886]
64.6615 MATSUSAKA, John G. —
Voter initiatives are important for policy-making in many countries. While much research shows that the initiative process affects policy choices, almost no evidence explains how the initiative process affects policy. Initiatives might change policy directly through voters approving laws that override the legislature; or the initiative process may change policy indirectly by providing a threat that induces the legislature to change policy. This article develops an empirical strategy to measure the direct and indirect effects of the initiative based on the idea that direct effects can be inferred from states that actually pass initiatives, while indirect effects can be inferred from states where the initiative is available but not used. Evidence from 50 states on nine separate issues suggests that both direct and indirect effects are important. [R, abr.]
64.6616 MAY, Christian; NÖLKE, Andreas; TEN BRINK, Tobias —
This article uses comparative and international political economy instruments for the analysis of large emerging economies. It highlights that a similar model of capitalism with distinct institutional complementarities has developed in Brazil, India, and China (BIC). This model of capitalism immensely contributed to the BICs growth dynamics since the 2000s, but also contributed to still prevailing socio-economic inequalities. The article compares corporate governance, corporate finance, industrial relations, educational systems and innovation transfer as well as the complementarities between these institutions and the close cooperation between business and state actors in the BICs. Beyond the commonly analyzed spheres of comparative capitalism research, domestic markets, and international economic embeddedness are integrated into the analysis as these play a central role for the characterization and development of large emerging economies. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6617 McDONALD, Michael D.; BUDGE, Ian —
The extensive estimates of party policy preferences produced by the CMP (Comparative Manifesto Project, now MARPOR) have proved robust and valid over a wide variety of research applications. But all estimates carry some error. We demonstrate that one of the two existing assessments of non-systematic error in the CMP data strongly overstates their reliability while the other understates it, leaving much potential for mis-estimation. We develop a new method which extends classical test theory and directly estimates overall data reliability; reliabilities and standard errors of measurement for each party system; and standard errors of measurement for each data-point. [R, abr.]
64.6618 McDOOM, Omar Shahabudin —
I present a theoretical model to help identify areas susceptible and resistant to violence during genocide. The model conceptualizes violence onset as a function of elite competition for control of the state from above and the ethnic segregation of society from below. First, in areas where extremist elite control is weak, violence is delayed or averted because a contest for control between pro-violence elites and anti-violence moderates arises and the competition takes time to resolve. Where control is strong, violence is immediate or early because extremists face little competition and can rapidly deploy the state's coercive resources against targeted groups. Second, in areas where the integration of ethnic groups is high, violence is delayed because it takes time to break existing interethnic bonds and destroy bridging social capital. [R, abr.]
64.6619 MECKLED-GARCIA, Saladin —
Minimalists about human rights hold that a state can have political legitimacy if it protects a basic list of rights and democratic rights do not have to be on that list. I consider two arguments from Benhabib against the minimalist view. The first is that a political community cannot be said to have self-determination, which minimalists take to be the value at the heart of legitimacy, without democracy. The second is that even the human rights protections minimalists take to legitimize institutions cannot be had without democracy. These rights can be adequately interpreted and specified for any social context only if the interpretations and specifications result from democratic processes. I bring out some important problems with these arguments and conclude that they do not represent a robust case for rejecting minimalism. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6712]
64.6620 MESSINA, Giovanni —
After living for years under the “hood” of terrorism emergency, the economic crisis has plunged us back into a condition of emergency, a status of necessity that seems to characterize the “normality” of our societies. Globalization has been “told” as a new era in which the mechanisms of the market economy would finally reveal themselves as natural and unrestrainable processes in which, thanks to the spread of new information technologies, the potential universality of human culture would also have appeared and a more effective unification of law would have been achieved. It is now impossible to deny that this representation of reality is a social project. The protection and the construction of delimited institutional places and political spaces, in which decisions have to be clear and justified, remains the only strategy to constrain the “material power” to surface and to prevent it from escaping — as result of the necessity of the state of exception — from responsibility respect to the community. [R]
64.6621 METHMANN, Chris; OELS, Angela —
We offer a genealogical analysis of the changing problematization of environment and development over the last 30 years. From a governmentality perspective we demonstrate that three governmental rationalities have sedimented over time, which problematize the relationship between environment and development: (1) “sustainable development” from the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, (2) Kyoto Protocol and Johannesburg Rio+10 Summit as advanced liberal government, and (3) the latest discussion about dangerous climate change as a threat to development, which we call ecopolitics of the apocalypse. We claim that the discourse of dangerous climate-change is re-legitimizing advanced liberal government in development policy: the North has to invest in technological innovation and green markets, while the fundamental life-styles and economic structures remain unchallenged. The South is called upon to become sustainable and resilient. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6622 MIKLIAN, Jason —
The stunted and stumbling progress of the “liberal peace” philosophy since 1990 tells a complex story. I give a history of the liberal peace project from its academic and activist origins to today's global application, discussing how policymakers and liberal peace architects see liberal peace-building, and how emerging powers such as India and China relate to these goals. I close with a discussion of the future of liberal peace-building, the “Business for Peace” paradigm and how relationships between powerful states and their peripheries will still matter despite a more consolidated international aid community. [R]
64.6623 MILLER, Charles A. —
The well-documented failure of many experts to predict many events of strategic importance has led to a fashionable belief among some academics and commentators that prediction is a “fool's errand”. However, although a proper degree of humility is warranted about the ability to predict strategic events, this article argues that not making predictions at all is not an option. No genuinely workable policy advice could flow to Australian policy-makers unless analysts are able to try to forecast the future. Moreover, with some hard work, social scientists have recently produced work which promises to be able to foresee important events such as state failures and civil wars with reasonable accuracy. Experts should be encouraged to make, and should routinely be evaluated on, predictions about their area of expertise. [R, abr.]
64.6624 MISHALI-RAM, Meirav —
The study presents an integrated model which places the link between the competing state-centric and sub-state explanations of civil strife. As state's capacity and communal fractionalization are typically tested in separate models, the combined framework examines the premise of this article, that communal attributes affect the extent to which state capacity matters in preserving peace and security. The empirical analysis includes 1,385 instances of intrastate conflicts that occurred in 116 countries between 1995 and 2006, drawn from the Major Episodes of Political Violence and the Intra-State War datasets. [R, abr.]
64.6625 MOORE, Alfred —
H. Landemore's Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013] develops one important line of research in political epistemology, which we can define as the study of the ways in which distributed knowledge is put together for the purposes of making political decisions. Landemore argues for the epistemic benefits of cognitive diversity in political decision procedures in a condition of epistemic equality — where there are no experts. Given this omission, her approach has undeveloped potential for a second line of research in political epistemology, on the problem of aggregating asymmetrically distributed knowledge, i.e., integrating democratic reason with expertise. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6626 MOORE, Martin —
A round-table discussion at King's College London on 20 March 2014 by Lawrence FREEDMAN and Peter HENNESSY; Onora O'NEILL, Ken MacDONALD, Nigel INKSTER, Thomas RID; Ewen MacASKILL; Gordon CORERA; Jemima STRATFORD; Peter HORROCKS; Charlie EDWARDS; Jean SEATON; Bill PEACE; Andrew VALLANCE; Carl MILLER; Alex CARLILE; Richard SAMBROOK.
64.6627 MORAN, Matthew; SALISBURY, Daniel —
Scholars and policy-makers tend to see economic sanctions as an important tool of coercive diplomacy, even if the effectiveness of sanctions in changing the policies of target states remains highly contested. Though much of the research on sanctions focuses on their effects at the state level, this article argues that analyzing their effectiveness must begin with the industrial sectors they are meant to affect. Through analysis of restrictive measures currently in place against Iran, this article explores the impact of sanctions at the working level within the insurance industry, drawing on qualitative data. [R]
64.6628 MUDGE, Stephanie L.; CHEN, Anthony S. —
The classical sociology of parties explored their dynamic interrelationships with states and society, as well as the tensions inherent in the fact that parties are simultaneously representatives and power-seekers. From the 1960s, the sociological approach came to be narrowly identified with a one-dimensional conception of parties, and political sociologists focused their attention elsewhere. This review contributes to efforts to reclaim the political party as a full-fledged sociological object. We track the hourglass-shaped trajectory of the sociology of parties: from broad Marxian and Weberian roots, to narrowing and near-eclipse after the 1960s, to a re-emergence that reclaims the breadth of the classical traditions. We suggest six lines of inquiry that we believe would be fruitful, emphasizing both classical concerns that deserve more attention and innovative approaches that point in novel directions. [R, abr.]
64.6629 MUIRHEAD, Russell —
H. Landemore's Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013] marks a crucial achievement in democratic theory, as it successfully shows that democracy is about more than procedural legitimacy — and that it should be. Nonetheless, the procedural argument remains at the heart of the case for democracy. For many democratic decisions, getting the right answer is not what we ask of political institutions. The best political approach to controversial questions is often to strike a balance of competing claims, and every actual democracy does this in ways that leave many citizens dissatisfied. This is why many citizens participate in democratic politics as partisans: They put more trust in their party than in the democratic regime to get it right. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6630 MUKHERJEE, Shivaji —
I argue that medium-capacity states with multiple insurgencies tend to choose a counter-insurgency strategy of containment vis-à-vis peripheral sons-of-the-soil insurgencies, causing them to become stalemated lowscale conflicts. While the current literature focuses on commitment problems, or low state capacity to explain such persistent low-intensity insurgencies, my theory suggests that central politicians of these medium-capacity states try to follow a policy of containment, particularly vis-àvis the peripheral ethnic “sons-of-the-soil” insurgencies which are of low priority in terms of threat to political survival of these central politicians. The theory is tested on the Fearon (2004) data-set, and shows that those medium-capacity states with multiple conflicts and sons-of-the-soil insurgencies tend to have these low-intensity long-lasting insurgencies. [R, abr.]
64.6631 MÜLLER, Franziska; FONTAINE, Dana de la; SONDERMANN, Elena —
Since the new millennium, the growing importance of “new donors” such as China, India, Brazil or South Africa has posed an increasing challenge to the international donor community: by appearing to offer a substantially different practice of “giving”, these donors create new financial and political scope and question established forms and norms of cooperation. This article [examines] the (discursive) dichotomy between “new” and established donors and investigates forms of resource-allocation, role dynamics, and power relations of donors by drawing back on sociological, cultural anthropological, and poststructuralist strands of theory. We introduce gift theory with specific regards to the theoretical contributions it can provide for development theory. We then focus on three empirical cases — Brazil, India, and South Africa — and re-interpret their roles and development cooperation activities from the perspective of gift theory. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6632 MÜLLER, Harald —
The 100th anniversary of World War I is a reminder of the risks of great power politics. The current dynamics of world politics rest on the relations among the US, China, Russia and India, and their interlocking relations with friends and enemies in a region that extends from the Gulf to the Japanese archipelago. A naval and nuclear arms race is underway that reflects these complex relationships. One of the numerous disputes could spread conflict across the whole region. This risk includes the nuclear factor. A three-pronged effort including political detente, arms control and nuclear disarmament is needed to defuse these dangers, which will otherwise continue to grow. [R]
64.6633 MUÑIZ-FRATICELLI, Víctor M. —
This article presents a reconstruction of political pluralism derived from J. Raz's explanation of the authority of law. It argues that H. Laski's critique of state authority, while claiming to be pluralistic, leaves little room for the exercise of authority by associations themselves. The authority of an association may be justified if it facilitates its members’ compliance with reasons that apply to them, especially reasons that are particular to the members’ association. This results in the recognition of two types of authority in the state: first-order authority, which the state has by virtue of being an association of citizens; and second-order authority, which it has by virtue of providing the institutional context in which other associations can exercise their authority more effectively. [R, abr.]
64.6634 MURRAY, Rainbow —
Gender quotas traditionally focus on the underrepresentation of women. Conceiving of quotas in this way perpetuates the status of men as the norm and women as the “other”. Women are subject to heavy scrutiny of their qualifications and competence, whereas men's credentials go unchallenged. This article calls for a normative shift in the problem of overrepresentation, arguing that the quality of representation is negatively affected by having too large a group drawn from too narrow a talent pool. Curbing overrepresentation through ceiling quotas for men offers core benefits. [R, abr.]
64.6635 MUSOLFF, Andreas —
The metaphorical categorization of social and political adversaries as “parasites” has an infamous history in public discourse, routinely used for the purpose of racial and socio-political stigmatization: In those cognitive accounts, the parasite-metaphor has usually been treated as an example of semantic transfer from the biological to the social domain. Historically, however, the scientific uses cannot be deemed original or primary, as their emergence in the 17th and 18th c. was preceded by a much older tradition of religious and social meanings. The paper charts the main traditions of diachronic variation in the discourse history of the parasite-metaphor and discusses the implications of its findings regarding the assumption of “uni-directionality” of metaphorization processes, which has been a central tenet of cognitive analyses. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Cognitive perspectives on political discourse”, edited and introduced, pp. 205–217, by Pascal FISCHER and Christoph SCHUBERT. See also Abstr. 64.6553, 6682, 6748, 7071, 7256]
64.6636 NAURIN, Elin —
The link between parties’ campaign messages and government action is essential to theories of representative democracy. This article offers the first evaluation of how different empirical approaches alter results regarding the fulfillment of mandates by governments. Three commonly used operationalization's of the notion of election promise are applied to the case of Sweden. The conclusion is that results are not significantly altered depending on the approach that is taken. By studying only certain subsets of promises in election manifestos, overall government fulfillment of election promises can be estimated. By analyzing the case of Sweden, the study also gives focus to two cabinet formations that have received little scholarly attention but are common in the European context: minority single-party cabinets and coalitions formed pre-election. [R, abr.]
64.6637 NEUDORFER, Natascha S.; THEUERKAUF, Ulrike G. —
Both natural resource wealth and electoral system design are frequently investigated factors in the civil wars literature. So far, however, there is no well-known study which explicitly considers the interaction effect between these two factors on the risk of violent ethnic conflict. We argue that resource-rich countries with a proportional electoral system for the legislature are less prone to ethnic civil war than resource-rich countries with a majoritarian or mixed electoral system, as proportional electoral systems tend to increase the effective number of parliamentary parties and thus the number of groups who can share state control over resource wealth. We find empirical support for this argument using binary time-series-cross-section analysis covering 83 to 140 countries between 1984 and 2007. [R]
64.6638 NICHTER, Simeon —
This study investigates the concept of vote-buying, with a particular focus on its usage in research on clientelism. Vote-buying is often poorly defined. Such conceptual ambiguity may distort descriptive findings and threaten the validity of causal claims. Qualitative analysis suggests that researchers often employ the concept of vote-buying differently, and regressions from Nigeria and Mexico suggest that using alternative definitions can yield divergent empirical results. This diverse usage also poses the risk of conceptual stretching, because scholars often use vote-buying to describe other phenomena. To improve future research, analysts should pay close attention to the conceptualization of vote-buying. [R]
64.6639 NOAKES, Stephen —
The author discusses the relationship between political scientists and the state in China. He argues that political scientists do more to strengthen the rule of the Chinese Communist Party than to undermine it, and are therefore complicit in preserving the authoritarian status quo. [R]
64.6640 NOORUDDIN, Irfan; RUDRA, Nita —
This study evaluates the embedded liberalism hypothesis in a broad swath of less developed countries (LDCs). We find that LDC governments pursue a distinct welfare state policy that protects citizens from economic insecurities associated with global market expansion. Specifically, governments use public employment — and particularly employment in civil services and administration — to foster domestic stability alongside market expansion. However, such jobs are targeted to politically salient groups, not poorer groups that might also face increased economic uncertainty post-openness. In turn, public employment shores up public support for openness. Our findings suggest that free-traders have reasons both to celebrate and to bemoan this LDC embedded liberalism compact. [R, abr.]
64.6641 O'MAHONEY, Joseph —
Dominant conceptions of institutional change in IR theory are based on the idea that it is the result of a shift in power: new actors become able to impose their vision on the world. However, the source of change need not be the power or preferences of actors in society, but could come from the internal dynamics of the rule system governing these actors. This article develops recent research in this area by linking Sandholtz's model of norm-change to recent dynamic institutionalist work and exploring and specifying particular mechanisms, or types of tensions, in rule systems that produce change. I [examine] the shift in the early 20th c. from the rule “to the victor go the spoils” to the Stimson Doctrine, or the rule that states should not profit from aggression. [R, abr.]
64.6642 OFFE, Claus —
The EuroPolis experiment took place at a time when the worst crisis in the history of the EU began to unfold. There is little confidence that the year 2014 (or any later year in the near future) will bring its definitive resolution that would also have to minimize the risk of the crisis repeating itself. The crisis can be understood as consisting of three interrelated components: the political economy of the Euro-zone and its dynamics, an inadequate institutional shell of the EU polity and its deficient democratic quality, and the widespread disenchantment of publics in Europe with the narratives about what “Europe” is good for and what the finalité might be that would make its further integration intrinsically desirable. [R] [See Abstr. 64.7352]
64.6643 OKLOPCIC, Zoran —
Against recent contributions to the debate about the constituent power of the people, the article proposes to reorient the debate by analytically distinguishing three dominant arenas of political struggle — democratic, social and national — in which the vocabulary of “the people” and its constituent power is invoked. The invocation of the “will of the people” and its constituent power in these arenas is associated with different assumptions, risks and implicit ideational trade-offs that must be laid bare. A contextual approach to constituent power counsels caution in dignifying pro-democratic constitutional transformations with the name of “the people”. It invites those who theorize constituent power with social struggles in mind to rebalance their attention to constituent power. [R, abr.]
64.6644 ORJUELA, Camilla —
Corruption is a major problem for populations in various parts of the world. This article argues that to understand the problems and dynamics of corruption, we need to understand how discourses and practices of corruption (and anti-corruption efforts) are intertwined with the construction and contestations of identity. Identity politics is a salient feature in peaceful political struggles, as well as in contemporary armed conflicts, which are often characterized by the politicization of collective identity (ethnic, national, religious) for the violent pursuit of power. The article outlines and discusses four ways in which identity politics and corruption intersect. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6601]
64.6645 ORNSTEIN, Joseph T.; NORMAN, Robert Z. —
It has long been recognized that Instant Runoff Voting (IRV) suffers from a defect known as nonmonotonicity, wherein increasing support for a candidate among a subset of voters may adversely affect that candidate's election outcome. The expected frequency of this type of behavior, however, remains an open and important question, and limited access to detailed election data makes it difficult to resolve empirically. We develop a spatial model of voting behavior to approach the question theoretically. We conclude that monotonicity failures in three-candidate IRV elections may be much more prevalent than widely presumed (results suggest a lower bound estimate of 15 % for competitive elections). In light of these results, those seeking to implement a fairer multicandidate election system should be wary of adopting IRV. [R]
64.6646 OTTONELLI, Valeria; TORRESI, Tiziana —
Theorists have recently argued that in order to protect migrants from vulnerability and domination, host countries should grant voting rights to all residents, including those who are present on the territory on a temporary visa. Although we endorse the inclusive and egalitarian rationale of this approach, we argue that it is based on the presumption that all migrants aim at permanent inclusion and is therefore inadequate in the case of those who are engaged in ‘temporary migration projects’. We suggest that in order to provide these migrants with a form of political voice that fits their life plans, we need to look at different institutional tools than conventional voting rights, and we point to trade unions and migrant organizations as promising alternatives. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6457]
64.6647 PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi; GALAIS, Carolina; MUÑOZ, Jordi —
Past research analyzing the positive effects of proportional systems on electoral participation has focused on dimensions such as quality of representation, mobilization, competitiveness, and efficacy. However, the potential consequences of higher complexity and difficulties for accountability on proportional systems are not well known. We show that proportional features capturing complexity and dispersion of power can increase the participatory gap between citizens with high and low education and interest in politics, usually by depressing turnout among the less educated and interested. The implications of adopting proportional rules that result in complex and divided forms of government in an era of increasingly disengaged citizens are discussed. [R]
64.6648 PARK Jong Hee; HIROSE, Kentaro —
The argument that reputational concerns promote compliance is at the center of the literature of international cooperation. We study how reputational sanctions affect compliance when domestic parties carry their own reputations in international negotiations. We showed that the prospect of international cooperation varies a lot depending on who sits at the negotiation table, how partisan preferences for compliance are different, and how much international audiences discriminate between different types of noncompliance. We illustrate implications of our model using episodes from the negotiations between the US and North Korea over North Korea's nuclear weapons program. [R]
64.6649 PASQUALI, Giovanni —
This essay advances a critical appraisal of the role that a presumed “international diplomatic culture” has in the resolution of international disputes. Accordingly, its main thesis is that, while certain elements of a universal culture can be detected, they are still inchoate and vulnerable to the abuse of great powers whose bargaining capacity allows them to overcome potential cultural norms. In this respect, although different cultural approaches coexist, these are often the result of states’ egoistic self-interest and hegemonic aspirations. [R]
64.6650 PATTISON, James —
There has been widespread and vociferous condemnation of Somali piracy and several states have used force against the pirates. This reflects the prevailing view of pirates as belligerents and aggressors who act wrongly. I challenge this view by defending the conditional moral permissibility of piracy. More specifically, I first argue that piracy can be morally permissible when certain conditions are met. These are what I call the principles of justa piratica: the principles of just piracy. Second, I claim that these conditions are likely to apply to some Somali pirates. Third, as a corollary, I argue that the case of piracy shows that one of the shibboleths of Just War Theory — that a war cannot be just on both sides — is mistaken. [R]
64.6651 PÉCOUD, Antoine —
This article focuses on how different international forums (international organizations, global forums, international committees) conceive of migration as a transnational process which calls for coordinated policies and forms of “global governance”. The international construction of migration constantly vacillates between a transnational paradigm of interstate mobility understood as a normal feature of a globalized world, and a national paradigm which assumes national belonging to be crucial, not only in developing the “governance” of migration but also in understanding migrants’ identity and the very nature of migration. The persistence of national frame is explained by both political factors (a working framework which is mainly intergovernmental) and intellectual factors (an inability to understand migration beyond state-centered schemes). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6386]
64.6652 PERJU, Vlad —
This article presents a functional explanation of why proportionality has become one of the most successful legal transplants in contemporary constitutional law. More than alternative methods, proportionality calibrates the violence that the justification of state coercion inflicts on private (non-official) jurisgenerative interpretative processes in constitutional cases. The first three sections show how proportionality seeks to place a non-deontological conception of rights within a categorical structure of formal legal analysis. The next sections distinguish between constitutional perception and reality. Proportionality succumbs to pressures from the centrifugal forces of universalism and particularism that it seeks to integrate. The final section draws on the works of Kant and Arendt and discusses the implications of an approach to constitutional method such as that reflected in the advent of proportionality for the project of constitutionalism more generally. [R, abr.]
64.6653 PLANINC, Emma —
S. Donaldson and W. Kymlicka have recently argued in Zoopolis [A Political Theory of Animal Rights, New York, 2011] that domesticated animals ought to become our democratic co-citizens. I claim that the acceptance of animals into our democratic negotiations — championed in Zoopolis as a broadening of justice and inclusion — also has the potential to render our political institutions dangerously unjust. Through an engagement with the work of Plato and J.-J. Rousseau, I argue that we must be wary of a democracy's susceptibility to the emergence of unbridled or tyrannical liberty when expanding the criteria of freedom and agency to accommodate animals, or the animalistic, in the political sphere. [R] [See also Abstr. 64.]
64.6654 POPPE, Annika E.; WOLFF, Jonas —
In the global “North-West”, liberal democracy is regarded as the universally valid model of political rule to be promoted globally via foreign and development policies. However, whereas external democracy-promoters claim to help enforce universal individual rights, those resisting democracy-promotion point to the collective entitlement to a self-determined political evolution. “North-Western” governments see liberal democracy as the only embodiment of a just political order, but in the targets of democracy-promotion different understandings of appropriate norms and institutions may exist. Contestation of democracy-promotion has, therefore, a crucial normative dimension that can be conceptualized as a series of conflicts over justice. The paper argues for an alternative perspective on “democracy-promotion as interaction” and presents a typology of justice conflicts to analyze empirically the normative challenges brought about by the interactive nature of democracy-promotion. [R, abr.]
64.6655 POTTHOFF, Richard F. —
Allocating seats to parties and apportioning seats to geographic areas are equivalent processes mathematically. The Hamilton method, or method of largest remainders, provides one approach. The five “divisor” methods — Adams, Dean, Hill-Huntington, Webster (Sainte-Laguë) and Jefferson (d'Hondt) — provide another. Either is imperfect: the former observes quota but allows paradoxes, whereas the latter allows quota violation but avoids paradoxes. A fresh approach introduced herein had its genesis in 1911. Illustrations use Macedonian and Portuguese proportional-representation elections and US House apportionment scenarios. [R]
64.6656 PROSSER, Christopher —
Researchers using scales based on MRG/CMP/MARPOR's manifesto dataset face a bewildering array of different scales. The validation of these scales has tended to focus on external, convergent validity. The actual content of these scales has received less attention and the choice of the manifesto components which make up these scales has often been conducted by either opaque or questionable methods. This article develops a critique of existing methods of component selection and proposes a new method of component selection based on the covariance of components with ‘naïve’ provisional scales, which are refined in an iterative process. It uses this method to construct a set of comparable one (general left-right) and two (economic and social) dimensional scales. [R, abr.]
64.6657 QUIRK, Paul J. —
H. Landemore's Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013] offers a new justification for democracy and for broad-based citizen participation, appealing to the “emergent” intelligence of large, diverse groups. She argues that ordinary citizens should rule as directly as possible because they will make better informed, more intelligent decisions than, for example, appointed officials, councils of experts, or even elected representatives. The foundation of this conclusion is the premise that “diversity trumps ability” in a wide range of contexts. But the main support for that claim is merely a series of computer experiments that are strongly biased toward that result and tell us essentially nothing about decision-making in real-world political settings. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6658 RAMSEY, Neil —
This article examines M. Hardt and A. Negri's Empire trilogy. By focusing on the various ways in which they have posited nuclear weapons’ relationship to the global biopolitics of Empire, it contends that a significant continuity can be discerned between their work and earlier postmodern analysis of nuclear deterrence. Offering a re-reading of C. Schmitt's ideas via this earlier generation of theorists, it examines the relationship between air power, atomic weaponry, and the political ordering of a global nomos in order to conceptualize deterrence in the present moment. It argues that this postmodern thought on deterrence continues to be relevant in understanding the biopolitics of Empire, while showing that the principles of deterrence render Empire a more indeterminate structure in world affairs than Hardt and Negri suggest. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “States of theory: contemporary schools of thought and institutions of knowledge”, edited and introduced, pp. 5–8, by Thomas H. FORD]
64.6659 RATNER, Steven —
Ethics — within political and moral philosophy — poses fundamental questions about responsibilities at the global level and produces a tightly reasoned set of frameworks regarding world order. International law, with its focus on legal norms and institutional arrangements, provides a path, as well as illuminates the obstacles, to implementing theories of the right or of the good. Yet despite the complementarity of these two projects, neither is drawing what it should from the other. The result is ethical scholarship that often avoids, or even misinterprets, the law; and law that marginalizes ethics even as it recognizes the importance of justice. The cost of this avoidance is a set of missed opportunities for both fields. This article helps transform the limited dialogue between philosophers and international lawyers into a meaningful collaboration. [R, abr.]
64.6660 REINOLD, Theresa; ZÜRN, Michael —
We employ the Hartian notion of secondary rules, an especially helpful conceptual tool to analyze the endogenous dynamics of legal systems. To the extent that law is programmed towards consistency, secondary rules become necessary in an environment of rapidly increasing legal density to govern the complexity resulting from this proliferation of norms. Upholding consistency is necessary to maintain the autonomy of law in a Luhmannian sense and the “morality” of the legal system in a Fullerian sense. We show this and move beyond an argument of system or normative functionality by identifying causal mechanisms that can explain the law's built-in drive towards secondary rules, and that are in accordance with broader social science theory. We use some insights from cognitive psychology to develop these causal mechanisms further. [R, abr.]
64.6661 REITBERGER, Magnus —
In traditional just war theory, legitimate authority is regarded as a necessary requirement for war to be just. This article challenges this requirement by arguing that a right to wage war can be derived from the right to self-defense and the justifiability of exercising political power to protect basic human rights. Arguments for the legitimate authority-requirement are then surveyed and rejected as insufficient to defend the principle's privileged status. It is argued that just war theory does not need the legitimate authority-requirement and may benefit from its removal. [R]
64.6662 RESNIK, Judith —
20th c. egalitarian norms expanded the imagination of what justice could produce, and courts turned into sites of democracy. The particular and peculiar practices of adjudication produce, redistribute, and curb power among disputants who disagree in public about the import of legal rights. But new procedures — alternative dispute-resolution (ADR) — encourage, and sometimes require, disputants to mediate or to arbitrate disputes privately as a predicate to or in lieu of using the public forum of courts. Some initiatives delegate adjudication to administrative tribunals, and others outsource binding decision-making to private providers. The resulting fragmentation and privatization of adjudication have profound implications for the newly minted democratic character of courts. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The invention of courts”, edited and introduced by Linda GREENHOUSE. See also Abstr. 64.6906, 6930]
64.6663 RICH, Timothy S. —
What institutional factors influence turnout among mixed member electoral systems? Mixed systems have increased in popularity over the past 20 years, yet no study evaluates variation in turnout within these systems. While the main distinction in mixed systems — MMM versus MMP — is salient regarding other outputs, it remains unclear if this distinction is salient regarding turnout. In addition, debates endure as to how best to measure turnout. Through statistical analysis of an original dataset of all mixed system legislative elections from 1990 to 2010, this article finds that the electoral threshold consistently correlates with an increase in turnout while the sub-type of mixed system does not consistently correlated with turnout. Ultimately this analysis suggests salient differences in both how we measure turnout and the institutional choices within mixed systems. [R]
64.6664 ROBERTS, Adrienne —
This paper documents the shift toward increasingly coercive means of collecting debt from working class and poor borrowers, with a specific focus on incarceration. Placing this trend within an historical trajectory, it is argued that the law has always been central to creating and securing the social relations of debt as class relations. While the abolition of debtors’ prisons in the 19th c. helped to shift struggles between debtors and creditors out of public view and into the depoliticized realm of “the law”, a number of factors have led to its reappearance in the contemporary era. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The legacy of debt”, prefaced by David FASENFEST, pp. 651–653, and introduced by Adrienne ROBERTS and Susanne SOEDERBERG, “Politicizing debt and denaturalizing the ‘new normal’”, pp. 657–668, Conclusion by William K. TABB, “Debt dependence, surplus extraction and the need for change”, pp. 795–802. See also Abstr. 64.6811, 6873, 6909, 6920, 6935, 6936]
64.6665 ROBINSON, Edward Heath —
This article [considers] the existence of states as a matter of fact, and approaches that subject within the context of the ontology of social reality as a whole. It argues: (1) that states do not have a place in the traditional Platonist duality of the concrete and the abstract; (2) that states belong to a third category — the quasi-abstract — that has received philosophical attention with a recently emerging theory of documentality. Documentality claims that documents acts can bring quasi-abstract objects, such as states into being. (3) It argues that the existence of quasi-abstract states should not be rejected on the basis of the Principle of Parsimony, because geopolitical theories that recognize the existence of quasi-abstract states will have greater explanatory power than theories that deny their existence. [R, abr.]
64.6666 RODGERS, Scott; BARNETT, Clive; COCHRANE, Allan —
We outline the rationale for reopening the issue of the spatiality of the “urban” in urban politics. There is a long tradition of arguing about the distinctive political qualities of urban sites, practices and processes. Recent work often relies on spatial concepts or metaphors that anchor various political phenomena to cities while simultaneously putting the specificity of the urban itself in question. This symposium extends debates about the relationship between the urban and the political. Instead of asking “what is urban politics?”, seeking a definition of the urban as a starting point, we ask “where is urban politics?”. This question orients all of the contributions to this symposium, and it allows each to trace diverse political dimensions of urban life and living beyond the confines of “the city” as classically conceived. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a symposium. See Abstr. 64.6405, 6542, 6607, 7022, 7292]
64.6667 RODRÍGUEZ SUÁREZ, Pedro Manuel; OCHOA BILBAO, Luis —
This article analyzes the phenomenon of regionalism and the transformations it has undergone I recent years. It also investigates the variables that played a key role in building regionalism. It should be noted that after the Cold War regional grouping expanded worldwide, largely due to the end of ideological confrontation, the processes of democratization that took effect in many countries of the world, particularly in Africa, America, Asia and Europe, transnational dilemmas which affects regions, as well as the challenges inherent to globalization. The key objective of this article is to evaluate the variables that promote the building of regional groupings and to assess why some regionalism are markedly successful while others fail. To this end, this article is based on the neoinstitutional theory of Sven Steinmo, the new institutional theory of Guy Peters and the theory of the Copenhagen School. [R]
64.6668 ROSECRANCE, Richard —
It is commonplace that some national traits diffuse rapidly to other countries. At the extreme, some have even suggested that no country needs another and each can replicate in place what all others possess — technology, resources, labor, and capital. I claim not only that this is false, but that the differentiation of function and power which remains is conducive to cooperation. Too great a spread of homogeneous traits and too even a distribution of power would reduce specialization and the need for trade and political association. I point to cases where a continuing differentiation of both traits led to greater cooperation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6503]
64.6669 ROSS, Andrew A. G. —
Realists such as H. Morgenthau and R. Niebuhr were centrally concerned with human emotions and their political impact. Their deep appreciation for the contingencies of history also led them to cast emotions as socially conditioned mechanisms of adaptation. By revisiting the texts of classical realism, this paper develops a fresh account of how emotion responds to and engenders change in the social world — in particular, change in the location of political allegiances. I then show how Morgenthau and Niebuhr applied these ideas not only to the nation-state but also to the most vexing transnational phenomena of their time — communism and liberal internationalism. These reflections offer IR theorists insight into the emotional appeal, adaptability, and organizational complexity of contemporary non-state movements and actors. [R, abr.]
64.6670 ROTHSTEIN, Bo —
Corruption [is] difficult to define and what should be counted as [its] opposite remains widely disputed. If the goal for a post-conflict society is not only to become democratic and prevent a return to violence but also to reduce systemic corruption, we need to know what it is that should be fought and how the opposite to systemic corruption should be conceptualised. To define the opposite to corruption, choices have to be made along four conceptual dimensions: universalism vs. relativism, uni- vs. multidimensionality, normative vs. empirical and whether the definition should relate to political procedures or policy substance. As a result of this analysis, a universal, one-dimensional, normative and procedural definition should be preferred. The suggested definition is that of impartiality as the basic norm for the implementation of laws and policies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6601]
64.6671 ROVIRA KALTWASSER, Cristóbal —
Populist leaders claim to offer more power to “the people”. However, most scholars argue that populism is in fact a democratic pathology, because it seeks to build a political system devoid of the rule of law. [Although] populism maintains an ambivalent relationship with liberal democracy, little attention has been paid to the legitimacy of the questions raised by populist forces. Drawing on the work of R. Dahl, I argue that current manifestations of populism offer specific responses to two dilemmas [without] a clear democratic solution: the boundary problem (how to define the people?) and the limits of self-government (how to control the controllers?). I show that populist forces are posing legitimate questions about the current state of democracy in Europe and the Americas, although their solutions tend to be more controversial than helpful. [R, abr.]
64.6672 RUMMENS, Stefan; SOTTIAUX, Stefan —
Carl Schmitt developed the concept of the “federation of states” (Bund) in order to characterize intermediate constitutional systems which are integrated beyond the level of a confederation (Staatenbund) without, however, acquiring the level of integration of an actual federal state (Bundesstaat). We analyze the constitutional specificity of the “federation of states” and present three normative principles for assessing the democratic legitimacy of the decision-making procedures within such a federation. We argue that both the EU and Belgium can be analyzed as instances of such a federation of states and show how this characterization improves our understanding of the evolutionary dynamics of both polities and the constitutional and democratic challenges they are facing. [R]
64.6673 RUZICKA, Jan —
This article asks why K. Deutsch never directly intervened in “the second debate”. It is apparent that Deutsch was unwilling to make the distinction between the traditional and scientific approaches, which stood at the heart of the debate started by H. Bull. Deutsch's position tried to embrace both approaches, because they were necessary in order to answer the big and important questions he asked. Deutsch also rejected the notion that the scientific approach could be devoid of normative concerns. Finally, the article argues that Deutsch keenly adopted methods connected with the scientific approach because he believed they made it possible to spot new patterns which might hold novel answers to the profoundly normative question of humankind's survival. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6674 RUZICKA, Jan —
This introduction to this Special Issue dedicated to K. Deutsch makes the case that his scholarship was transformative in more ways than is typically recognized in the discipline. Besides being a theoretical and methodological innovator, Deutsch also envisaged that research must have transformative qualities for the future of human relations. The latter in particular deserves attention of IR students because it opens up possibilities for novel empirical and theoretical research of international politics. Deutsch clearly believed that social scientific research must be normatively grounded and serve normative purposes. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Karl Deutsch: a transformative social scientist”. See Abstr. 64.6475, 6480, 6567, 6596, 6612, 6673, 6699]
64.6675 SAGEMAN, Marc —
Despite over a decade of government funding and thousands of newcomers to the field of terrorist research, we are no closer to answering “What leads a person to turn to political violence?” The state of stagnation with respect to this issue is partly due to the government strategy of funding research without sharing the necessary primary source information with academia, which has created an unbridgeable gap between academia and the intelligence community. This has led to an explosion of speculations with little empirical grounding in academia, which has the methodological skills but lacks data for a major breakthrough. The solution is to make non-sensitive data available to academia and to structure more effective discourse between the academic and intelligence communities in order to benefit from their complementary strengths. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles. See also Max TAYLOR, “If I were you, I wouldn't start from here: response”, pp. 581–586; Alex P. SCHMID, “Comments”, pp. 587–595; David H. SCHANZER, “No easy day: government roadblocks and the unsolvable problem of political violence”, pp. 596–600; Clark McCAULEY and Sophia MOSKALENDO, “Some things we think we've learned since 9/11”, pp. 601–606; Jessica STERN “Response”, pp. 607–613; Marc SAGEMAN, “Low return on investment”, pp. 614–620]
64.6676 SAKAIYA, Shiro; MAEDA, Kentaro —
This paper presents an explanation for the breakdown of dominant party systems. In contrast to previous works that examine how ruling parties lose their dominant position as a result of interparty competition, this paper focuses on how they are undermined from within by factional conflict. Through an overview of dominant party systems in the postwar world, we show that most of the ruling parties suffered from major splits that significantly reduced their electoral strengths before their final electoral defeat. In order to explain why large groups of politicians decide to leave dominant parties that are likely to remain in power, we develop simple game-theoretic models of intraparty bargaining between party factions over the distribution of benefits from office. Our results suggest two mechanisms through which dominant parties break up. [R, abr.]
64.6677 SALEHYAN, Idean; SIROKY, David; WOOD, Reed M. —
We argue that foreign state funding for rebel organizations greatly reduces incentives to “win the hearts and minds” of civilians because it diminishes the need to collect resources from the population. However, unlike other lucrative resources, foreign funding of rebel groups must be understood in principal-agent terms. Some external principals — namely, democracies and states with strong human rights lobbies — are more concerned with atrocities in the conflict zone than others. Multiple state principals also lead to abuse because no single state can effectively restrain the organization. We test these conjectures with new data on foreign support for rebel groups and data on one-sided violence against civilians. Most notably, we find strong evidence that principal characteristics help influence agent actions. [R, abr.]
64.6678 SANBORN, Howard; THYNE, Clayton L. —
Studies on what causes a state to democratize have focused on economic, social, and international factors. Many of them argue that higher levels of education should promote democracy. However, few articulate clearly how education affects democratization, and fewer still attempt to test the supposed link across time and space. This article considers how different levels of education influence democratization, and the conditions under which education is most likely to promote democracy. Analyses of eighty-five authoritarian spells from 1970 to 2008 find that higher levels of mass, primary, and tertiary education are robustly associated with democratization. Secondary analyses indicate that education is most effective in promoting democratization when both males and females are educated. An illustration from Tunisia follows. [R]
64.6679 SCHLEITER, Petra; VOZNAYA, Alisa M. —
This article examines why democratic competition sometimes fails to curb governmental corruption. We argue that in democracies, party system competitiveness, which shapes the ability of voters to effectively select and control their politicians through elections, plays a critical role in conditioning the scope for corruption. For voters, governmental corruption is a classical principal-agent problem and its magnitude is mediated by the extent to which the competitiveness of a party system helps to make information and effective choices available to the electorate. Informed voters who can coordinate on credible alternatives to underperforming and corrupt incumbents can select politicians who are likely to curb corruption and hold accountable those who do not. We test this argument through a controlled comparative analysis of corruption in 70 democracies and find broad support for our hypotheses. [R]
64.6680 SCHNEIDER, Florian —
While American and European IR models have come under attack from post-structuralist thinkers, political philosophers from China and Taiwan have tried to reconceptualize the world of the 21st c. from their own perspectives. This article examines current streams of Chinese IR theorizing and confronts them with the case of territorial disputes in the East China Sea. It analyzes the arguments by Chinese realists, “worldists”, and procedural constructivists, showing how Chinese scholars creatively revive pre-modern Chinese political theory in attempts to provide new ways in which IR scholars might view the world, or: “all-under-heaven”. I argue that these contributions will progressively challenge conventional IR theories, [and] that non-Western theorizing, if it is to contribute to IRT, will require additional rigorous empirical grounding. [R, abr.]
64.6681 SCHNEIDER, Frank M., et al. —
Latent state-trait theory (LSTT) considers the fact that measurement does not take place in a situational vacuum. LSTT decomposes any observed variable into a latent-state component and a measurementerror component, and any latent state into a latent-trait component and a latent-state residual representing situational influence and/or interactional influences. Furthermore, it provides more precise reliability estimates than common coefficients. It introduces the basic concepts of LSTT, discusses its usefulness for public opinion research, and applies LST models to panel data on political efficacy from the 2009 German Longitudinal Election Study. The findings show that internal efficacy is a rather trait-like disposition and external efficacy is significantly due to situational and/or interactional influences. [R]
64.6682 SCHRÖTER, Melani —
This article suggests that the addressees as the dialogical “other” loom large in monological political speeches. However, political speeches are produced under conditions of addressee heterogeneity: i.e., the speakers do not actually know who they will be talking to. I argue that the addressees are nevertheless a crucial element in speakers’ context models, that speakers orient towards imagined addressees and that certain aspects — what possible addressees may do, think or believe and that they are a part of an imagined community — are particularly relevant from the speakers’ point of view. An analysis of addressee orientation in political speeches aims at reconstructing speakers’ conceptualizations of possible addressees. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6635]
64.6683 SHEHATA, Adam —
This study combines a media content-analysis and panel survey data conducted during the Swedish 2010 national election campaign, to analyze the effects of both game-framed and issue-framed news on political cynicism, institutional trust, and political interest. The findings show that news-framing matters. Whereas game-framed news increases cynicism and depresses interest, issue-framed news has mobilizing effects. Furthermore, by conceptually and empirically distinguishing frame-exposure from motivated news attention as two different modes of news media use, the results show that the effects of exposure to game-framed and issue-framed news are distinct from motivated news attention. These findings suggest two different mechanisms behind media effects and shine new light on the spiral of cynicism-virtuous circle controversy. [R]
64.6684 SHOUP, Brian D.; HOLMES, Carolyn E. —
By assessing how post-conflict governments construct new majorities through policy tools as well as assessing how they are constrained by the structural realities of negotiated settlements, we gain some purchase on the reasons why some post-conflict state projects succeed while others fail. This has potentially transformative implications for our understanding of how social contracts, and their attendant issues of consent, dissent, and legitimacy, operate in the modern world and the ways they impact such critical discussions as democratic transition, post-conflict reconciliation, and nation-building. We use the case of post-apartheid South Africa to analyze how post-conflict states are limited in terms of forging social contracts among citizens and between citizens and governments. [R, abr.]
64.6685 SIMONS, Greg —
This article, written from a communication studies perspective, addresses how crises are manufactured in ICG texts. It argues that the way in which crisis events are viewed and reacted to depends on the level of information and “knowledge” that is produced and circulating about them. The article tackles the issue of the strategic level of the ICG in terms of its means and mechanisms of attempting to project influence. It explores the different ploys and strategies used to influence policy-makers, especially its communication strategy, the different values and ethics that are highlighted, and the “causes” that are promoted. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6424]
64.6686 SMETS, Kaat; ISERNIA, Pierangelo —
Though the impact of deliberative polling on attitude change has received ample attention in the literature, micro-models of attitude-change before, during, and after deliberation are understudied. The relative strength of three competing views of the way attitudes change — the heuristics, systematic, and deliberative models — is assessed, using the quasi-experimental data of the EuroPolis deliberative project and comparing a group of people who participated in the deliberative poll with a control group. The results: (1) in line with the systematic model, predispositions play a larger role than in the heuristics or deliberative models; (2) predispositions play a different role for participants and nonparticipants; (3) predispositions shape attitude-formation in different ways depending on the issue at hand. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.7352]
64.6687 SOHN, Christophe —
Cross-border integration is a multifaceted as well as contextually contingent process. While various conceptualizations have been developed, the theoretical foundations of the concept appear insufficient in order to grasp the very significance of such a process of cross-border regionalism. In order to help make sense of the diversity of configurations observed, this article deconstructs the concept according to the role played by the border as a resource and develops a theoretical framework based on two contrasted models of cross-border integration. The underlying hypothesis is that cross-border integration does not derive from the mere opening of national borders that it supposedly helps at the same time to remove, but stems from the strategic behavior of actors who actively mobilize borders as resources. [R, abr.]
64.6688 SOLARZ, Marcin Wojciech —
The article outlines the history of Polish political geography. Its development as a science in fact began in the 19th c. and its golden age lasted all the way through to the fall of the Polish state in 1939. The loss of independence in the period 1939/1945–1989 also brought with it the fall of political geography in Poland. After 1989, along with the restoration of freedom of research in Poland, a new period started in the history of Polish political geography. [R]
64.6689 SOLOMON, Ty —
The concept of soft power typically emphasizes the more intangible dimensions of power. Recently, some scholars have reframed soft power as a narrative and linguistic process, downplaying, however, some of [its] other deep-seated underpinnings, which this article argues lie in the dynamics of affect. Building upon the IR affect and aesthetics literatures, this article develops the concept of soft power as rooted in the political dynamics of emotion and introduces the concept of affective investment. The attraction of soft power stems not only from its cultural influence or narrative construction, but more fundamentally from audiences’ affective investments in the images of identity that it produces. The empirical import of these ideas is offered in an analysis of the construction of American attraction in the War on Terror. [R, abr.]
64.6690 SOMEK, Alexander —
In order to arrive at an adequate understanding of the changing Westphalian world, it is necessary to distinguish political self-determination from its cosmopolitan counterpart. While political self-determination has its place in a familiar and common space, cosmopolitan self-determination stands for unbounded collective self-determination among strangers. Two forms can be distinguished. In its mixed form, it is tied in with political self-determination, adopting the latter as a medium for realizing common autonomy among those who are foreign to one another. Virtual representation is essential to understanding how cosmopolitans are connected to bounded political spaces. In its pure form, cosmopolitan self-determination detaches itself from political judgment and finds its major role in authorizing risk management and crisis intervention. It lends expression to the impoverishment suffered by collective freedom in an administered world. [R, abr.]
64.6691 SOMIN, Ilya —
H. Landemore's Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013] effectively demonstrates how cognitive diversity may potentially improve the quality of democratic decisions. But in setting out the preconditions that democracy must meet in order for the many to make collectively well-informed decisions, Landemore undermines the case for voter competence more than she strengthens it. The conditions she specifies are highly unlikely to be achieved by any real-world democracy. Widespread voter ignorance and the size and complexity of modern government are severe obstacles to any effort to implement Landemore's vision. Better-informed decision-making is more likely to be achieved by allowing a wider range of issues to be decided by “voting with your feet” instead of at the ballot box. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6692 STADELMANN, David; PORTMANN, Marco; EICHENBERGER, Reiner —
We identify the impact of transparency in political decision-making on the quality of political representation with a difference-in-difference strategy. The quality of political representation is measured by the observed divergence of parliamentary decisions from revealed voter preferences on identical issues. We show that full transparency of votes of individual politicians does not decrease divergence from voter preferences. [R]
64.6693 STADELMANN, David; PORTMANN, Marco; EICHENBERGER, Reiner —
It is well established that individual parliamentary representatives are less likely to decide according to the preferences of their constituency when the number of representatives per district — i.e., district magnitude — increases. However, we propose that for majority decisions of district representatives the opposite holds due to the existence of a law of large numbers in political representation. The academic literature has so far focused on the behavior of individual politicians but disregarded systematic aggregation effects. We provide a theoretical discussion and offer empirical evidence for the validity of a law of large numbers in political representation: As district magnitude increases, the quality of political representation by the majority of representatives increases, too. [R]
64.6694 STANILAND, Paul —
The rise of elections has not banished violent conflict; instead, they often co-exist. This review essay evaluates three recent books on electoral violence, and puts them in dialogue with previous research. It makes two arguments. (1) Electoral violence has been poorly conceptualized, undermining theoretical and empirical progress. The article provides a new typology of the varieties of electoral violence to guide future work. (2) An exciting new research frontier is explaining the consequences of electoral violence. From state-building to patronage politics, electoral violence deserves a more central place in the study of the politics. Improving our understanding of electoral violence is crucial because the central challenge of contemporary democratization is transforming formal electoral processes into meaningful political participation free of the shadow of the gun. [R]
64.6695 STARTIN, Nicholas —
Since the early 1980s, the FN has been a significant feature on the French political landscape, performing consistently in national, local and European electoral settings, [becoming] the third largest [party] in France. This progression contrasts [with] the electoral evolution of the BNP, which has struggled to make an impact in the national electoral context and fell away in the 2014 contest. By concentrating primarily on “supply-side” theories of the rise of the Far Right, this paper accounts for the dramatically contrasting electoral fortunes of the two parties and explains the electoral longevity and durability of the FN in contrast to the BNP. It examines the importance of “supply-side” variables such as national tradition, political opportunity structures, charismatic leadership and the role of the media in order to account for their contrasting fortunes. [R, abr.]
64.6696 STICH, Stephen G. W. —
In Democratic Reason: Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of the Many, [Princeton, 2013], H. Landemore makes an epistemic argument for democracy. She contends that, due to their greater cognitive diversity, democratic groups will engage in superior deliberation and informationaggregation than will groups of experts; consequently, the quality of their policies will be better. But the introduction of value-diversity into her model undermines her argument for the epistemic superiority of democratic deliberation. First, the existence of value-diversity threatens to stop deliberation prematurely. This has the effect of making the outcome of group deliberation more dependent on individual ability, which gives groups of experts a distinct advantage. Second, the introduction of value-diversity raises the question of how to understand the standard of correctness of an epistemic argument, which Landemore does not adequately answer. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6436]
64.6697 STOFFEL, Michael F. —
Previous research has argued that representatives in mixed-member electoral systems adjust their behavior to the mode of their election, the so-called mandate divide. MPs elected in single-member districts focus on their district, whereas those elected through closed party lists focus on their party. Yet this ignores that candidates in mixed-member systems can run in a district and on their party's list concurrently. This paper presents a model of how the prospects of re-election in the district and through the party list affect the relationship between voters, candidates, and parties. It is shown that the dual candidacy option results in candidates focusing on their party in most instances. The model is applied to a novel data-set on the allocation of federal road construction projects in Germany. [R]
64.6698 STRØM, Marte —
This article uses economic theories of voting behavior and household decision-making to analyze the role of own and spouse earnings in determining political voting behavior. The main predictions from these models is that earnings is one of the factors that has an impact on political preferences, and in households who share resources, voting behavior will be influenced more by the most representative labor income in the family. I investigate empirically the importance of individual vs. household income, and find that the importance of individual income on voting behavior is contingent on employment. On average, women earn less than their husband and vote according to their husbands’ income. [R, abr.]
64.6699 STULLEROVA, Kamila —
The article argues that K. Deutsch's work on nationalism is not only a precursor to his “security communities” but that it is central to his IR. Nationalism impacts what people expect from the state and influences the state's international behavior. While these processes are mostly automatic and cannot be controlled, Deutsch is interested in theorizing moments when automatic processes do not suffice or become harmful and intervention is needed. The article first examines his contribution in the context of the field of nationalism studies and the reasons for his equivocal reception in this field. [It then] makes sense of the legacy of his work on nationalism for contemporary IR by focusing on his use of the notion of self-determination with which he transcends the normative imperatives of the narrower concept of national self-determination. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6674]
64.6700 SWEET, Alec Stone —
The European Convention on Human Rights is rapidly evolving into a cosmopolitan legal order: a transnational legal system in which all public officials bear the obligation to fulfill the fundamental rights of every person within their jurisdiction. The emergence of the system depended on certain deep, structural transformations of law and politics in Europe, including the consolidation of a zone of peace and economic interdependence, of constitutional pluralism at the national level, and of rights cosmopolitanism at the transnational level. Framed by Kantian ideas, the paper develops a theoretical account of a cosmopolitan legal system, provides an overview of how the ECHR system operates, and establishes criteria for its normative assessment. [R]
64.6701 SWYNGEDOUW, Erik —
There is an emerging intellectual body of thought on the dynamics of depoliticization and the “disappearance of the political”. I first consider the process of post-politicization. I [then] re-center the political by drawing on the work of a range of political theorists and philosophers who have begun to question this post-politicizing process. The final section considers the contours of a reawakening of the democratic political understood as a political order contingently based on the axiomatic presumption of equality of each and every one in their capacity to act politically. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Rancière and revolution”, edited and introduced, “For a politics we have yet to imagine”, pp. 117–121, by Mark PURCELL. See also Abstr. 64.6429, 6466, 6759, 7573]
64.6702 TABB, William K. —
A variety of pessimistic economic forecasts predicts a long period of poor growth and continued high levels of unemployment even as the stock market has reached new highs. Trend extrapolation suggests we can expect continued rising inequality in income, wealth and political influence. Because these developments are so visible there was widespread positive reaction to Occupy Wall Street and its analysis of the causal factors shaping the political economy of the contemporary conjuncture. This article argues that these developments should inform the work of social movements and considers the strengths and weaknesses of the Social Forum/Occupy activists and the socialist/Marxist wings of the broad left movement and drawing on contributions of selected European theorists suggests a perspective enabling these poles of the movement to work together. [R, abr.]
64.6703 TELES, Filipe —
Under certain circumstances the style of leadership of mayors can be the result of their context perceptions and their sense of political autonomy and efficacy. This assessment indicates that the political action of the mayor discloses a particular style of leadership that derives from his/her political will. This article suggests an analysis of political will that intends to explain why local leaders adopt facilitative styles of leadership. In this formulation, the leadership facilitative style is a consequence of the political will to act accordingly, and this is explained by three main determinants: the leaders’ awareness of their complex and networked context, their independent sense of autonomy and their belief about their own political efficacy. Results from case studies, with extensive interviews with mayors, conducted in Portuguese municipalities, will be presented to reinforce and explore these hypotheses and to discuss the feasibility of this framework. [R]
64.6704 TEMELINI, Michael —
This paper contrasts three non-skeptical ways of explaining and reconciling political struggles: monologue, instrumental dialogue, and a comparative dialogical approach promoted by Ch. Taylor and J. Tully. It surveys the work of Taylor and Tully to show three particular family resemblances: their emphasis on practice, irreducible diversity, and periodic reconciliation. These resemblances are evident in the way they employ dialogical approaches to explain struggles over recognition and distribution. They describe these as dialogical actions, and suggest that a form of dialogical comparison might reconcile their various contested demands. [R]
64.6705 TEYSSIER, Ronan; CÔTÉ, Pauline —
This article identifies the main characteristics of electoral studies, using a religious salience measure, and tests several plausible explanations for the variation in the reported effect of religious salience on electoral behavior. It builds upon an original dataset that contains 244 articles on the topic published in social sciences journals between 1956 and 2012. [R, abr.]
64.6706 TEZANOS, José Félix —
Different social and political circumstances are raising a very intense debate about the quality of democracy. Increasingly active and more indignant citizens demand new participatory mechanisms and warranties that the majority political will is actually respected by the government. The current trends of political disaffection, social unrest and frustration can lead to flammable social scenarios, and thus it is necessary to clarify what people really claim in order to improve the functioning of democracy. This text reviews this debate and analyzes the evolution of social demands, using the comprehensive data of five extensive surveys conducted by the Group of Study on Social Trends (GETS) within the framework of its Research on Social Trends in Our Times [2013]. [R]
64.6707 THORNHILL, Chris —
This article considers how, at face value, contemporary constitutional law reflects a post-constituent constitutional order, which is defined by a rupture with classical constitutional principles, such that the extra-legal source of constitutional order is diminished. However, it argues that the common perception of a decline in constituent power in constitutional norm construction is marked by an excessively literal understanding of the origins of constitutional norms and practices. As an alternative, drawing on systems-theoretical methodologies, the article proposes a functionalist, sociologically attuned reconstruction of the historical content of constitutional concepts, including the concept of constituent power. It explains that constituent power, in conjunction with constitutional rights, always acted as an inner projection of the political system, which served the internal organization of the political system as a distinct societal domain. [R, abr.]
64.6708 TOUCHELAY, Béatrice —
Nothing today, within the social, political and economic spaces, seems more obvious and natural than price-evolution measurement. However, the career of consumer price index, since its creation, is not straight and has not [been] accomplished smoothly. This article follows such quantification technique career within three successive historical configurations, marked by the intensity of controversies around the price index: each of these three periods [is] characterized by different forms of economic orders. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6509]
64.6709 TOURANGEAU, Roger; PRESSER, Stanley; SUN Hanyu —
We carried out three experiments with political surveys that varied whether a partisan sponsor was identified (and in one of the experiments also varied the identity of that sponsor), expecting that this would have dramatic effects. Instead, all three studies found only minor effects. Thus, even in the context of partisan election surveys, sponsorship may not be the powerful cue it is often thought to be. [R, abr.]
64.6710 TRAGER, Robert F. —
How does the scope of costless threats convey information about resolve to adversaries? Analysis of a model similar to Fearon demonstrates that higher demands increase perceptions of a state's resolve to fight for more favorable outcomes when bargaining is such that both sides share in the benefits of avoiding conflict, in contrast to the ultimatum game, and making a credible high demand does not lead to a favorable outcome with certainty. Interestingly, compromise offers will be made even though they increase an adversary's perception that the compromising state would be willing to make an even greater concession. In contrast to many other signaling mechanisms described in the literature, signaling of this sort does not depend on risking war and often reduces the probability of conflict. [R]
64.6711 ULBERT, Cornelia —
States and international organizations were used to looking upon non-state actors as partners in financing development and implementing projects. But increasingly non-state actors are playing a far more political role by setting the agenda, being part of new governance mechanisms like public private partnerships, or providing global public goods. Therefore, this article examines the financial contribution of non-state actors to development cooperation, and differentiates the range of actors along different logics of action. To clarify the question whether non-state actors did actually contribute to a structural change in development cooperation, both the effectiveness of their commitment and the legitimacy and accountability of the different types of non-state actors are analyzed. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6712 VALENTINI, Laura —
I suggest that S. Benhabib's discourse-theoretic account of human rights succeeds in avoiding the charge of anti-parochialism only at the cost of failing to provide concrete and plausible enough guidance in identifying the holders, duty-bearers, and objects of human rights. I reflect on what type of guidance may be plausibly expected from a discourse-theoretic approach. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Seyla Benhabib, dignity in adversity. Human rights in troubled times”. See also Abstr. 64.6586, 6619, and Seyla Benhabib's response, Abstr. 64.6414]
64.6713 VAN DE WARDT, Marc; DE VRIES, Catherine E.; HOBOLT, Sara B. —
This study examines the extent to which opposition parties engage in wedge-issue competition. The literature on wedge-issue competition has exclusively focused on the two-party system in the US, arguing that wedge issues are the domain of opposition parties. This study argues that within multiparty systems, opposition status is a necessary but not sufficient condition for wedge-issue competition. Since parties within multiparty systems compete in the wake of past and dawn of future coalition negotiations, parties that are regularly part of a coalition are not likely to exploit wedge issues as it could potentially jeopardize relationships with future coalition partners. These theoretical propositions are empirically substantiated by examining the attention given to the European integration issue between 1984 and 2010 within 14 Western European countries, utilizing pooled time-series regressions. [R, abr.]
64.6714 VANCE, Colin; RITTER, Nolan —
Sample selection models, variants of which are the J. J. Heckman and Heckit models, are increasingly used by political scientists to accommodate data in which censoring of the dependent variable raises concerns of sample selectivity bias. Beyond demonstrating several pitfalls in the calculation of marginal effects and associated levels of statistical significance derived from these models, we argue that many of the empirical questions addressed by political scientists would — for both substantive and statistical reasons — be more appropriately addressed using an alternative but closely related procedure referred to as the two-part model (2 PM). Aside from being simple to estimate, one key advantage of the 2 PM is its less onerous identification requirements. [R. abr.]
64.6715 VARADARAJAN, Latha —
In the past few decades, states across several disparate geographical contexts have adopted policies and initiatives aimed at institutionalizing their relationship with groups constituted as “their” diasporas. These practices, which range from creating new ministries for diaspora affairs and reserving seats in the national legislature to granting dual citizenship and allowing members of the diaspora to participate in domestic elections, seem to have a very specific purpose. They are aimed at integrating diasporas as part of a larger “global” nation that is connected to, and has claims on the institutional structure of the home state. This article argues that the best way to understand this phenomenon, conceptualized here as the “domestic abroad”, is to see it as the product of two simultaneous, ongoing processes: the diasporic imagining of the nation, and the neoliberal restructuring of the state. [R, abr.]
64.6716 VEGETTI, Federico —
Recent comparative electoral research shows that both ideological and competence voting are influenced by the degree of party system polarization. However, while the former association is uncontroversial, investigations on the latter have led to contradicting results. This study takes one step back, arguing that polarization rather affects how voters perceive party ideological positioning and competence. Building on literature linking elite polarization to mass partisanship, the study argues that party identification is a strong moderator of party evaluations in polarized elections. Hypotheses are tested with multilevel logit models on a pooled data-set of European Election Studies from 1994 to 2009. [R, abr.]
64.6717 VEROVŠEK, Peter J. —
Collective memory is an important source of social stability, allowing human beings and political communities to integrate new experiences into existing narrative frameworks. Building on H. Arendt's political theory, I present an alternative interpretation of memory as a resource for political change following historical ruptures. This constructive reading focuses on the ability of communities to create new futures out of the shattered pieces of the past. For Arendt, the experience of totalitarianism was a caesura that made nationalist histories, and the nation-state that came with these interpretations of the past, untenable. Following such breaks, communities must reconstruct the past into new narratives. Arendt's unexpected early support for European integration is an example of how memory can function as a resource for political transformation in the aftermath of historical ruptures. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 64.6395]
64.6718 VINER, Steve —
I reject A. Buchanan's justice-based account of recognizing states as legitimate states in an international community of states. I argue that his account can fail to implement justice and that it does not properly consider the nature or importance of international law. After rejecting Buchanan's approach, I offer my account, [which] calls for the unbundling of state rights, and allows each state right to be subject to moral and legal scrutiny. My unbundling account subjects the rights of states to morally justified international laws, and it supports the conclusion that sovereignty and legitimacy should be seen in degrees. It also provides a framework for thinking about how, why and when, morally speaking, international institutions should have the power to grant or withhold legal rights from states. [R]
64.6719 VRANIC, Bojan —
This paper defends the thesis of essential contestedness against the criticism of its logical inconsistency. The author believes that such criticism results from a misconception of whether D. Gallie's thesis of essential contestedness can be applied to terms such as politics, law, or history. On the example of politics, the author demonstrates that this term cannot be essentially contested for at least two reasons: (1) politics is not a concept, but a general term; (2) it is the appraisals of the concept that are essentially contested, not the concepts themselves. The author believes that these claims will dispel the doubts about the logical consistency of the idea of essential contestability. [R]
64.6720 WADE, Robert H. —
Why has Th. Piketty's Capital [Cambridge, 2014] become a publishing sensation? Its message that western societies have experienced increases in inequality of income and wealth over the long term is hardly new. Attention is paid in particular to the book's timing and its claim to reveal the laws of income and wealth distribution in western societies. Had the book been published before 2008, it would have been much less successful. Piketty's revelation of the big trends and their underlying logic helps to objectify, legitimize and offer a kind of catharsis for surging middle-class anxieties during the Great Recession. These anxieties have been further intensified by evidence that over 90 per cent of the increase in disposable income in the US has accrued to the top 1 per cent of the population. [R, abr.]
64.6721 WAGNER, Markus; MEYER, Thomas M. —
Two key strategies are commonly discussed in the literature: parties’ focus on (1) issues that they have ownership over and (2) issues that currently concern voters. Yet, what explains the extent to which parties pursue each of these strategies? This paper argues that aspects of party organization influence which salience strategy is pursued. Parties that have more resources will be able to “ride the wave” of current concerns while parties with fewer resources are more likely to focus on their best issues. Furthermore, policy-seeking parties with strong activist influence will be less likely to “ride the wave” and more likely to follow issue ownership strategies. An analysis of 105 election manifestos from 27 elections in 17 countries shows that aspects of party organization are indeed strong and robust moderators of issue-ownership strategies. [R, abr.]
64.6722 WAN, Wilfred —
This paper examines the primary international firewall in place against the diffusion of nuclear weapons and related equipment, materials, and knowledge. It links the transformative moments of the nuclear nonproliferation regime to select events. It posits these shocks either (1) revealed the presence of, or (2) instigated fears about new or accelerated diffusion flows, with clear implications for nuclearization. By recasting the regime's evolution in this manner, the paper provides newfound insight as to the timing and character of change. It also reveals the considerable impact of diffusion processes beyond outcomes of diffusion and non-diffusion, adding definition to the firewall concept. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6503]
64.6723 WANG Ching-Hsing —
Previous research claims that there is a significant relationship between party systems and democracy. Although party system institutionalization is seen as a necessity for democratic consolidation, the effects of different party system characteristics on democracy are sharply contested. This study contributes to this debate through a systematic analysis of the relationship between two party-system characteristics (party fractionalization and party polarization) and level of democracy. It is found that party polarization is positively related to the level of democracy in a country, i.e., the higher level of party polarization can produce the higher level of democracy. However, there is no significant relationship between party fractionalization and level of democracy in a country. [R]
64.6724 WASSERFALLEN, Fabio —
Many studies show that policy-makers react to the policy choices made in other jurisdictions, but we still know relatively little about the factors driving interdependent policy-making, especially about how context shapes interdependence. Theoretical arguments suggest that contextual factors, such as stable institutions and geographic location, explain variation in interdependence. However, there is a lack of empirical research investigating contextual heterogeneity in interdependent policymaking, mainly because it cannot be analyzed with standard spatial econometric methods. This article introduces multilevel modeling that allows the study of contextual variation in interdependence and illustrates the method with the analysis of uneven tax competition in Switzerland. The findings show that cantonal governments compete more strongly with their competitors the closer a unit is located to a metropolis with comprehensive public good provision. [R, abr.]
64.6725 WATSON, David; MORELAND, Amy —
A growing body of literature focuses on the attitudes produced by women's representation. One area of particular interest is the effect of women's representation on perceptions of corruption in government. Multiple scholars have found that citizens view women in government as more trustworthy and less corrupt. Others have suggested that the link between gender and corruption is spurious or dependent upon regime characteristics. Additionally, many studies of women's effect on corruption were published prior to the widespread adoption of gender quotas, when levels of women's representation were considerably lower. We argue that the relationship between women and perceptions of corruption can be better understood by applying an integrated model of representation, which explores the effects of formal, descriptive, and substantive representation on perceptions of corruption. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 64.6404]
64.6726 WAY, Christopher; WEEKS, Jessica L. P. —
Study after study has found that regime type has little or no effect on states’ decisions to pursue nuclear weapons. We argue, however, that conventional approaches comparing the behavior of democracies to that of non-democracies have resulted in incorrect inferences. We disaggregate types of non-democracies and argue that leaders of highly centralized, “personalistic” dictatorships are particularly likely to view nuclear weapons as an attractive solution to their concerns about regime security and face fewer constraints in pursuing nuclear weapons than leaders of other types of regimes. Combining our more nuanced classification of regime type with a more theoretically appropriate empirical approach, we find that personalist regimes are substantially more likely to pursue nuclear weapons than other regime types. [R, abr.]
64.6727 WEGENAST, Tim C.; BASEDAU, Matthias —
This paper first shows that salience-based fractionalization indices are associated with a higher risk of ethnic conflict onset; second, it finds evidence that oil further increases the conflict potential within fractionalized countries. The combination of oil and a shared identity seems to help overcome the collective action problems associated with rebellion, by providing recruitment pools, strong motives and the necessary financial means for insurgency. Employing logit models for pooled time-series cross-sectional data, our quantitative analysis shows that various ethnic fractionalization indicators are robustly linked to a substantially increased risk of ethnic armed conflict onset in a subset of oil-abundant countries. [R, abr.]
64.6728 WEISIGER, Alex —
The decisive defeat of an enemy in conventional war — conquest — frequently brings about peace on the victor's terms; in some cases, however, conquest does not end the violence, but instead marks a transition to guerrilla war. What determines whether conquest results in war termination? While traditional theories of insurgency would predict that peace depends on appealing to the hearts and minds of the defeated population, I argue that conquerors in conventional wars cannot expect to win over the defeated population, and hence that avoiding post-conquest resistance requires quick and often brutal responses to initial opposition to deter potential challengers. I test this argument both statistically and through two sets of short paired case studies. [R]
64.6729 WITTMAN, Donald —
Religions may resemble an elected autocracy, a parliamentary democracy or something akin to a monarchy, in which heredity plays a primary role. These differing power arrangements call for different types of strategic behavior in the fight for control of church doctrine and finances. They also induce different institutional responses. This article explains cases in which screening is highly institutionalized and when a person's age may be an important strategic factor in choosing a leader. It thus explains what otherwise would be very puzzling differences in the age of appointment across religions and within a particular religion, over time. The study also applies the methodology to politics more generally by looking at elections in Venice and Genoa in the 18th c. and the appointment of leaders in present-day China. [R]
64.6730 WOOD, Matthew —
This article argues that scholars overestimate the ability of a methodologically “pluralistic” political science to gain impact in policy-making, which in Britain is increasingly “positivist”, privileging quantitative evidence. This “relevance gap” between pluralistic political science and positivist policy-making means that political scientists are disadvantaged in achieving “impact” compared to disciplines like behavioral economics. The article proposes two solutions to bridge this “gap”: improving the “accessibility” of research and stimulating “interaction” between researchers and policy-makers through methodological workshops. [R] [See also the responses of Guy PETERS, “Further thoughts on the relevance of political science”, pp. 287–290; Rachel GENTRY, “Bridging the relevance gap in political science”, pp. 291–294; Akash PAUN, “How research can influence government: some thoughts from thinktankland”, pp. 295–300; Holly BIRKETT and David MARSH, “What is to be done? A broad church and the impact of political science research”, pp. 301–305; Matthew WOOD, “Building bridges: what do policymakers really want from academics? A reply”, pp. 306–308] [See Abstr. 64.7249]
64.6731 ZARAKOL, AyŞe —
Contrary to what is often assumed, norm-internalization does not always lead to compliance. Normative judgments may be simultaneously internalized and outwardly rejected. Non-compliance is at times a result of hyper-awareness of the particular origin of norms, rather than an unwillingness of the would-be-recipients to do “good” deeds, or their inability to understand what is “good”. Such is often the case for non-Western states, as I demonstrate by utilizing the sociological concepts of stigma and stigmatization. In its inability to acknowledge this dynamic, which has its roots in the colonial past of the international order, the constructivist model of norm-diffusion commits two errors. On the one hand, it falls short as a causal explanation, conflating internalization with socialization, and socialization with compliance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.6489]
64.6732 ZIAI, Aram —
Post-Development (PD), approaches point at and fundamentally question relations of power in theory and practice of “development”. The ambiguity of the development concept is mirrored in PD's critique, which links it with a dominant ideology as well as with a failed political project. The sweeping critique of the first wave of PD paved the way for more nuanced works of discourse analysis and postcolonial studies. PD's central argument that “development” is a Eurocentric discourse imbued with power s widely accepted today. Development theory should avoid the concept of development, reflect its discursive and institutional structures, and recognize and practice alternatives. [R] [See Abstr. 64.6471]
64.6733 ZUMBANSEN, Peer —
Comparative constitutional law [CCL] has emerged as a field with particular significance. CCL has undergone tremendous change in an economically fast-integrating world since the late 1980s. The distinction between “liberal” and “socialist” constitutional orders that characterized early monographical treatments of the subjects has since given way to a very incoherent landscape of varieties of constitutionalism, with enormous consequences for the task of comparative constitutional law. Rather than being able to set side-by-side distinct doctrinal instruments or legal principles that can be associated with a particular constitutional system, the emerging transnational legal-pluralist order demands a methodologically radically opened and methodologically interdisciplinary approach to capture the dynamics of constitutionalization, which characterize today's processes of public-private norm-creation and -diffusion. [R, abr.]
64.6734
Introduction by Russel A. BERMAN, pp. 3–7. Articles by Alex CISTELECAN, “The theological turn of contemporary critical theory”, pp. 8–26; Aakash SINGH, “Is who postsecular? A post-colonial response”, pp. 27–48; Vidhu VERMA, “Public religions in a postsecular era: Habermas and Gandhi on revisioning the political”, pp. 49–68; Péter LOSONCZI, “Postclassical liberalism and emergent secularism: an overview, interpretation, and criticism of Akeel Bilgrami's theory” pp. 69–87; Sebastiano MAFFETTONE, “Why liberalism is more important than secularism”, pp. 88–106; David RASMUSSEN, “Rawls, religion, and the clash of civilizations”, pp. 107–125; Ranabir SAMADDAR, “The religious nature of our political rites”, pp. 126–142; Theo W. A. DE WIT, “Laïcité: French secularism and the turn to a postsecular society”, pp. 143–161; Graham WARD, “The myth of secularism”, pp. 162–180.
64.6735
A thematic issue. Articles by J. Ignacio CRIADO and J. Ramón GIL-GARCIA; Sharon S. DAWES; Manuel VILLORIA and Álvaro RAMÍREZ ALUJAS; Marco Antonio LARA MARTÍNIEZ, Vicente PINA MARTÍNEZ and Lourdes TORRES PRADAS; Manuel Gerardo CHÁVEZ-ÁNGELES and Patricia S. SÁNCHEZ-MEDINA; Luis Felipe LUNA-REYES; Gabriel PURÓN-CID; Ramón BOUZAS-LORENZO and Xosé María MAHOU LAGO; Naci KARKIN, J. Ines MERGEL; Christopher REDDICK.
64.6736
A symposium. Articles by Lisa DISCH; Garrath WILLIAMS; Roger BERKOWITZ; Mira L. SIEGELBERG.
64.6737
A Symposium. Introduction by Hans AGNÉ, pp. 94–106. Articles by Jens BARTELSON, “Three concepts of recognition”, pp. 107–128; Eva ERMAN, “The recognitive practices of declaring and constituting statehood”, pp. 129–149; Thomas LINDEMANN, “The case for an empirical and social-psychological study of recognition in international relations”, pp. 150–154; Oliver KESSLER and Benjamin HERBORTH, “Recognition and the constitution of social order”, pp. 155–159; Christine CHWASZCA, “’Recognition’: some analytical remarks”, pp. 160–164; Mikulas FABRY, “Theorizing state recognition”, pp. 165–169; Stephen D. KRASNER, “Recognition: organized hypocrisy once again”, pp. 170–176.