Abstract
65.2796 ABADIE, Alberto; DIAMOND, Alexis; HAINMUELLER, Jens —
In recent years, a widespread consensus has emerged about the necessity of establishing bridges between quantitative and qualitative approaches to empirical research in political science. We discuss the use of the synthetic control method as a way to bridge the quantitative/qualitative divide in comparative politics. This method provides a systematic way to choose comparison units in comparative case studies. This systematization opens the door to precise quantitative inference in small-sample comparative studies, without precluding the application of qualitative approaches. Borrowing the expression from S. Tarrow, the synthetic control method allows researchers to put “qualitative flesh on quantitative bones”. We illustrate the main ideas behind the synthetic control method by estimating the economic impact of the 1990 German reunification on West Germany. [R]
65.2797 AHN, Michael J.; WU Hsin-Ching —
“Nation Branding” refers to the application of “marketing communications techniques to promote a nation's image”. Past literature has recognized the arts and culture sector as an effective way in improving a country's image. This paper explores the relationship between a nation's arts and culture sector and its brand value, and investigates the role of government in this relationship over 50 countries. We find that while both arts and culture sector and dedicated ministry of culture correlated with a country's brand value, the presence of a ministry diminished the effects of the arts and culture sector on brand value. [R]
65.2798 AKA, Philip C. —
To stem its diminishing dominance in the international political and economic system, the US must re-establish its leadership in international human rights. A starting point in that journey will be to streamline the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices published annually by the State Department. This article presents several avenues for such improvement, but posits that lasting improvement will come only if the US abandons the national arrogance of exceptionalism that, even in the age of B. Obama, still drives its human rights policy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4004]
65.2799 ALBERTSON, Bethany L. —
This paper explores how multivocal appeals — appeals that have distinct meanings to different audiences — work with respect to religious language. I argue that multivocal appeals can resonate as religious with select audiences but have no religious content for other listeners. I test the effectiveness of multivocal and obvious religious appeals experimentally with two national samples: an in-group that understands the religious connotations in a multivocal appeal and a religiously diverse out-group that does not. Religious appeals are persuasive for the in-group, but an obvious religious appeal can be politically costly by triggering negative reactions among out-group members, while the religious meaning in a multivocal appeal eludes them. Obvious religious appeals are costly in the diverse audience because of different preferences over the appropriate role for religion in political speech. [R, abr.]
65.2800 ANDRESEN, Steinar —
Most observers agree that more than twenty years of UN climate negotiations have been a failure. Some argue that the top-down approach is one important reason for this and that a bottom-up approach or more exclusive club approaches would have rendered better results. Based on experience with these approaches so far, this is far from self-evident and there are limits to what can be achieved by clever institutional design when deep-seated political conflicts prevail. Many approaches are also hybrids between the various approaches and the future climate regime will probably contain elements of both the top-down and the bottom-up approach. However no quick fixes can be expected for this exceedingly “malign” problem. [R]
65.2801 ARAWATARI, Ryo —
This paper proposes a theoretical model that may provide useful insights into the relationship between trade openness and the size of government, as well as a possible explanation for the results of empirical tests of such a relationship. We develop a Hecksher-Ohlin model with publicly provided goods, where the level of publicly provided goods is determined in a probabilistic voting framework. In this context, we show that the start of trade may increase or decrease government size depending on the capital-labor ratio in each country. [R]
65.2802 ARNARD-WILLS, David B.; ASHENDEN, Debi —
Using the politics of personal information and online privacy as a case study, this article sets out the justification for the use of games in the education and communication of online privacy issues. It draws upon existing research into privacy knowledge and behavior, game design for education and the experience of the Visualization and Other Methods of Expression (VOME) project in designing a privacy education game. [R]
65.2803 ARNAUD, Sabine —
This article uses the notion of forms of life to examine the role assigned to language — spoken or signed — in the legal rights and empowerment of “deaf-mute” people in France at the turn of the 19th c. It sets out three case studies: the trial and acquittal of a deaf-mute pupil, an allegation made by a deaf-mute pupil, and a petition submitted by a deaf-mute teacher regarding the legal rights accorded to deaf-mute people by the Napoleonic Civic Code. I use the concept of forms of life to pinpoint the political dimension of linguistic expectations and the possibilities that may arise when these expectations are fulfilled. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2931]
65.2804 ARSENAULT, Elizabeth Grimm; BACON, Tricia —
Some scholars challenged the post-9/11 [2001] policy consensus that terrorists find sanctuary in weak states and so-called ungoverned spaces. This article offers a typology for disaggregating different kinds of terrorist safe-havens. Our typology operates on two axes based on host government will (i.e., the host government's posture toward each group with haven inside its borders), as well as government capability: specifically whether the host government possesses the specific capabilities needed to oust each group. This intersection of will and capability produces three types of havens. We briefly illustrate each type of haven using the exemplar case study of Pakistan — a location often described as an overarching safe haven, but which is actually home to several sanctuaries — and offer policy recommendations for addressing them. [R, abr.]
65.2805 ASAL, Victor; MILWARD, H. Brinton; SCHOON, Eric W. —
The intersection of terrorism and organized crime is a central global security concern. However, the conditions that contribute to this intersection or hinder its development are widely debated. Drawing on prominent cases of ideologically driven violent non-state actors engaged in illicit economies, some scholars argue that this intersection is a logical evolution. Other scholars, focusing on the fact that relatively few groups engage in both organized crime and terrorism, argue that ideological differences hinder this intersection. We use data on 395 terrorist organizations to analyze how organizational and environmental factors affect the likelihood of terrorist involvement in illicit drug trafficking. Our analysis shows that the degree of connectivity within networks of terrorist groups is the most significant predictor of a group engaging in drug trafficking. [R, abr.]
65.2806 BADER, Julia —
Critics frequently accuse China of acting as a patron for autocratic states. But does Chinese engagement actually increase the stability of authoritarian clients? This article demonstrates that Chinese bilateral interactions have little effect on the longevity of autocratic regimes. Analyses of different forms of Chinese bilateral engagement between 1993 and 2008 — including state visits, arms-trading, aid projects, economic cooperation, and trade dependence — show that only export dependence on China may increase the likelihood of survival for autocratic regimes while doing little to stabilize their democratic counterparts. [R]
65.2807 BADERSTEN, Björn —
In light of a pluralist view of the discipline, this article addresses two didactic challenges in teaching political science. The first stems from the balance between substance and methodology, between specialist knowledge and analytical skills or between subject matter and generic competence. The second relates to the intersection between “is” and “ought” in political analysis, between the empirical and the normative. Both issue areas tend to create learning thresholds for students due to their complex nature. The article argues for a process-oriented and problem-based approach to teaching and learning that combines a curious quest for knowledge with methodological awareness and that couples holism and concreteness, e.g., by the use of case-methods in teaching and authenticated forms of learning activities and forms of examination. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.3148]
65.2808 BAKER, Andrew; WIDMAIER, Wesley —
In response to T. Casey's argument that the emergence of macroprudential regulation since the financial crash can and should save neoliberalism we raise five objections. We conclude that what we call the social purpose of macroprudential regulation (the question of whether it is intended to patch up or transform the existing system) is contested, and that macroprudential regulation has much potential beyond saving “neoliberalism”. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2843]
65.2809 BALÁZS, Zoltán —
The structure of this essay is simple. First, I briefly survey the religious, moral, and intellectual contexts of purity. No “definition” of purity is offered, as the main idea is to describe it as richly as possible, relying on historical understandings and some phenomenological observations. Second, certain characteristically political positions, views, and attitudes are surveyed in a way that helps us to highlight some aspects of purity. [R]
65.2810 BALZACQ, Thierry, et al. —
The development of securitization theory has raised several criticisms, the most important of which concern the nature of securitization theory. This Forum addresses the following questions: What type of theory (if any) is securitization? How many kinds of theories of securitization do we have? How can the differences between theories of securitization be drawn? What is the status of exceptionalism within securitization theories, and what difference does it make to their understandings of the relationship between security and politics? Finally, if securitization commands that leaders act now before it is too late, what status has temporality therein? Is temporality enabling securitization to absorb risk analysis or does it expose its inherent theoretical limits? [R, abr.]
65.2811 BARBERÁ, Pablo —
Politicians and citizens increasingly engage in political conversations on social media outlets such as Twitter. I show that the structure of the social networks in which they are embedded can be a source of information about their ideological positions. Under the assumption that social networks are homophilic, I develop a Bayesian Spatial Following model that considers ideology as a latent variable, whose value can be inferred by examining which politics actors each user is following. This method allows us to estimate ideology for more actors than any existing alternative, at any point in time and across many polities. I apply this method to estimate ideal points for a large sample of both elite and mass public Twitter users in the US and five European countries. [R, abr.]
65.2812 BARKIN, J. Samuel —
There is as yet little work in the IR literature on how to understand patterns of global regulatory dispersion, in which states attract offshore business by establishing differentiated regulatory niches. One key model of regulatory dispersion in the economics literature was developed by Ch. Tiebout in the context of the provision of municipal services, but several IR scholars have noted that the assumptions of the model are not appropriate to international regulatory competition. This article develops a model of international regulatory heterogeneity that draws on Tiebout's, and that describes patterns of regulatory dispersion in industries that engage in international regulatory arbitrage. It explains both specific patterns of dispersion and mechanisms for increasing average regulatory levels over time. [R, abr.]
65.2813 BARNES, Lucy —
Why do some people support government redistribution more than others? This article addresses this question with reference to attitudes towards redistributive tax policy. It identifies an important distinction between preferences over the level of taxation and preferences over its structure. Using individual-level survey data from 17 advanced industrial countries, I find “decoupling” of pro-redistributive attitudes over the size versus the shape of government. The modal respondent prefers higher progressivity (more redistribution) but lower tax levels (less redistribution). Further, this decoupling varies across countries: preferences over tax levels have a greater effect on progressivity preferences in less progressive tax systems. [R, abr.]
65.2814 BARRY, Colin M., et al. —
What determines the location of those human rights INGOs' resources found outside of the highly developed Western democracies? We draw a distinction between the bottom-up mobilization processes driving the location of human rights organization (HRO) members from the top-down strategic concerns driving where HRO leaders place permanent offices. In particular, we find that, while political opportunity structures generally increase the likelihood that a state has HRO members, it has a curvilinear influence on the number of HRO secretariats, which typically locate in areas seen as having a higher need for organizational resources. Further, while there is no clear connection between human rights abuses and HRO memberships in a state, HROs' strategic concerns lead them to place offices with reference to both local and neighborhood “need” — in other words, levels of repression. [R]
65.2815 BEARDSWORTH, Richard —
Responsibility for the provision of global public goods is generally couched in moral terms: terms that, to one side of the important moral argument, signal the deficit of global collective action despite recent engagements in the normative concept of “sovereignty as responsibility”. The article seeks greater emphasis, in morally informed reflection on world politics, on political responsibility. It considers first the specificity of moral responsibility and the inextricability of moral and political interest in international relations. Having situated both with regard to the decision-making structures of national government, the article argues, second, for a normative reconfiguration of political duty in terms of task-efficacy, republican legitimacy, and political leadership. As a result, a badly needed marriage between national priorities and global threats and challenges is made possible. [R]
65.2816 BELL, Melissa A.; KAUFMANN, Karen M. —
Recent literature largely dismisses the notion that voters engage in direct bias against women based on sex alone. Making a distinction between sex and gender, our theoretical expectations predict that female candidates who violate gender norms for marriage and motherhood will receive lower candidate evaluations, particularly so among voters who hold conservative beliefs about the proper role of women. We use a survey experiment to estimate the direct and conditional effects of gender traits and gender role beliefs on evaluations. Our results support the proposition that candidate traits, such as marital and parental status, can prime gender beliefs in the evaluative process. [R]
65.2817 BELL, Sam R.; JOHNSON, Jesse C. —
Many scholars argue that leaders' expectations about future shifts in the distribution of power can result in preventive war. If a leader expects her adversary to be significantly stronger in the future, the leader may choose to go to war with that adversary rather than bargain with a stronger adversary in the future. However, quantitative evaluations of this argument prove difficult, as they require a measure of leaders' expectations about future shifts in power rather than simply a measure of observed power. We develop an empirical model of future power to create this measure. We then use that measure to evaluate the preventive-war hypothesis, [which] our results support. Increases in a state's expected future probability of winning in war increase its probability of another state in a dyadic relationship initiating war against it. [R] legitimacy may make voters less prone to acquire information, which in turn facilitates interest-group oriented or populist policies that harm growth. A panel-data analysis of up to 30 developed countries, in which two different measures of the size of government are interacted with government legitimacy, reveals that perceived legitimacy exacerbates a negative growth effect of government size in the long run. [R, abr.]
65.2818 BENDOR, Jonathan —
Charles Lindblom's 1959 essay “The science of ‘muddling through’” [Public Administration Review 19(2), Spring 1959: 79–88; Abstr. 9.721] is best known for the strategy of decision-making — disjointed incrementalism — that it recommended. That famous paper and Lindblom's related work also provided two theories: a critique of the conventional method (the synoptic approach) and an argument for using incrementalism instead. Both are applied theories: they are designed to help solve complex policy problems. Lindblom's negative applied theory has stood the test of time well: the empirical foundations of its main microcomponent (cognitive constraints of individuals) and its central macrocomponent (the impact of preference conflict on policy-making) have grown stronger since 1959. The picture regarding the positive applied theory is more mixed. [R, abr.]
65.2819 BENNISTER, Mark; ‘t HART, Paul; WORTHY, Ben —
This article argues that the extent to which political office-holders can effectively attain and wield authority is a function of the stock of “leadership capital”. Drawing on the concept of political capital, the article defines leadership capital as aggregate authority composed of three dimensions: skills, relations and reputation of a leader. The article presents a Leadership Capital Index (LCI) that systematically maps out the three broad areas combining concrete measures with interpretive aspects. This can be used as a tool for systematically tracking and comparing the political fortunes of leaders in a way that is both more nuanced and robust than exclusive reliance on the latest approval ratings. An illustrative case study of Tony Blair is used to demonstrate the LCI. [R, abr.]
65.2820 BENZ, Arthur —
Elections shape the type of democracy. However, rules of elections, election behavior, and consequences of elections are also affected by the institutions and patterns of democracy. In federal systems, elected governments exert divided powers or share powers, with significant consequences for the way democracy works. The effects of federal organization on democracy are, however, unclear. Whereas research on federalism tends to suggest that both forms are complementary and mutually supportive, research on democracy points out negative implications of multilevel structures and interlocking politics. This article presents an analytical perspective and clarifies under what conditions federalism and democracy are compatible or in conflict. Understanding these relations is essential to assess the relevance and effects of elections in federalism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.3036]
65.2821 BERGGREN, Niclas; BJØRNSKOV, Christian; LIPKA, David —
We explore whether government legitimacy (measured by satisfaction with the way democracy works) influences how a certain government size affects growth. On the positive side, a government perceived as legitimate may “get away” with being big since legitimacy can affect behavioral response to, and therefore the economic growth cost of, taxation and government expenditures. On the negative side, perceived
65.2822 BERNIK, Ivan —
Analyzing some recent sociological literature on globalization, the paper answers two questions. The first is related to the conceptualization of the temporal dimension of globalization and the second to the relationship between the concepts of modernization and globalization. The answer to the first question is based on a claim that the prevailing sociological idea of globalization is characterized by strong “presentism”: i.e., it pays almost no attention to the historical forms of globalization. The answer to the second question argues that the concept of globalization is inextricably linked to the “traditional” sociological concept of modernization. Thus, the current sociological discussions of globalization are to a large extent a continuation — although very often couched in a new terminology — of the grand sociological debate of modernization and its futures. [R]
65.2823 BEVAN, Shaun —
This article combines insights from models of bureaucratic behavior with agenda-setting models of government attention to test the effects of elected government, public, and EU agendas on the bureaucratic agenda. Using time-series cross-sectional analyses of subject and ministry coded data on UK statutory instruments from 1987 to 2008, I find strong effects for both the elected government and EU legislative agendas on UK statutory instruments. Furthermore, by breaking the data into different sets based on their relationship with the EU, several logical differences in these effects are found. These results include the EU agenda having exclusive influence on instruments implementing EU directives, and the UK agenda being the sole driver of bureaucratic attention on those instruments that mention the EU but do not implement EU legislation. [R, abr.]
65.2824 BLUNT, Gwilym David —
This article examines how domination manifests in social relationships and institutions. It examines two debates in republican literature. The first is whether domination requires institutionalization. This addresses the source of domination. The second debate is on the nature of arbitrary power. This raises questions about the site of domination. It will be argued that the source of domination can be personally or socially constituted and that the site can be interactional or systemic. This yields four modes of domination that can be used to examine social institutions and relationships. [R]
65.2825 BOCK, Joseph G. —
Initial versions of conflict early warning and early response were designed primarily for use by foreign policy experts to support early responses to avert chaos in governance, factional bloodshed, and associated humanitarian crises. More recently, there has been a shift of emphasis to early warning and early response at a local level due, in part, to emerging technologies — especially cell phones and social media, involving the “net-roots”. This use of Information and Communication Technologies for Violence Prevention (ICT4VP) is creating a fusion of outsider-top-level and insider-local-level approaches. Although these new systems can be risky, there is evidence that such combinations can be successful, highlighting the importance of policies designed to support local actors for early response in tandem with initiatives by leaders at mid and top levels. [R]
65.2826 BÖHMELT, Tobias —
In light of the spatial dependency of armed conflicts, this paper develops a theoretical framework based on the mechanisms of norm-diffusion for why we may also observe international mediation contagion in certain regions. Specifically, I derive the hypothesis that mediation could diffuse across those disputes that are closely linked to each other geographically. The empirical analysis of this argument employs data from the International Crisis Behavior project, which covers international crises and mediation onsets between 1918 and 2007. The results show that mediation does indeed cluster in space, while the findings become even stronger when taking into account more recent crises only. The article concludes that knowledge about the spatial contagion of international mediation is likely to be of great interest to policy-makers and scholars alike. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2862]
65.2827 BOL, Damien —
Regression is the most common data-analysis technique in political science. It allows measuring the net effect of an explanatory variable on an explained variable while controlling for the disturbing effect of other variables. One subtechnique — multi-level regression — is dedicated to the analysis of databases regrouping information from different countries such as survey responses from various European population samples or electoral results from various elections throughout the world. Multi-level regression is however underexploited in the field of francophone comparative politics. In most quantitative analyses published in the best journals of the discipline, classic regressions are simply run in several countries and their results are then compared. This article introduces two types of multi-level regression: fixed-effect and random-effect regressions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2978]
65.2828 BOUKES, Mark, et al. —
Journalists increasingly use personal exemplars in news stories about political issues. This study experimentally investigated how such human interest framing indirectly affects political attitudes via the way people attribute responsibility of an issue. Results show that exposure to human interest-framed television news increased attribution of responsibility to the government for the portrayed problem, which in turn decreased support for the government to cut public spending on this issue. This article explains how and why these findings are in line with exemplification theory but run counter to findings of studies on episodic framing effects. [R]
65.2829 BOUSSAGUET, Laurie; DUPUY, Claire —
How comparative is policy analysis? The paper investigates how the comparative method has shaped policy studies. It shows that comparing has been a key feature of policy analysis since the outset of political science, even if methodological discussions have been marginal. Despite this underdevelopment of method-related debates, be they inspired by comparative politics or specific to policy analysis, scholars' practices of comparison since the 1970s display changes. Comparative research designs have evolved along with multilevel policy-making and with a further elaboration of the understanding of public action. Overall, the comparative method has served a better analysis of public policy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2978]
65.2830 BOYLE, Michael J. —
This article examines whether American drone-based targeted killing program represents a fundamentally new challenge to the traditional legal and ethical standards of armed conflict. It argues that the novelty of drones flows less from the technology itself than from the B. Obama administration's articulation of a presumptive right of anticipatory self-defense, which allows it to strike anywhere in the world where al Qaeda and its allies are present. It highlights five new legal and ethical dimensions to the Obama administration's drones policy, all of which may lower the traditional barriers to the use of force if other actors begin to follow contemporary American practice. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. See Abstr. 65.2842, 2981, 3081, 3174, 3709]
65.2831 BOYLE, Michael J. —
In just the last ten years, a growing number of states have sought to join the race to develop and sell ever-more sophisticated drones on the global market. The emergence of a race for drones will reshape longsimmering conflicts and rivalries around the world in three ways. First, the proliferation of drones will reset the rules and norms governing surveillance and reconnaissance. Second, drones will become increasingly useful to governments in testing the strategic commitments and the nerves of their rivals. Third, the worldwide proliferation of drones will multiply the risks of conflict spirals stemming from accidents or hijacked drones. Given these risks, Washington should take a leading role in slowing the global race for drones and in developing strict legal and normative mechanisms to govern drone usage and sales in the future. [R, abr.]
65.2832 BRAST, Benjamin —
In the post-Cold War era, liberal state-building interventions have become a major tool of global governance. Yet, the variation in outcomes is still poorly understood. This article draws on state-formation theory to elaborate a causal mechanism that can explain the successful monopolization of the means of violence in state-building interventions. Insights from the state-formation literature suggest that the regional political system is crucial for state-formation and state-building. In order to test the hypothesis, a novel process-tracing method is applied to the case of Sierra Leone. The case study suggests that only a cooperative regional setting enables interventions to succeed. [R]
65.2833 BROWN, Davis —
Religions instill norms and ethics for the use of force just as secular ideologies often do. These war ethics influence the propensities to armed conflict of the states whose people and leadership adhere to those religions. Whether religious war ethics raise or lower those propensities depends on how permissive or restrictive they are. I show the empirical effect of those religious war ethics, working through states' populations, on states' probabilities to initiate armed conflicts against other states. The Christian war ethic is more restrictive and Christian populations are negatively correlated with states' propensities to resort to force. The Islamic war ethic is more permissive and Muslim populations are positively correlated. The effect of religion is often strong and statistically significant, even after introducing conventional controls. [R, abr.]
65.2835 BRUNET ICART, Ignasi; BÖCKER ZAVARO, Rafael —
Post-modernism has been defined as an attitude of radical plural thinking, a positive view of the multiplicity of language-games, due to the relativization of totalitarian paradigms and the decentralization of the Big Discourse and the Truth. This allow comprehending the existence of a multiplicity of discourses that lead to a diversity of truths, as truth itself is a challenged concept in post-modernism. That is why it appears as a paradox the emergence of a new Big Discourse: globalization. But the theory of this Big Discourse is confined to the neoliberal paradigm, which constitutes the central discursive device in post-modernism times. Thus, this paper defines and characterizes this Big Discourse of the so-called post-modernism times. [R]
65.2836 BUNYAN, Paul —
The transformative potential that has come to be associated with networking in all areas of social, economic and political life, not least initiatives designed to tackle urban deprivation, is premised upon the idea that better outcomes prevail when state, market and civil society actors work together in partnership to agree and implement change. Such a perspective is informed by two underlying and related assumptions; first, an understanding of democracy as being essentially deliberative in nature; second, an understanding of social and political change as being essentially consensus based. An agonistic model and alternative explanation questioning these assumptions and the “transformative” claims made on behalf of partnership is presented. In contrast to what is termed a “neo-liberal orthodox” approach, an alternative interpretation of regeneration located within a radical conceptualization of civil society is proposed. [R, abr.]
65.2837 BUTCHER, Charles —
Civil wars show substantial variation in where they are fought. One dimension of this variation is the proximity of fighting to the capital city. While some wars are fought in the periphery, others devastate capital cities, often for months, or years, on end. What explains this? This article approaches the puzzle from a bargaining perspective and argues that wars with evenly balanced belligerents (bipolar conflicts) should be less likely to see fighting in the capital while wars with multiple, evenly matched belligerents (multipolar conflicts) should be more likely to do so. Empirical analysis of new conflict-year data on the location of fighting in civil war and measures of conflict actor “fractionalization” and “polarization” from 1975 to 2011 support these claims. [R, abr.]
65.2838 CAMERLO, Marcelo; PÉREZ-LIÑÁN, Aníbal —
This article examines the impact of presidential approval and individual minister profiles on minister turnover. It claims that in order to prioritize sustainable policy performance and cabinet loyalty, government chiefs protect and remove technocrats, partisans, and outsider ministers conditional on government approval. The study offers an operational definition of minister profiles that relies on fuzzy-set measures of technical expertise and political affiliation, and tests the hypotheses using survival analysis with an original dataset for the Argentine case (1983–2011). The findings show that popular presidents are likely to protect experts more than partisan ministers, but not outsiders. [R]
65.2839 CAROTHERS, Thomas —
From small beginnings, democracy aid has become a sizeable enterprise. Today it is beset by problems, however, as it must operate in a less friendly environment. Hard decisions will need to be made to maintain its relevance. [R]
65.2840 CARSTENSEN, Martin B. —
This article gives clearer conceptualization of what an idea is; provides clearer conceptualization of how ideas may change over time; uses central arguments from relational sociology and conceptual analysis in discursive institutionalism; provides new theoretical perspectives on ideational change in wake of the recent financial- and economic crisis. How can we conceptualize the emergence of new political ideas? Demonstrating that the discursive institutionalist literature is silent on this question, the article links this theoretical lacuna to the problem of ideational infinite regress, i.e., that if we try to identify the absolute origin of an idea, we find that the relations to other ideational elements develop ad infinitum and the end or beginning of the idea never appears. [R, abr.]
65.2841 CARTER, Jeff; PALMER, Glenn —
How and why do regime type and interstate war affect government spending? We argue that a political leader allocates scarce resources between social and military expenditures as a function of their relative efficiency in securing her political survival. We derive four hypotheses concerning how mobilization for and demobilization from interstate war affects government spending differently in democratic and autocratic regimes. Compared to democracies, autocracies should increase military spending to a greater degree during wartime and decrease military spending to a greater extent following a war. Autocracies also should cut social spending more during an interstate war and increase social spending more during the process of demobilization from war than democracies. Our analyses of all states in the international system from 1950 to 2001 yield support for our hypotheses. [R]
65.2842 CARVIN, Stephanie —
Over the last several years there has been an explosion of scholarly interest in drones, their impact on armed conflict, and the ethics of using such unmanned weaponry. While this attention and inquiry is to be welcomed, an examination of this scholarship reveals that much of it frequently gets drones wrong — focusing too much on the questionable “newness” of the technology, misunderstanding or misapplying the legal principles which govern such conventional weaponry (especially proportionality) and searching for definitive answers from problematic data. This article highlights the trouble with the contemporary debate over drones and sets out a research agenda in a world of murky campaigns and imperfect information. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2830]
65.2843 CASEY, Terrence —
For many, the 2008 global financial crisis (GFC) signaled the end of neoliberalism. This article argues that the crash was less the exhaustion of the free market model as a problem of excessive credit. Focusing on Anglo-American economies, this article explores two competing hypotheses: debt-driven growth and financial instability. The rationale and empirical evidence for both are reviewed, showing that the financial instability hypothesis, with its emphasis on financial (credit) cycles, offers the more compelling explanation. The main flaw of the neoliberal growth model is a tendency for excessive credit growth, producing crashes that wipe out gains in the real economy. The solution is macroprudential financial regulations — broad controls on financial markets to smooth the credit cycle. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2808]
65.2844 CASTILLO-MUSSOT, Marcelo del; LAMA GARCIA, Alfredo de la —
We focus on geopolitical tensions, possibilities of internal violent conflicts or overt war among national-states. First, we examine the most important concepts and practices of the neoliberal globalization. The current world situation seems to indicate that neoliberalism is not a theory, a class strategy designed to redistribute wealth upward toward an increasingly narrow fraction of people, despite national contradictions. We review sources of international tensions and some important data of transnational corporations in the North and South. Historical experiences show that crisis can produce different kinds of changes and distinct political responses in societies, such as internal violent conflicts or overt war among national-states. Some of these conflicts can be analyzed by employing two frameworks; national-states framework and global class relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4004]
65.2845 CAVAIOLA, Lawrence J.; GOMPERT, David C.; LIBICKI, Martin —
Cyber war is unfamiliar, dynamic and potentially uncontrollable. While not as destructive as nuclear war, it should be approached with similar respect. [R]
65.2846 CAZALS, Antoine; SAUQUET, Alexandre —
Is there a strategically beneficial time for political leaders to make international environmental commitments? Based on the political cycles theory, we argue that leaders have incentives to delay costly ratification of international environmental agreements to the post-electoral period. However, the cost of participating in these agreements is often lower for developing countries, and they may enjoy indirect advantages, which may make them more prone to ratifying in the pre-electoral period. These hypotheses are assessed empirically by studying the ratification process of 41 global environmental agreements censused in the Environmental Treaties and Resources Indicators' database from 1976 to 1999. We use a duration model in which time is measured on a daily basis, enabling us to precisely identify pre- and post-electoral periods — a significant challenge in political cycles studies. [R, abr.]
65.2847 CELIKATES, Robin —
Forms of life are often understood to be pre-reflexively “given” and thus immune to critique and reflexivity. I first show how this problematic view arises from a one-sided reading of Wittgenstein. I then argue that a similar view also informs Bourdieu's conception of a critical social science. Building on the pragmatist sociology of critique, I argue against such “Manichaean” visions that contrast the “inside” characterized by unreflective immersion with the “outside” perspective of the theorist-observer, instead emphasizing the essentially heterogeneous, reflexive and conflictual character of forms of life. Against this background, a much broader view of the possibilities of critique and an alternative — non-conventionalist and non-conservative — understanding of the politics of forms of life emerges. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2931]
65.2848 CESARI, Anna —
According to a wide literature, oil has a negative effect on the level of democracy because of induced economic and political distortions. At the same time, however, oil fosters economic development and people's general life conditions. Using 30 years of international data on 34 oil countries, we show that the total effect is negative and significant and provide an estimate of the oil-democracy “demultiplier”. Moreover, we obtain an indicator of the surplus/deficit of democracy, highly correlated with the revolutions currently unfolding in the Mediterranean. [R]
65.2849 CEVA, Emanuela —
On a proceduralist account of democracy, collective decisions derive their justification from the qualities of the process through which they have been made. To fulfill its justificatory function, this process should ensure that citizens have an equal right to political participation as a respectful response to their equal status as agents capable of self-legislation. How should democratic participation be understood if it is to offer such a procedural justification for democratic decisions? I suggest that, in order to overcome the structural procedural disadvantages affecting the actual, effective opportunities that citizens who hold nonmainstream views have to exercise their right to political participation, the enhancement of such opportunities requires securing space for contestation. Against this background, I vindicate the (currently underestimated) role of conscientious objection as a form of political participation. [R]
65.2850 CHANDRA, Siddharth; RUDRA, Nita —
This analysis challenges claims that regime type determines national economic performance, and hypothesizes that the level of public deliberation, rather than broad categories of regime type, is the driver of national economic performance across political systems; specifically, that negotiations, disagreements, and compromises between decentralized decision-making partisans (e.g., citizens, business representatives, professional associations, labor, and public administrators) are the underlying causal mechanism explaining the non-monotonic relationship between different types of political system and economic performance. Countries with high levels of public deliberation more often experience stable growth outcomes, while other countries can make radical changes in economic policy with uncertain outcome. The variation in public deliberation within regime type is significant, especially amongst authoritarian regimes. [R, abr.]
65.2851 CHAPMAN, Terrence L.; McDONALD, Patrick J.; MOSER, Scott —
We present a formal model of international bargaining between two states in which one government must negotiate with a domestic opposition faction to secure tax revenue for military spending. The model examines how robust the international order is to domestic political crises that activate a stark trade-off to a governing coalition. Namely, offering fiscal relief to stave off domestic revolution can simultaneously undermine the larger international political order by facilitating military spending that can, [in] some circumstances, result in sizable shifts in the relative distribution of military power between states. We find that two key domestic conditions influence the likelihood of preventive war: the distribution of income within the state's economy and the relative economic stake that opposition groups possess in international settlements. [R]
65.2852 CHATAGNIER, John Tyson —
Within the international system, states frequently fight even when opponents have little or nothing to offer them. Yet, IR scholars envision conflict as a means for states to acquire some amount of a desired good, and view bargaining through this lens. This paper presents a model in which war and conflict-bargaining can serve as signals to potentially hostile third parties. The analysis indicates that states sometimes have incentives to bargain harder than they would otherwise, in order to conceal information from future enemies. This can lead to war, even when a peaceful settlement should be possible. [R]
65.2853 CHAUDOIN, Stephen; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
Lobbies are active participants in international co-operation. In a repeated game, this article allows domestic lobbies to offer contingent rewards to influence their government to make pro-co-operation policy adjustments. The effect of lobbies depends on the type and intensity of their preferences. If the lobbies are “internationally benefiting” — that is, they are interested in whether the foreign government reciprocates with adjustments of its own, they unambiguously improve co-operation. However, if the lobbies are “domestically benefiting” — that is, they are interested in their own government's policy, they are less beneficial for co-operation. A domestically benefiting lobby that is willing to compensate its government even without foreign reciprocity undermines the credibility of punishing free riders. This article demonstrates this argument in the context of trade and environmental co-operation. [R]
65.2854 CHAVES, Isaías; FERGUSSON, Leopoldo; ROBINSON, James A. —
What determines the extent of electoral fraud? This paper constructs a model of the tradeoff between fraud and policy concessions (public good provision) which also incorporates the strength of the state. In addition, we parameterize the extent to which economic elites (to whom fraud is costly) and political elites (to whom fraud is advantageous) “overlap”. The model predicts that fraud will be lower and public good provision higher when land inequality is higher, the overlap between elites lower, and the strength of the state higher. We test these predictions using a unique, municipal-level dataset from Colombia's 1922 presidential elections. We find empirical support for all the predictions of the model. [R]
65.2855 CHIBA, Daina; MARTIN, Lanny W.; STEVENSON, Randolph T. —
Theories of coalition politics in parliamentary democracies have suggested that government-formation and survival are jointly determined outcomes. An important empirical implication of these theories is that the sample of observed governments analyzed in studies of government survival may be nonrandomly selected from the population of potential governments. This can lead to serious inferential problems. Unfortunately, current empirical models of government survival are unable to account for the possible biases arising from nonrandom selection. We use a copula-based framework to assess, and correct for, the dependence between the processes of government formation and survival. Our results suggest that existing studies of government survival, by ignoring the selection problem, overstate the substantive importance of several covariates commonly included in empirical models. [R]
65.2856 CHO Youngho —
This study evaluates how well or poorly global citizens are informed about democracy. Analyzing the latest wave of the World Values Surveys, it demonstrates that the proportion of those well informed about democracy varies considerably across countries and within the population of each country. The well-informed are most numerous among politically attentive citizens living especially in economically and democratically developed countries. This finding does not confirm the recently popular thesis of global democratization that democratic political culture can emerge in any type of society within a relatively short period of time. Instead, it supports the long-standing Almond-Verba model of civic culture, which links cultural democratization with socio-economic and political modernization over an extended period of time. [R, abr.]
65.2857 CHOI Hyun Jin; RALEIGH, Clionadh —
Our article analyzes how transitioning political institutions create incentives and disincentives for opposition groups to incite different forms of political violence. We argue that variation on two specific parameters of governance — checks and balances and political participation — compels states toward one of the three forms of conflict, including civil wars, political militia, and riots. Using disaggregated data on different types of political violence across Africa from 1997 to 2012, we analyzed two parameters of governance in both count and change models. We also identified high-risk conflict periods. Typical regime types (democracy, autocracy, anocracy) cannot explain manifestations of conflict, as violence occurs in regimes with varying levels of political openness and competition. Opposition groups actively respond to regime transitions, as changes in institutional parameters correlate with shifts into alternative forms of violence within states. [R]
65.2858 CHONG, Alberto; LOPEZ DE SILANES, Florencio —
The recent wave of terrorist attacks has increased the attention to money laundering activities, and the role played by the regulatory framework controlling feeder activities. We investigate empirically the determinants of money laundering and its regulation in close to 100 countries. We use various methodologies to put together a cross-country dataset on proxies for money laundering and construct specific money laundering regulation indices based on specific laws and their enforcement. Results show that tougher money laundering regulation, particularly those that criminalize feeding activities and improve disclosure, are linked to lower levels of money laundering across countries. The relevance of historical factors in explaining the variation of money laundering regulation across countries sheds light on the theories of institutions and provides room for further action. [R, abr.]
65.2859 CHRISTENSEN, James —
The notion of right to security can play a central role in justifying the arms trade. It also grounds a prima facie case for restricting the claim that states are duty-bound to refrain from trading certain types of weapons, and to refrain from selling weapons to regimes which exhibit an oppressive character. Arguments commonly used to defend the sale of arms to oppressive regimes can be refuted by taking a closer look at the permissibility of supplying weapons to rebel groups engaged in revolutionary war against an oppressive regime. While supporting such groups may be permissible, or even required, supporting them by providing arms, is, from a moral perspective, highly problematic. Both states and their citizens are duty-bound to refrain from making certain arm transfers.
65.2860 CLIFFORD, Scott; JERIT, Jennifer —
Increasingly, experimental research is being conducted on the internet in addition to the laboratory. Online experiments are more convenient for subjects and researchers, but we know little about how the choice of study location affects data quality. To investigate whether respondent behavior differs across study location, we randomly assign subjects to participate in a study in a laboratory or in an online setting. Contrary to our expectations, we find few differences between participants in terms of the level of attention and socially desirable responding. However, we find significant differences in two areas: the degree of self-reported distractions while completing the questionnaire and the tendency to consult outside sources for answers to political knowledge questions. [R, abr.]
65.2861 COHN, Margit —
This article analyzes the source, nature, and use of unilateral, non-statutory executive powers, frequently employed as a governance tool but rarely studied in a comparative context. Exercised in the absence of direct statutory authorization, such powers are often invoked by executives in emergency and foreign affairs contexts, but are equally central to domestic policy-making. Unilateral executive power challenges two central democratic values that support the separation of powers ideal: representation and deliberation. Different structural treatments of these powers are considered through a comparison of three constitutional regimes, those of the US, the UK and Israel. Despite material structural differences between these systems, the emerging patterns are similar enough to support the argument that direct law-making by the executive is an unavoidable element of the political sphere. [R, abr.]
65.2862 CORBETTA, Renato —
Research on third parties' conflict-management has traditionally proposed a stark dichotomy between neutral mediators and non-neutral military joiners. Recent studies have blurred this dichotomy but have not investigated joiners' use of techniques other than military action. Using data from R. Corbetta and W.J. Dixon [“Danger beyond dyads: third party participants in interstate disputes”, ibid. 22(1), 2005: 39–61; Abstr. 56.2842] on non-neutral interventions in post-Second World War interstate disputes, this paper explores non-neutral third parties' choice of diplomatic, economic or military intervention techniques. It hypothesizes that such a choice is a function of third parties' intensity of preferences for one side in conflict and antagonism toward the other side, which result from social proximity to the disputants. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Exploring interdependence in international conflict management”, edited by Andrew P. OWSIAK and Molly M. MELIN. See also Abstr. 65.2826, 2875, 2966, 2986, 3011]
65.2863 CORDELLI, Chiara —
The just distribution of relational resources across society should be regarded as a legitimate concern of resourcist theories of distributive justice, no different from the distribution of economic resources. Since relational resources, unlike economic resources, cannot be directly distributed or redistributed, and since these resources are generally attached to relationships which individuals should not be forced to enter against their will, opportunities for relational resources should be regarded as distribuenda. The freedom to form and participate in certain kinds of relationships should be distributed equally to all. This freedom should be understood as a positive rather than negative liberty. The distribution of opportunities for relational resources ought to be regulated by a principle of fair equality of relational opportunity, properly defined.
65.2864 CROCKER, Chester A. —
Today's disorder is measured in opportunities lost, problems left to fester and power vacuums left to implode. [R]
65.2865 CROWDER, George —
How far can monotheism be reconciled with the pluralism characteristic of modern societies? I focus on the “value pluralism” of Isaiah Berlin, which I suggest captures a deeper level of plurality than J. Rawls's more familiar version of pluralism. However, some critics have objected that Berlinian pluralism is too controversial an idea in which to ground liberalism because it is profoundly at odds with the monotheism professed by so many citizens of a modern society. I argue that monotheists can be value pluralists as long as they do not insist that their faith is superior to all others. This pluralist position is exemplified by elements of the interfaith movement, according to which many religions are recognized as having roughly equal value. [R, abr.]
65.2866 CUMBERS, Andrew —
The “commons” is emerging as one of the progressive political key words of our time. Against a backdrop of continuing neoliberal governance of the global economy, there is interest in a “translocal” global commons as an alternative that transcends both state and capitalist forms of appropriation. I offer a constructive critique of the global commons. While sympathetic to arguments about the deficiencies of state-centric forms of socialist projects for emancipation, I nevertheless argue that realizing the commons vision of a more democratic politics means continuing engagement with the state, particularly for connecting up and scaling up local autonomous projects to achieve more transformative social change. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2888]
65.2867 DALLMAYR, Fred —
The essay advances a proposal that is addressed primarily to theorists, but with implications for the entire profession: the proposal to replace or supplement the rehearsal of routinized canons with a turn to global, cross-cultural (or “comparative”) political theorizing. I offer geopolitical and general intellectual reasons why the turn seems appropriate today, and I discuss a variety of theoretical or philosophical inspirations undergirding the turn. After highlighting some recent examples of comparative political theorizing, I conclude by responding to critical queries as well as indicating broader implications of the move “beyond monologue”. [R]
65.2868 DE SCHUTTER, Helder; YPI, Lea —
Long-term immigrants often have the option but not the obligation to acquire citizenship in their state of residence. Contrary to the received wisdom, this article defends the idea of mandatory citizenship for immigrants. It suggests that the current asymmetry in the distribution of political obligations between native-born citizens and immigrants is unfair. It also argues that mandatory citizenship is required by the principle that those who persistently affect others should share a democratic setting. Finally, it claims that mandatory citizenship is more compatible with the ideal of democratic equality and more conducive to a stable society. [R]
65.2869 DELAVANDE, Adeline; MANSKI, Charles F. —
This paper demonstrates the feasibility and usefulness of survey research asking respondents to report voting probabilities in hypothetical election scenarios. Posing scenarios enriches the data available for studies of voting decisions, as a researcher can pose many more and varied scenarios than the elections that persons actually face. Multiple scenarios were presented to over 4000 participants in the American Life Panel (ALP). Each described a hypothetical presidential election, giving characteristics measuring candidate preference, closeness of the election, and the time cost of voting. Persons were asked the probability that they would vote in this election and were willing and able to respond. We analyzed the data through direct study of the variation of voting probabilities with election characteristics and through estimation of a randomutility model of voting. [R, abr.]
65.2870 DELFOSSE, Pascale; FROGNIER, André-Paul —
This research note makes clearer various forms of cooperation between semiotics and comparative politics. It identifies three types of complementarity, which are examined after [reviewing] the semiotic approach, referring essentially to the “Ecole de Paris”, marked by the contribution of A.J. Greimas. We give for examples comparative studies proceeding by induction, from the figurative level up to the abstract level. Second, we refer to a hypothetico-deductive nature, where a semiotic model is used to explain reality. Examples of these procedures are taken from texts and image-analysis (electoral posters), and electoral discourses. Finally, the note refers to a third complementarity where semiotics is used as a way to improve the quality of the questionnaire in survey-analysis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2978]
65.2871 DELMAS, Candice —
What is wrong with government whistleblowing and when can it be justified? In my view, “government whistleblowing”, that is, the unauthorized acquisition and disclosure of classified information about the state or government, is a form of “political vigilantism”, which involves transgressing the boundaries around state secrets, for the purpose of challenging the allocation or use of power. It may nonetheless be justified when it is suitably constrained and exposes some information that the public ought to know and deliberate about. Government whistleblowing should then be viewed, along the lines of civil disobedience, as a collective cognition- and legitimacy-enhancing device. [R]
65.2872 DESTRADI, Sandra; JAKOBEIT, Cord —
The growing international influence of so-called emerging powers has had a major impact on global governance, leading to new challenges for established and emerging powers alike. This contribution outlines the expectations of established powers and the debates on the state of global governance in the field of IR, as well as the positions and policies of emerging powers. An analysis of the fields of trade and climate policy highlights the resilience of established powers and reveals that emerging powers, despite their declared reluctance, have actively participated in global governance to pursue their interests. While cooperation is difficult, confrontation is not inevitable. [R]
65.2873 DEWAN, Torun, et al. —
We model two aspects of executives in parliamentary democracies: Decision-making authority is assigned to individuals, and private information is aggregated through communication. When information is relevant to all policies and communication is private, all decisions should be centralized to a single politician. A government that holds cabinet meetings, where information is made available to all decision-makers, outperforms one where communication is private: A multimember cabinet can be optimal; it need not be single-peaked around the most moderate politician or ideologically connected. Centralization is nonmonotonic in the degree of ideological divergence. In a large cabinet, all power should be given to the most moderate politician. Even when uncertainty is policy specific and a single politician is informed on each policy, power should never be fully decentralized. [R, abr.]
65.2874 DIAMOND, Larry —
Democracy has been in a global recession for most of the last decade, and committed and resourceful engagement by the established democracies is necessary to reverse this trend. [R]
65.2875 DIEHL, Paul F.; REGAN, Patrick —
Standard conflict-management studies treat individual conflict-management attempts, whether the same or different techniques, as independent of one another across time and space. This article considers the implications and lays out research agenda for several configurations that relax that assumption: (1) multiple approaches in the same conflict; (2) spatial and temporal interrelationships; (3) interactions with ongoing hostilities; and (4) techniques in different phases of the conflict. Included is a discussion of how the articles in the special issue fit within these frameworks. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2862]
65.2876 DO Thuy T. —
The rise of China/East Asia and the perceived decline of the US/West pose an emerging question about how IR theory should respond to this change. Increasingly, there have been heated discussions among Chinese IR academics over a desirable Chinese contribution to IR theory (IRT), particularly the possibility of building a distinctive Chinese IRT. Inevitably, this drive towards theorizing from a Chinese perspective also creates a backlash among not only Western but also other Chinese scholars as they question the “nationalistic” if not “hegemonic” discourse of the scholarship. Drawing on the sociology of scientific knowledge framework, this article examines the linkages between the vibrant dynamics of the Chinese theoretical debates and the actual practices of Chinese scholars in realizing their claims. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.3906]
65.2877 DORSCH, Michael T.; DUNZ, Karl; MAAREK, Paul —
This paper presents a theory of political instability in autocracies where the disenfranchised express their political preferences for a leadership replacement through costly political action. We focus on the business regulatory environment as an arena for autocratic rent-creation, as a source of information asymmetry between the autocrat and the disenfranchised, and as a potential political grievance for the disenfranchised. Within this context, we revisit the role of macro shocks as a catalyst for political instability and propose a novel informational channel through which macro shocks may trigger costly political action when the autocrat chooses to create rents through regulation that deteriorates the mean macroeconomic outcome. We then provide an empirical investigation of our theoretical hypotheses employing fixed-effects panel regressions and an instrumental variable strategy over a sample of non-democratic countries. [R, abr.]
65.2878 DORSCH, Michael T.; MAAREK, Paul —
This paper presents a theory of endogenous economic institutions in non-democracies, where political accountability is enforced through the threat of revolution. We consider a dynamic game between an elite ruling class and a disenfranchised working class, in which workers have imperfect information about the economy's productive possibilities. We characterize the conditions under which (1) the elite implement an inefficient rent-creating economic institution at the risk of provoking a revolution based on institutional grievances, (2) information shocks can catalyze revolutionary movements that may be contagious among similar countries, and (3) democratic transitions can be consolidated following revolutionary liberalizations. [R]
65.2879 DROTBOHM, Heike; HASSELBERG, Ines —
This paper introduces a collection of articles that share ethnographic perspectives on the intersections between deportation, anxiety and justice. As a form of expulsion regulating human mobility, deportation policies may be justified by public authorities as measures responding to anxieties over (unregulated) migration. At the same time, they also bring out uncertainty and unrest to deportable/deported migrants and their families. Providing new and complementary insights into what “deportation” as a legal and policy measure actually embraces in social reality, this special issue argues for an understanding of deportation as a process that begins long before, and carries on long after, the removal from one country to another takes place. It provides a transnational perspective over the “deportation corridor”, covering different places, sites, actors and institutions. [R, abr.]
65.2880 DUCH, Raymond; PRZEPIORKA, Wojtek; STEVENSON, Randolph —
We argue that individuals use responsibility attribution heuristics that apply to collective decisions made, for example, by families, teams within firms, boards in international organizations, or coalition governments. We conduct laboratory and online experiments to tease out the heuristics subjects use in their responsibility attribution for collective decision makers. The lab experiments comprise a collective dictator game in which decision makers have weighted votes and recipients can punish individual decision makers. Our results show that recipients punish unfair allocations and mainly target the decision maker with proposal power and with the largest vote share. We find weak evidence that decision makers with veto power are targeted or that recipients punish proportional to vote share. The online experiment demonstrates that subjects indeed believe that the decision maker with proposal power has the most influence on the collective decision outcome. We discuss the implications of our findings for theories of vote choice. [R]
65.2881 DUNFORD, Robin —
This article develops contextually grounded accounts of emancipation in general and notions of collective rights based emancipation in particular by identifying a form of emancipatory politics in which collectives demand rights for themselves. The article develops the idea of collective, rights-based emancipation by focusing on the practices of two related social movements, the Landless Workers Movement (MST) and la Via Campesina. The MST and Via Campesina seek to replace existing rights to “food security” with a human right to “food sovereignty”. Food sovereignty is secured by peasant social movements themselves. Furthermore, practices of active citizenship and democratic organizational structures, built through the grassroots and transnational struggles through which peasants raise their demand for human rights, are vital in enacting rights to food sovereignty. [R, abr.]
65.2882 DUNN, Kris —
The procedural justice literature argues that providing individuals voice in institutional processes facilitates trust in that institution. For democratic institutions, voice is provided to the citizenry via political representation. I apply the procedural justice argument to trust in parliament, equating representation with voice: if individuals believe they are represented in parliament, they will trust parliament more than if they believe otherwise. Analyses of data from three of four countries find support for this argument: those individuals who believe that a party with at least one seat in parliament represents their views trust parliament more than those who do not. This relationship holds even when accounting for political self-interest. [R, abr.]
65.2883 DVIR-GVIRSMAN, Shira —
According to cognitive research, members of a social majority are better than minority members at estimating the consensus, since the latter tend to overestimate the popularity of their opinion. These differences have been explained using the motivational reasoning model. The purpose of the current study is twofold: to verify that majority members indeed provide more accurate public consensus estimations and to test the effect of political orientation on this relation. Following the motivational reasoning model, it is suggested that proponents of right-wing ideology will overestimate support for their group, especially when in the minority, since they have a stronger reaction to political threat. [R, abr.]
65.2884 ERMAN, Eva —
There are two basic conditions that are reasonable to require in order for an arrangement to qualify as minimally democratic: political equality and political bindingness. The all-affected-interests principle, however, is not appropriate for solving the boundary problem. While a discussion of political equality highlights the relevance of distinguishing between moral and political equality, a discussion of political bindingness highlights the relevance of distinguishing between individual rights and individual/collective practices. The equal-influence principle is the proper criterion of justified inclusion, yet it is applicable only in contexts of interdependent interests. Finally, the broader question on the legitimacy of political authority helps understand what is required of political power to be legitimate in circumstances in which people's interests are not interdependent. [First of a series of articles on “Rethinking political unity”. See also Abstr. 65.2904, 3046, 3083]
65.2885 ERMAN, Eva; MÖLLER, Niklas —
This paper explores attempts by political theorists to use theories of language and meaning for normative purposes. Focusing on Wittgenstein's account, it is argued that these attempts are unsuccessful. It is shown that pragmatically influenced political theorists draw faulty epistemological, ontological and semantic conclusions from Wittgenstein's view in their normative theorizing, and it is argued that pragmatically influenced theories of language and meaning, however full of insight, cannot be put to substantial normative use in political theory. The general scope of the thesis is motivated by pointing to the general form of the argument and by moving beyond Wittgenstein to other philosophers of mind and language, illustrating how similar overextensions are made with regard to Robert Brandom's theory of language and meaning. [R, abr.]
65.2886 EVRENK, Haldun; SHER Chien-Yuan —
Prior studies of strategic voting in multi-party elections potentially overestimate the extent of it by counting erroneously votes cast under different motivations as strategic votes. We propose a method that corrects some of this overestimation by distinguishing between strategic voting and the votes cast under the “bandwagon effect” (voting for the expected winner. Our method follows from the observation that a vote cannot be strategic unless the voter believes that it will affect the outcome of the election with a non-zero probability, while a vote cast under the bandwagon effect requires no such belief. Employing survey data that include the respondent's assessment of the importance of his vote, we illustrate this method by estimating the extent of strategic voting in the 2005 UK general election. [R, abr.]
65.2887 FAULKNER, Nicholas; MARTIN, Aaron; PEYTON, Kyle —
Political trust is one of the most researched areas in political science. Yet little is known about what causes political trust to vary. Past research has relied almost solely on survey data, and focused on exploring the correlation between political trust and various micro- and macro-level factors. This research note reports the findings from an experiment designed to examine the causal effect of one of the most commonly cited causes of political trust: political probity. Results show that political trust and trust in specific institutions change when participants read an article about political probity and complete a word-association task. The treatment we used is low-cost, straightforward and may be used by other researchers to alter political trust in experiments. [R]
65.2888 FEATHERSTONE, David —
Dominant forms of left theorizing in relation to the crisis have constructed emergent forms of resistance as limited and reactive. This depiction of resistances, however, is created partly by abstracting the crisis from ongoing contestation of neo-liberalism. This paper situates emerging resistances to crisis and austerity in relation to ongoing trajectories of the contestation of neo-liberalism. It examines some of the solidarities and antagonisms being shaped in relation to the crisis. The paper concludes that a focus on the dynamic trajectories of alternative politics can open up different possibilities within the current conjuncture. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “In, against, beyond neoliberalism: the ‘crisis’ and alternative political futures”, edited and introduced, pp. 1–11, by David FEATHERSTON, et al. See also Abstr. 65.2866, 3268, 3320]
65.2889 FETTWEIS, Christopher J. —
Every few years, scholars and strategists rediscover the importance of geography. Interest in the terrestrial setting of international politics has grown again in the last few years, with classical geopolitics, in particular, receiving a fresh look from a variety of angles. Scholars, journalists and strategists have abetted geography's “revenge” against perceptions of obsolescence in the face of changing technology. This article discusses this most recent regeneration, evaluating the descriptive, predictive and prescriptive contributions of classical geopolitics, from Kjellen to Kaplan, in order to help determine whether the revival is to be welcomed. [R]
65.2890 FINCHELSTEIN, Federico —
Populism should be seen as the outcome of a modern historical process. It is part of an ongoing history where the limitations and intrinsic problems of formal democracy are met with the interwar and post-war history of contestations of democracy from within and from without. Fascism and totalitarianism are a key part of this history, but the ways in which populism is used are not limited to its origins. It is therefore important to study this first populist moment and then assess its various historical phases from its pre-populist moments (from Boulangisme in France, to Lueger's movement in Vienna) and the interwar proto-populist precedents in Latin America (such as Cardenismo in Mexico, Yrigoyenismo in Argentina and Varaguismo in Brazil) to its subsequent bifurcations and repercussions. [See Abstr. 65.3158]
65.2891 FISKER, Helene Marie —
This paper outlines and empirically investigates hypotheses about which factors explain interest group survival. The empirical literature on survival has been limited by the lack of actual survival data and has instead relied on self-assessment data on the likelihood of survival. The article examines survival using a unique dataset that covers a population of interest groups, spans over three decades (1976–2010), and contains data on interest group characteristics and information about whether the groups survived. As expected, resources such as members and employees increase the probability of survival. However, a privileged position in the decision-making process, a largely neglected factor in previous studies, also affects survival. This implies that insider groups are likely to be overrepresented in interest group populations. [R, abr.]
65.2892 FLORIDIA, Antonio —
“Participatory Democracy” and “Deliberative Democracy” are two terms that have entered common use, but the two terms are confused or conflated. The article contends that a promising approach might be a theoretical reconstruction of the genealogy of these two notions of democracy. We relate only one chapter of this history: the “transitional phase” that can be traced in some texts that go “beyond participatory democracy”, that is to say the works of J. Mansbridge (“Beyond Adversary Democracy”, 1980) and B. Barber (Strong Democracy, 1984). These works entailed an approach which, in many aspects, was still “within” the discussion on “participatory democracy”, but at the same time introduced many novelties, thus opening paths to a successive stage, and indicating some possible bridges to a deliberative view. [R, abr.]
65.2893 FREYBURG, Tina —
Does contact with democratic governance make state officials in authoritarian regimes more democratic? While studies of democratic diffusion are built on the inherent assumption that exposure to democratic practices shapes the attitudes of domestic actors toward democracy, scholars of international socialization are more skeptical about such microeffects. Drawing on insights from sociology and social psychology, I examine what type of cross-national activities can socialize Moroccan state officials into democratic governance. The results of cross-sectional, multivariate regression-analyses based on original survey data emphasize that, in authoritarian contexts, transnational linkage manifests the potential to democratize only if it involves practical experience, a condition fulfilled by cooperative exchange within transgovernmental networks, but not by more diffuse types of linkage such as international education and foreign media broadcasting. [R]
65.2894 FUKUYAMA, Francis —
The failure to establish modern, well-governed states has been the Achilles heel of recent democratic transitions, as democratization without state modernization can actually lower the quality of governance. [R]
65.2895 GADJANOVA, Elena —
This article argues that the political competition for ethnic votes in modern democracies is programmatic, much like the competition for voting blocs defined as based on class or gender. Analyzing ethnic appeals in this manner makes them suitable for the type of quantification and comparative analyses now standard in the estimations of policy positions on a range of other issues. Once the policy concerns of ethnic communities are known, scaling and scoring them becomes possible, paving the way for quantification and rigorous comparative work. Drawing on content-analysis of speeches and manifestos delivered in democracies over the past decades, the article identifies a list of political positions reflective of appeals made to ethnic communities. It derives and validates two indices of ethnic campaigning using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project. [R, abr.]
65.2896 GALEOTTI, Elisabetta —
R. Forst's Toleration in Conflict [Manchester, 2003] is a significant contribution to the important topic of toleration. Its critical survey of various arguments for and around toleration is thorough and rigorous. However, although Forst's argument for the respect concept of toleration is persuasive, the claim that this is a tolerant theory of toleration located at a higher level than other arguments is perhaps less so. [R]
65.2897 GARLAND, David —
What, in fact, is the Welfare State? This article traces the emergence of the welfare state as a specific mode of government, describing its distinctive rationality as well as its characteristic forms, functions and effects. It identifies five sectors of welfare governance, the relations between them, and the various forms these take in different times and places. It discusses the contradictory commitments that shape welfare state practices and the problems associated with these practices and contradictions. It situates welfare state government within a long-term account of the changing relations between the social and the economic spheres. And it argues that the welfare state ought to be understood as a “normal social fact” — an essential (though constantly contested) part of the social and economic organization of modern capitalist societies. [R]
65.2898 GEORGE, Robert P. —
One of America's — more precisely, one of Philadelphia's — greatest contributions to the world is freedom of conscience, the idea that people should be free to practice their religion — or not to practice at all. Today, as ISIS gives people the choice to die or convert, while others in various parts of the world flee for their lives because of different varieties of religious intolerance, one of the leading advocates of international religious freedom reports on the state of religious freedom in the world. [R]
65.2899 GERSON, Gal; RUBIN, Aviad —
We critically analyze the scholarly advocacy of nationalism recently offered by scholars such as W. Kymlicka, N. MacCormick and D. Miller. Their overall position is that basing nationality on culture rather than descent or religion would make nationalism compatible with liberalism. Synthesizing nationalism and liberalism, according to this perspective, renders liberalism applicable in a world where nationalism is a reality, and addresses the flaws that communitarians have found in liberalism. Relying on earlier critiques of this position, we contend that the tacit character of national culture places political authority on a basis that is not universally visible and debatable. It accordingly conflicts with the strong constitutionalist element in liberalism. [R, abr.]
65.2900 GEUSS, Raymond —
E. H. Carr contrasts “realism” with “utopianism” in his major work in theorizing international relations, but he ought to have contrasted it with “moralism”, a complex set of attitudes that give unwarranted priority to moral considerations in explaining and justifying human action. “Moralism” is a flawed approach to politics. One should distinguish it from “utopianism”, which is made up of different strands, not all of which are equally problematic. One historically important strand was centered around an attempt to describe and realize a perfect unchanging society, and Carr seems to have this in mind primarily when he speaks “utopianism”. However, there has been another strand which has focused on the social construction of “impossibility” in politics, and our potential ability to undo that construction. Such utopianism is compatible with realism. [R]
65.2901 GHERGHINA, Sergiu —
The literature on legislatures has devoted extensive space to those MPs who return to parliament. So far, less attention has been paid to the number of incumbents who get renominated, a category that includes also those who fail to gain reelection. To empirically examine how many MPs get renominated, we need an adequate indicator. This article presents a measure for the legislative renomination at a party level. It accounts for the number of incumbents, number of candidates and party size. The indicator allows for comparisons across parties and over time. Its greatest asset lies in the broad applicability to all types of elections irrespective of contextual or competition factors. [R]
65.2902 GOLOSOV, Grigorii V. —
This article uses a representative sample of elections in 82 countries (1993–2012) for a statistical analysis of factors that explain the number of parties in national legislative elections. The analysis confirms that the proliferation of candidates and/or parties at the district level contributes to the number of national parties, but the other crucial determinant is party system nationalization. Several factors believed to have an impact on party system fragmentation — e.g., economic wealth, federalism, linguistic fractionalization and population size — influence the number of national parties indirectly, by affecting either the number of district parties or party system nationalization. The significance of many other factors, especially those pertaining to electoral systems and the general context, can be properly estimated only if the strongest determinants of system-level fragmentation are controlled for. [R, abr.]
65.2903 GOLOSOV, Grigorii V. —
This article employs the Cox proportional hazards model to discover the factors of survival of 162 party systems from 1792 to 2009. In order to avoid the endogeneity problem, the analysis employs the level of democracy as a control variable. The impact of the overall level of party system fragmentation is found negligible, even though excessive fragmentation is conducive to a higher hazard of party system termination. More importantly, systems with close competition among leading parties — including two-party systems and systems with close competition among up to four parties — are more likely to survive across time. The article introduces a methodological innovation by disaggregating the effective number of parties into two components, the leading parties' balance and the residual fragmentation. [R]
65.2904 GRANT, John —
A provisional yet telling categorization of political thinkers from the ancient, modern, and postmodern periods according to their constructive or their critical commitments helps to organize key visions of unity and competing understandings of sovereignty in an effort to show how the ongoing dominance of the sovereign imaginary over the democratic imaginary diminishes politics overall. There is no option of choosing one imaginary entirely over the other; similarly, unity is not inherently negative, nor is plurality automatically positive. The political aim to ensure the dynamic tension between these different pairs, something which is threatened by the excessive privileging of unity and sovereignty. [See Abstr. 65.2884]
65.2905 GRUNDIG, Frank; WARD, Hugh —
Usually a group of major powers has to pool its resources to provide structural leadership in order to achieve an effective regime [for] international environmental public goods. Such a group of pushers uses its structural power to achieve its goal. However, it faces two challenges. First, it may have to overcome the opposition of a group of laggards [who] desire less environmental protection and may try to counter the pushers' efforts. We hypothesize that the regime will be more effective to the extent to which the pushers predominate over the laggards in terms of structural power. Second, both groups may have to overcome a collective action problem with regard to dispensing costly side-payments. We argue that social capital embedded in inter-state networks may help the groups to overcome such collective action problems. [R, abr.]
65.2906 GUESS, Andrew M. —
Self-reported measures of media exposure are plagued with error and questions about validity. Since they are essential to studying media effects, a substantial literature has explored the shortcomings of these measures, tested proxies, and proposed refinements. But lacking an objective baseline, such investigations can only make relative comparisons. By focusing specifically on recent Internet activity stored by Web browsers, this article's methodology captures individuals' actual consumption of political media. Using experiments embedded within an online survey, I test three different measures of media exposure and compare them to the actual exposure. I find that open-ended survey prompts reduce over-reporting and generate an accurate picture of the overall audience for online news. I also show that they predict news recall at least as well as general knowledge. [R, abr.]
65.2907 GUILHERNE, Alexandre; MORGAN, W. John, eds. —
Editors' introduction. Articles by Andrej ZWITTER and Michael HOELZL; David Thomas ORIQUE; Daniel ROSENBERG; Geneviève SOUILLAC; Christina M. BRENNAN; Tom PYNN; Jennifer ANG; Paul SCHUURMAN.
65.2908 GUILHOT, Nicolas —
In recent years, a revisionist history of IR theory has generated a complex and nuanced picture of classical realism, contributing to a normative rehabilitation of realism. This article explores the paradox of a disciplinary history that has often mobilized “anti-Whig” arguments in its battle against the potted history of “great debates”, yet only to pursue a not-so-covert presentist agenda. It argues that the revisionist history of IR is itself part of the realist tradition, and that from its early formulation by H. Butterfield to its current deployment in disciplinary history, the anti-Whig argument has seamlessly woven together a vision of history and a Christian-realist vision of politics. I suggest that the entanglement between realism and the historicist rejection of rationalist philosophies of history has the potential of fundamentally renewing our understanding of realism. [R, abr.]
65.2909 GUNITSKY, Seva —
Non-democratic regimes have increasingly moved beyond merely suppressing online discourse, and are shifting toward proactively subverting and co-opting social media to undermine the opposition, to shape the contours of public discussion, and to cheaply gather information about falsified public preferences. Social media [are] thus becoming not merely an obstacle to autocratic rule but another potential tool of regime durability. Four mechanisms link social media co-optation to autocratic resilience: (1) counter-mobilization, (2) discourse framing, (3) preference divulgence, and (4) elite coordination. I detail the recent use of these tactics in mixed and autocratic regimes, with a particular focus on Russia, China, and the Middle East. This rapid evolution of government social media strategies has critical consequences for the future of electoral democracy and state-society relations. [R, abr.]
65.2910 GURSES, Mehmet —
The literature on the transnational dimension of civil wars points to transnational ethnic kin as an important catalyst that initiates and sustains civil wars: [they] intensify the conflict by providing sanctuaries as well as human and material resources to the rebels. [They also] make it more difficult for the government to achieve a decisive victory and contribute to outcomes more favorable to rebels. These networks can help create a more balanced relationship between an ethnic group and a previously antagonistic state by increasing the political, economic, and military costs of repression for the government. An analysis of ethnic civil wars (1950–2006) demonstrates that civil wars fought by ethnically mobilized rebel groups are more likely to be negotiated and settled in favor of rebels who have ethnic kin in a neighboring country. [R, abr.]
65.2911 HAAKONSSEN, Knud, ed. —
Articles by Antony BLACK, “Ancient and non-Western international thought”, pp. 2–12; William BAIN, “Thomas Hobbes as a theorist of anarchy: a theological interpretation”, pp. 13–28; David BOUCHER, “Hobbes's contribution to international thought, and the contribution of international thought to Hobbes”, pp. 29–48; Paul KELLY, “Armitage on Locke on international theory: the Two Treatises of Government and the right to intervention”, pp. 49–61; Richard DEVETAK, “Historiographical foundations of modern international thought: histories of the European states-system from Florence to Göttingen”, pp. 62–77; Duncan IVISON, “Non-cosmopolitan universalism: on Armitage's foundations of international political thought”, pp. 78–88; Terry NARDIN, “The diffusion of sovereignty”, pp. 89–102; Glenda SLUGA, “Turning international: Foundation of Modern International Thought and new paradigms for intellectual history”, pp. 103–115; David ARMITAGE, “Modern international thought: problems and prospects”, pp. 116–130; Matthew D. MENDHAM, “Rousseau's discarded children: the panoply of excuses and the question of hypocrisy”, pp. 131–152.
65.2912 HAAS, Mark L. —
This article examines the international effects of a variable yet to be studied systematically in the IR literature: the number of prominent, distinct ideological groups present in a particular system, which I label “ideological polarity”. My basic argument is that systems in which the great powers are divided into one, two, or three or more ideological groups (or “ideological unipolarity”, “ideological bipolarity”, or “ideological multipolarity”, respectively) have very different dynamics, including major variations in overall threat-perceptions among the great powers and the efficiency of the balancing process against perceived dangers. The effects of ideological polarity explain key outcomes that analyses based on power polarity cannot. I test the argument by examining great power relations in two cases: the decades after the Napoleonic Wars and the years leading up to World War II. [R, abr.]
65.2913 HALE, Thomas —
How can governments manage transnational problems when other governments refuse to cooperate? We examine the conditions under which regulation in one jurisdiction can induce other jurisdictions to regulate. The analysis emphasizes the relationship between public policy, private actors, and technological change. We find that ambitious regulations in large markets can induce private actors to make technological changes that lower the cost of regulation for less ambitious jurisdictions. Our model specifies the conditions under which such transboundary effects are possible, qualifying the received wisdom on global collective action by outlining conditions under which unilateral regulatory leadership can be effective. Case studies of wind turbines and photovoltaic cells provide empirical support. [R]
65.2914 HANSEN, Lene —
This article introduces international icons to the field of IR. International icons are freestanding images that are widely circulated, recognized, and emotionally responded to. International icons come in the form of foreign policy icons familiar to a specific domestic audience, regional icons, and global icons. Their meaning is constituted in discourse. Images rise to the status of international icons in part through images that appropriate the icon itself, either in full or through inserting parts of the icon into new images. A three-tier analytical and methodological framework for studying international icons is presented and applied in a case-study of the hooded prisoner widely claimed to be emblematic of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal. [R, abr.] territorial identity and the level of jurisdictional authority wielded by the regional legislature are important determinants of electors' willingness to participate in regional elections; (3) when we contrast subjective perception and objective/aggregate findings we see that regional legislative authority matters more than perceived salience, and individual regional identity matters more than the views of fellow citizens, but that these effects are largely conditional on age. [R]
65.2915 HARTLEY, Jean, et al. —
The public value framework, with its call for more entrepreneurial activities by public managers, has attracted concern and criticism about its implicit breaching of the politics/administration dichotomy. This article explores the role of political astuteness not only in discerning and creating public value, but also in enabling public managers to be sensitive to the dichotomy. We employ a conceptual framework to identify the skills of political astuteness, and then articulate these in relation to identifying and generating public value. Drawing on a survey of 1,012 public managers in Australia, New Zealand, and the UK, and in-depth interviews with 42 of them, we examine the perceptions and capabilities of public managers in producing value for the public while traversing the line (or zone) between politics and administration. [R, abr.]
65.2916 HAYWARD, Jack —
Path dependence and chance steered towards a focus on French politics. After a doctoral thesis on the concept of solidarity in 19th c. political thought, my research acquired a political economy emphasis. It broadened out from France and implicit comparison to West European explicit comparison, culminating in a professorship at Oxford University to promote European postgraduate political studies in 1993 until my retirement in 1998, when I returned to Hull University as a Research Professor. Collaboration was a crucial part of comparative work, whose findings were tested by an in-depth knowledge of France. [R]
65.2917 HENDERSON, Ailsa; McEWEN, Nicola —
Despite the importance of regional democracy, comparative analyses of voter participation in regional elections are rare. We examine individual participation in regional elections in Canada, Spain, and the UK and make three arguments: (1) standard models of turnout devised for national contests only partly explain regional turnout, with the personal characteristics of voters more important than contextual variables; (2)
65.2918 HENDRIX, Cullen S.; HAGGARD, Stephan —
Anecdotal evidence of riots during the global food price spikes of 2007–2008 and 2010–2011 raises the more general question of whether global food prices affect patterns of contentious politics in developing countries. Drawing on a dataset of urban unrest in 55 major cities in 49 Asian and African countries for the period 1961–2010, we find the effect of global food prices on protests and rioting is contingent on regime type: democracies are more prone to urban unrest during periods of high food prices than autocracies. We show that this is due both to the more permissive political opportunity structure in democratic systems and to systematic differences in food policy across regimes of different types. [R, abr.]
65.2919 HERSCHINGER, Eva —
Normative political theory has witnessed a renaissance in IR, with the principle of justice and its meaning for the global sphere being prominently debated. Within these discussions, it is a foregone conclusion that “poststructuralist approaches” have no normative potential. This paper takes issue with this conclusion and outlines how a poststructuralist approach to ethics can inform global politics. The paper elaborates an alternative reading of justice, arguing that justice is an empty normative signifier with a universal aspiration aiming at discursive closure. To deal with closure, a just practice is necessary — a practice that constantly aspires to achieve justice while being aware of the impossibility of justice. The global discourse on drugs illustrates how an IR-post-structuralist approach yields insights in the possibility of ethical action in global politics. [R]
65.2920 HILL, Lisa —
It is sometimes claimed that compulsory voting violates a particular right not to vote. For some, this assumed right is as fundamental as the right to vote. The existence of such a right, however, has attracted little sustained scholarly attention. This article explores from a political theory perspective whether the alleged “right not to vote” is deserving the same legal and moral protection as the right to vote. I argue on two broad grounds that it is not. (1) Not all rights are capable of being legally waived and voting is one of them. (2) Voting is a right but it is also a duty; it is a duty-right. Therefore, even though many people do fail to vote, doing so does not seem to constitute the exercise of any particular right, nor should it be legally recognized as such. [R]
65.2921 HOLCOMBE, Randall G. —
Political capitalism, a concept introduced by Max Weber [Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, Berkeley, 1922] is an economic and political system in which the economic and political elite cooperate for their mutual benefit. The economic elite influence the government's economic policies to use regulation, government spending, and the design of the tax system to maintain their elite status in the economy. The political elite are then supported by the economic elite which helps the political elite maintain their status: an exchange relationship that benefits both the political and economic elite. [R]
65.2922 HOWARD, Jeffrey W. —
This article advances a partially epistemic justification of democratic authority by defending what D. Estlund has called the “democracy/contractualism analogy”: the idea that democracy can track justice due to crucial similarities between effective democratic politics and the hypothetical deliberations employed by contractualist liberals to explicate or construct correct principles of justice. According to this analogy, the collective decision-making definitive of democracy is best conceived as an attempt to realize the process of intersubjective justification that (according to contractualist liberals) defines what is just; therefore, any tendency democracy might have to produce just outcomes could conceivably be attributed to the success of such an attempt. This article explains why Estlund's arguments against the analogy fail. [R, abr.]
65.2923 HUGHES, Llewelyn —
For decades, states have worried that their dependence on oil gives producers a potential lever of coercion. The size, integration, and sophistication of the current oil market, however, are thought to have greatly attenuated, if not eliminated, the coercive potential of oil. The best way to analyze the current global oil market is by viewing it as a series of distinct market segments, from upstream production to midstream transport to downstream refining, with the potential for coercion varying across them. Oil-producing states do not have the greatest coercive potential in the international oil market. Instead, the US remains the dominant presence, though its dominance has shifted from production to the maritime environment. These findings are significant for scholars' and policymakers' understanding of the relationship between oil and coercion. [R, abr.]
65.2924 HUMMEL, Patrick —
I present a model in which a nation must decide whether to reveal its military capacity when the nation faces two possible adversaries. One adversary would be inclined to attack if the country has a weak military capacity, and the other adversary would be inclined to attack preemptively if the country is developing a strong military capacity. I derive conditions under which it is an equilibrium for the nation to be ambiguous about its military capacity as a function of the hawkishness of the adversaries and the accuracy of the adversaries' national intelligence. [R]
65.2925 ISACOFF, Jonathan B. —
This article argues for a political science discipline and teaching framework predicated empirically on the study of “real-world problems” and normatively on promoting civic engagement among political science students. I argue for a rethinking of political science and political science education in view of the pragmatist thought of John Dewey as well as more recent ideas on higher education of D. Orr. This way of thinking calls for that which is lacking from various theory- or method-driven approaches to political science: (1) a problem orientation that explicitly clarifies that political science is for responding to what Dewey called “concrete human woes” and (2) promotion of civic engagement, defined as concern for the well-being or improvement of state and society, as an explicit learning outcome of political science education. [R]
65.2926 ISACOFF, Jonathan B. —
This article argues that IR theory, defined by its paradigms, theories, and models, has responded not to questions of human experience in world politics, but rather, has been primarily an exercise in self-definitional or privately satisfying research interests. I demonstrate this through analysis of two of the most cited and discussed IR approaches of the past half-century, K. Waltz's structural realism and A. Wendt's constructivism. The article argues that a reconstruction of IR premised on J. Dewey's pragmatism would enable IR to succeed in responding to questions of practical import. Such questions inherently cannot be determined by privately satisfying research interests of academia, but rather, are defined as problems of lived human experience in world politics as determined by the public itself. [R]
65.2927 ISLAM, Muhammed N. —
This paper examines how economic growth affects government spending in non-democracies. A robust finding is that positive growth induces a significant increase in defense spending but a decrease in non-defense spending in dictatorships, with little effect in democracies. Government spending is slightly sensitive to negative growth across regimes. Higher growth rate in a country than its neighbors induces more spending than their average. Corruption causes a reduction in defense spending but an increase in non-defense spending. Primary education stimulates non-defense spending but reduces defense expenditure, secondary education causing the opposite effect. An under-developed country spends less than a developed country. [R]
65.2928 IVANOVIĆ, Josip —
The paper reviews contemporary liberal-egalitarian theories in order to show the diversity among different understandings of justice. Then, it draws a borderline between luck egalitarianism (Arneson, G. A. Cohen, Roemer) and pro-democratic, relational egalitarianism (Rawls, J. Cohen, Anderson, Barry) that focuses on the society's structure, i.e., the production of its inner relations. The following part introduces the idea of reflective equilibrium and its theoretical benefits in terms of “de-metaphysized” ethics. It elaborates R. Dworkin's liberal principle of justice as the basis of his liberal moral doctrine. Finally, the paper shows that a “de-metaphysized” ethics could not be equated with the conception of justice as mutual advantage, and neither is it lost in an Archimedean skepticism. [R, abr.]
65.2929 IVERSEN, Torben; SOSKICE, David —
The knowledge economy, deindustrialization, and the decline of Fordism have undermined the economic complementarities that once existed between skilled and semi-skilled workers. The result has everywhere been a decline in coordinated wage bargaining and unionization and a notable rise in labor market inequality. While labor markets for part-time and temporary employment have been deregulated across the board, some countries have compensated losers through increased cash transfers and active labor market programs and others have allowed inequality and insider-outsider divisions to grow deeper. This article argues that the divergent government responses reflect differences in underlying electoral coalitions, and that these in turn mirror the structure of party and electoral systems. The authors support their argument with evidence for government responses to economic shocks in the period 1980 to 2010. [R]
65.2930 IVLEVS, Artjoms; HINKS, Timothy —
We study the effects of the 2008–2009 global economic crisis on the household experience of bribing public officials. The data come from the Life in Transition-2 survey, conducted in 2010 in 30 post-socialist economies of Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia. We find that households hit by crisis are more likely to bribe and, among people who bribe, crisis victims bribe a wider range of public officials than nonvictims. The crisis victims are also more likely to pay bribes because public officials ask them to do so and less likely because of gratitude. The link between crisis and bribery is stronger in the poorest countries of the region. Our findings support the conjecture that public officials misuse sensitive information about crisis victims to inform bribe extortion decisions. [R]
65.2931 JAEGGI, Rahel —
I propose a way in which we can viably criticize forms of life by means of a social, immanent critique that overcomes the constraining distinctions between ethics and morality, the good life and moral principles, or the right and the good. This approach first requires an exposition of what forms of life are, how they work, and how their ontology renders them amenable to immanent critique. For this critique to have more than merely arbitrary normative force, I show that its reasons and standards can be found in the very structure of forms of life, once they are understood as historically situated problem-solving processes. Thus, forms of life interact with their critique through a dynamic that ultimately yields immanent and emancipatory critique. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The politics of forms of life”, edited and introduced by Estelle FERRARESE and Sandra LAUGIER. See also Abstr. 65.2803, 2847, 2961, 3007, 3113]
65.2932 JETTER, Michael; PARMETER, Christopher F. —
This paper revisits the question of why more open countries tend to have bigger governments. We replicate successfully the main results of Ram (2009), who rejects the role of country size as an omitted variable. However, several extensions advise against a hasty conclusion: The results differ substantially depending on the data source used, the timeframe considered, the countries selected, and the way variables are measured. Specifically, we employ newer versions of the Penn World Table (PWT 7.1 and 8.0), allowing us to both extend the number of observations and the timeframe. We find evidence for the claim that smaller countries do indeed have bigger governments. [R, abr.]
65.2933 JILKE, Sebastian —
In recent decades, we have witnessed a massive restructuring of public service delivery mechanisms, including service liberalization reforms, the pursuit of the choice agenda, and the creation of quasi-markets. A central aim of these reforms was that citizens should receive better value for money through greater competition among service providers. However, it is debated whether all layers of society are equally able to benefit from these developments. We assess the equality in citizens' choice behavior with regard to liberalized services of general interest across 25 countries of the EU. [R, abr.]
65.2934 JOSHI, Madhav; QUINN, J. Michael —
The dominant theoretical approaches to civil war negotiations in the field of political science have sought to explain both the scarcity and high failure rates of negotiated agreements in civil conflicts. This historical pattern, however, has fundamentally changed in the last two decades, as changes in international norms and laws, as well as the increased prevalence and competence of peace-building professionals, now require conflict actors to have a greater commitment toward negotiations and the enforcement of agreements. While actors in interstate wars seek to avoid accountability, civil war actors seem to embrace the opportunities that these new dynamics create to achieve broad-based reforms across numerous areas of policy and government. The result is that stakeholders evaluate agreements based on their potential to accomplish an array of sociopolitical objectives. [R, abr.]
65.2935 JOSSA, Bruno —
The author's point is that the greatest advantage of a democratic firm system is a major impulse to political democracy. The idea that economic democracy furthers political democracy will sound fairly obvious not only to students of historical materialism, but also to anyone believing that economic activity plays a major part in shaping the social context in which we live. This idea is variously linked to A. Gramsci's concept of “passive revolution”, on which the author has been dwelling in detail. [R]
65.2936 JUSKO, Karen L. —
This paper offers a new electoral geography perspective on two stylized facts that do not fit easily with our current understanding of the implications of electoral rules for electoral politics and social policy: (1) proportional representation (PR) electoral rules are not always associated with more generous social spending. In some cases, we observe comparatively high levels of social spending in majoritarian single-member district (SMD) systems. (2) Contrary to our theoretical expectations, national two-party competition occurs rarely, even under SMD rules. Here, I demonstrate the importance of electoral geography through a series of analytic examples that are based on a simple model of electoral politics, and in which all possible combinations of electoral boundaries, rules, and voter locations are manipulated. [R]
65.2937 KAGAN, Robert —
Can democracy prosper when democratic countries are in geopolitical retreat? History cautions against the notion that democracy will inevitably prevail. [R]
65.2938 KARYOTIS, Georgios; RÜDI, Wolfgang —
Can governments that introduce extreme austerity measures survive elections? Contrary to economic voting expectations, the PASOK government in Greece initially appeared to cope quite well, claiming victory in regional elections in 2010, despite widespread anti-austerity protests. We interpret this result with the help of a post-election survey, which also covered future voting intentions. The explanatory power of models based on theories of economic voting and blame-attribution as well as the electoral impact of the government's representation of the crisis as an existential threat are assessed. Our analysis challenges the interpretation of the 2010 election as an indication of support for PASOK's austerity policies and reveals weaknesses in its support base, which help contextualize its downfall in the 2012 parliamentary elections. [R, abr.]
65.2939 KAYAPINAR, Akif —
The social and political thought that 17th c. philosophers — led by Thomas Hobbes — developed on a secular basis, through a mechanistic approach, with mechanical terms and analytical-geometrical methodology, set the paradigmatic limits and ultimate framework of modern political thought. Yet the notion of mechanism, the root-metaphor of the modern political imaginary, [no longer] makes much sense vis-à-vis the dominant contemporary worldview. The deep crisis in contemporary political philosophy and widely-felt need for a radical change in the fundamentals of modern political conception can be attributed, at least partly, to this incongruence between the mechanical root-metaphor and the current perception of reality. Aiming to crystallize the metaphorical link between the Newtonian cosmological perceptions and modern political approach, this article closely examines with a focus on Hobbes's formative political model. [R, abr.]
65.2940 KEELE, Luke J.; TITIUNIK, Rocío —
Political scientists often turn to natural experiments to draw causal inferences with observational data. Recently, the regression discontinuity design (RD) has become a popular type of natural experiment due to its relatively weak assumptions. We study a special type of regression discontinuity design where the discontinuity in treatment assignment is geographic. In this design, which we call the Geographic Regression Discontinuity (GRD) design, a geographic or administrative boundary splits units into treated and control areas, and analysts make the case that the division occurs in an as-if random fashion. We show how this design is equivalent to a standard RD with two running variables, but we also clarify several methodological differences that arise in geographical contexts. [R, abr.]
65.2941 KENNEY, Michael —
Confusion over cyber-terrorism stems, in part, from recent attempts to stretch the concept to include “hacktivism” and terrorists' use of the internet to facilitate conventional terrorism. Although the US and other countries have experienced thousands of cyberattacks in recent years, none has risen to the level of cyber-terrorism. This article seeks to dial down the rhetoric on cyber-terrorism by explaining how it differs from cyber-attacks, cyber-warfare, hacktivism, and terrorists' use of the Internet. The most immediate online threat from non-state terrorists lies in their ability to exploit the internet to raise funds, research targets, and recruit supporters rather than engage in cyber-terrorism. Cyber-terrorism may well occur in the future, but for now online crime, “hacktivism”, and cyber-warfare are more pressing virtual dangers. [R, abr.]
65.2942 KER-LINDSAY, James —
This article examines the extent to which states are able to interact at an official level with a contested or de facto state — a state that has unilaterally declared independence but is not a member of the UN — without being understood to have recognized it. In many cases, interaction may be important for ongoing peace efforts. However, there are also instances when a state is prevented from recognizing the territory in question for specific domestic or foreign policy reasons and so has to find alternative means by which to cooperate. Drawing on several key examples, notably Kosovo and the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”, but also with reference to Abkhazia, the article explores the limits of interaction across various different forms of bilateral and multilateral diplomatic activity. [R, abr.]
65.2943 KETTL, Donald F. —
Lively and sometimes raucous debate about the job of government has increasingly engulfed American politics. Much of that debate has swirled around government's size, with conservatives arguing the case for shrinking government and liberals fighting to grow it. In reality, however, neither of these debates engages the critical underlying trend: the increasing interweaving of governmental functions deeply into every fiber of the nongovernmental sectors. Many reforms have sought to rein in government's power, but none has engaged the fundamental interweaving of policy implementation, and, not surprisingly, most have failed. Indeed, many have eroded the public's trust in the governmental institutions on which they depend. This process raises fundamental challenges for defining government's core role, for building the capacity to govern effectively, and for enhancing the accountability of governmental programs. [R, abr.]
65.2944 KHACHATURIAN, Rafael —
G. O'Donnell and Ph. Schmitter's Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies [Baltimore, 1986] is one of the most influential texts on the study of democratic transitions in contemporary political science. Nevertheless, while [they] emphasized the provisional, contingent, and uncertain character of their reflections on regime-change, later scholars constructed a discourse of “transitology”, which theorized about regime-change more broadly and which, thereby, overlooked a key component of the two authors' original work — its tentative character as an intervention in a complex and rapidly changing situation. This article highlights the tensions between O'Donnell and Schmitter's normative and political intervention into a historically uncertain period, and the subsequent research on transitions. Through a review of the volume, the article illuminates the relation of normative political practice to social scientific inquiry in the field of democratization. [R]
65.2945 KIENLE, Eberhard —
The study of “cultural zones” or aires culturelles, the French semiequivalent of “area studies”, is said to favor interdisciplinary work and to strengthen social science research on parts of the world other than those from which these sciences historically emerged. In practice and in principle, though, advances in interdisciplinary research and in our understanding of the world at large are in many ways unrelated to a focus on cultural zones impossible to define. The notion of aires culturelles (and its institutionalization in the academy) only advances such research and knowledge if it grounds interdisciplinarity on methodological and theoretical debates that animate the disciplines and if it abandons culture as a necessarily independent variable that by implication complicates and even prevents comparison. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2978]
65.2946 KIM Sung Eun; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
Emerging regional powers, such as Brazil and India, are reshaping world politics. We conduct a game-theoretic analysis to examine how growing regional powers compete for influence against a global power, such as the US, in different circumstances. If the global power regards dominant positions in different regions as strategic substitutes (complements), a stronger regional power in region A increases (decreases) the global power's efforts to dominate in region B. For example, if Iran grows stronger, the US should increase its efforts to secure energy resources in Central Asia as substitutes for Middle Eastern oil. Conversely, suppose the US fails to create support for stringent intellectual property rights protection in Latin America because Brazil opposes new rules. [R, abr.]
65.2947 KISANGANI, Emizet F.; PICKERING, Jeffrey —
This article argues that military intervention by traditional members of the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) has a significant impact on the development aid given to target states. This seemingly innocuous thesis contributes to two literatures. First is the literature on foreign aid, which examines a long list of donor and recipient state variables to explain assistance patterns. It has yet to analyze the signal that DAC military intervention sends about the importance of specific recipient states, however. Second is the literature on foreign policy substitutability, which maintains that increasing the resources allotted to one change-inducing foreign policy tool often reduces the resources available for other tools. [We explore] interrupted time-series panel-corrected standard error estimates of 120 recipient countries from 1960 to 2004. [R, abr.]
65.2948 KNOTZ, Carlo; LINDVALL, Johannes —
This paper examines unemployment benefit reforms in twenty-five advanced democracies between the middle of the 1980s and the onset of the Great Recession in 2008. It argues that the type of government — coalition or single-party — has an effect on whether cutbacks in social benefits are combined with compensating measures that mitigate the negative effects of the cuts. We show empirically that when cuts in unemployment benefit duration were made by coalition governments, spending on training programs tended to increase, but when cuts in duration were made by single-party governments, training spending tended to decrease. This pattern suggests that coalition governments, but not single-party governments, use compensation mechanisms to build political support for labor market reforms. [R]
65.2949 KNUDSEN, Jette S. —
Why are national governments increasingly adopting policies on corporate social responsibility (CSR)? Government CSR policies have been explained either as a means of substituting or supporting (mirroring) domestic political-economic institutions and policies, or as a means for government to promote international competitiveness of domestic businesses. Both sets of explanations see governments as driving CSR policies to meet particular national government goals. Support is found for the thesis that CSR policies are often related to international competitiveness, yet our findings suggest that government goals in this regard are not necessarily pre-defined. [R]
65.2950 KOLBE, Melanie; HENNE, Peter S. —
While current and historical cases highlight the significance of state-sponsored religious repression, existing quantitative studies on forced migration have not sufficiently addressed the role of religion as a determinant of flight. We argue that religious repression undermines the quality of life, quality of religious observance, and physical integrity of religious communities, and therefore increases incentives to leave. We test this through a quantitative analysis of forced migration data from 1990 to 2008 and several measures of religious repression, using a negative binomial regression. We find that state-driven religious repression, in particular religious bans, tends to increase forced migration. These findings contribute to the body of forced migration literature and the study of religion and politics by demonstrating the significant effects religious repression has on this aspect of world politics. [R]
65.2951 KONO, Daniel Yuichi; MONTINOLA, Gabriella R. —
Although there are theoretical reasons to expect foreign aid to promote trade liberalization, empirical research has found no relationship. We argue that foreign aid can incentivize liberalization under certain conditions. In the absence of aid, the incentive to liberalize trade depends on government time horizons: Far-sighted governments have incentives to do so, whereas short-sighted governments do not. It follows that foreign aid should not encourage far-sighted governments to liberalize, as they do so in any case. Foreign aid can, however, induce short-sighted governments to liberalize by ameliorating short-term adjustment costs. We thus hypothesize that aid is more likely to promote trade liberalization when given to governments with short time horizons. We support this hypothesis with an analysis of aid, time horizons, and two measures of trade policy. [R, abr.]
65.2952 KOPPER, Akos —
The paper draws an analogy between the ancient Greek practice of proxeny and the representative role citizens with multiple affiliations may perform in modern-day democratic politics. In recent decades, we can witness a trend of decoupling the demos from residency and citizenship. This trend has two components. First, there is an increasingly lenient stance towards dual citizenship, which frequently goes together with offering political rights for non-resident citizens. Second, non-citizen residents are also increasingly granted political rights in local politics. This paper weighs the implications of this change for representative democracies, primarily by pointing out the potential role such citizens with multiple affiliations may play as diplomatic agents and mitigate the problem of external voice deficiencies. [R]
65.2953 KOROLEV, Alexander —
One of the central claims of democratic theory is that the institutional features of democracy systematically cause government to respond to the people's needs. In fact, however, democracy might logically be expected to be especially responsive only to the people's desires, not their needs. Responses to people's objective needs can be substantially different from responses to their subjective desires. Democratic institutions therefore cannot guarantee (and may even hamper) responsiveness to basic human needs. Democracy, should, at least in principle, thus be confined to the sphere of wants rather than needs. [R]
65.2954 KROGSLUND, Chris; CHOI Donghyun Danny; POERTNER, Mathias —
Scholars have increasingly turned to fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to conduct small- and medium-N studies, arguing that it combines the most desired elements of variable-oriented and case-oriented research. This article demonstrates, however, that fsQCA is an extraordinarily sensitive method, whose results are worryingly susceptible to minor parametric and model-specification changes. We make two specific claims. First, the causal conditions identified by fsQCA as being sufficient for an outcome to occur are highly contingent upon the values of several key parameters selected by the user. Second, fsQCA results are subject to marked confirmation bias. To support these arguments, we replicate three articles utilizing fsQCA and conduct sensitivity analyses and Monte Carlo simulations to assess the impact of small changes in parameter values and the method's built-in confirmation bias on the overall conclusions about sufficient conditions. [R, abr.]
65.2955 KUYPER, Jonathan —
The normative ideals and feasibility of deliberative democracy have come under attack from several directions. Critics have pointed out that the complexity of the modern world, voter ignorance, partisanship, apathy, and the esoteric nature of political communications make it unlikely that deliberation will be successful at creating good outcomes, and that it may in fact be counterproductive since it can polarize opinions. However, these criticisms were aimed at “micro” theories of deliberative democracy. The new “systemic” turn in deliberative democracy avoids these problems by positing a system-wide division of labor in a nation-state: experts and ordinary citizens “check” each other's opinions; partisanship and even ignorance can spur deliberation among citizens; and citizens may remain apathetic about some issues but deliberate about others. [R, abr.]
65.2956 KUYPER, Jonathan W. —
Experimentation is often thought to be a key quality of any legitimate democratic system. Employing global parliamentary proposals as a heuristic, this article suggests that top-down models for global democratization — proffered by liberal cosmopolitans and world government scholars — may create path-dependencies which foreclose options for experimenting with alternative institutional designs in the future. Drawing upon historical institutionalism, the structure, sequence, and setting of top-down proposals are outlined to show how experimentation with other forms of democracy may be constrained in problematic ways. Following this assessment, the article suggests that striving for democratic values under a pluralist arrangement of global governance may facilitate incremental institutional development and promote experimentation over time. [R]
65.2957 LAFONT, Cristina —
The use of mini-publics for shaping public policy is a proposal that many deliberative democrats enthusiastically support despite the fact that it marks the limits of an ecumenical attitude towards the different approaches to deliberative democracy. Any proposal conferring a decisive role to mini-publics in shaping public policy faces a normative dilemma. Depending on how such a proposal is interpreted, its implementation would be either illegitimate or superfluous. Deliberative democrats therefore cannot endorse non-participatory conceptions of democracy. From a practical point of view, deliberative democrats cannot endorse all uses of mini-publics. Deliberative democrats therefore ought to reject that proposal because the generalized use of mini-publics for political decision-making would diminish rather than increase the legitimacy of the deliberative system as a whole.
65.2958 LAGON, Mark P.; GREBOWSKI, Sarah —
A more nimble — and indeed, more realistic — foreign-policy strategy requires diplomacy with civil society. At best, it will contribute constructively to political change brought about by domestic actors, serving more liberal rule and US interests. [R]
65.2959 LAMPERT, Joseph —
The standard view that democratic governance of immigration amounts to the self-rule of citizens to the exclusion of migrants stands in tension with the democratic logic of political inclusion suggested by the all-affected interests principle. However, while all who are affected by immigration and border control must be included in their governance, such inclusion claims must be differentiated according to the kinds of interests at stake if this principle is to preserve the democratic ideal of self-rule. In contrast to those who argue that the principle either requires a global demos or threatens to undermine stable democratic states, this article argues that the principle requires recognizing the interest people have in a viable democratic political order, and that territorial states are the contingent vehicle for this interest in contemporary circumstances. [R, abr.]
65.2961 LAUGIER, Sandra —
This paper strengthens the connection between the ethics of care and ordinary language philosophy [OLP], as represented by Wittgenstein, Austin, Cavell, and thus finds some resources in OLP and the idea of the Ordinary for a reformulation of what is at stake in the present discussions on vulnerability. It shows the relevance of OLP for ethical and political issues. This exploration of the (theoretical and practical) question of the ordinary is anchored in the “rough ground” of the uses and practices of language; it leads to further investigating the concept of forms of life. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2931]
65.2962 LeBARON, Genevieve —
Departing from liberal accounts that understand “modern-day slavery” and unfree labor in isolation from markets and shifting global networks of production and reproduction, this article highlights the need to investigate how far and in what ways the deepening and extension of neoliberal capitalism has given rise to the contemporary spectrum of unfree labor relations. Building on feminist political economy frameworks, the article argues that the neoliberal resurgence of unfree labor has been rooted in fundamental shifts in power, production and social reproduction whereby capital's security has increasingly come to rely upon the deepening of labor market insecurity for certain sections of the population. [R, abr.]
65.2963 LEBOW, David —
R. Caro's biographies of Robert Moses and Lyndon Johnson prove fruitful for political theory, particularly when approached in tandem, along the lines of Plutarch's comparative profiles. Building on the supposition that general insights into political power and its ethics lie in biographical particulars, Caro demonstrates that the most exhaustively detailed research of the most extreme subjects can yield otherwise inaccessible findings. Similarities between Moses and Johnson expose common mechanics of accumulating power, converting personal relationships into institutional authority, and show that norms are given effect as tools used by politicians. Contrasts offer the career as a unit of moral evaluation and suggest that although power may corrupt, it also “reveals”. A praiseworthy career should aim at ends distinct from both ideals and means. [R, abr.]
65.2964 LEE Hsin-wen —
A. Buchanan [“Toward a theory of secession”, Ethics, 101(2), 1991: 322–342; Abstr. 41.3417; “Theories of secession”, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 26(1), 1997: 31–61; Abstr. 48.35] proposes a methodological framework with which theorists may evaluate different theories of secession, including the National Self-Determination theory. An important claim he makes is, because the right to secede is inherently institutional, any adequate theory of secession must include, as an integral part, an analysis of institutional morality. Because the National Self-Determination theory blatantly lacks such an analysis, Buchanan concludes that this theory is inherently flawed. I consider Buchanan's framework and the responses from supporters of national self-determination theory. I clarify the confusion shared by both parties. I conclude that, although Buchanan's theory of institutional morality is sound, his critiques of the national self-determination theory fails. [R]
65.2965 LEEBAW, Bronwyn —
I critically examine the way that distinctions between legitimate and illegitimate wartime environmental destruction have been drawn in debates on just war theory and the laws of war. I identify four distinctive formulations for framing the wartime significance of nature that appear in such debates and analyze how each is associated with distinctive claims regarding what constitutes “humaneness” in times of war: nature as property; nature as combatant; nature as Pandora's Box; and nature as victim. I argue that efforts to investigate and judge the environmental impact of war destabilize and expose the limitations of core distinctions that animate humanitarian norms, but also offer an important and neglected source of guidance in addressing those limitations. [R, abr.]
65.2966 LEFLER, Vanessa A. —
This paper investigates strategic forum-selection approaches and compliance with interstate dispute-resolution settlements. Research shows that (1) management design features, like decision control and international organizations, affect compliance, (2) states strategically select among bilateral and third-party fora, and (3) anticipated settlement outcomes and enforcement inform pre-negotiation stages. A skeptical perspective suggests that states only select management approaches when they are confident in their ability to fully cooperate. Using Issue Correlates of War data, I test an endogenous model of forum-selection and compliance. Statistical analysis finds that states strategically select management approaches in two cases: state-led mediation and ad hoc arbitration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2862]
65.2967 LEKTZIAN, David; PATTERSON, Dennis —
We develop and test a theory, based on the Stolper-Samuelson Theorem, of the effectiveness of sanctions. We treat sanctions as exogenously imposed changes in a country's exposure to international markets. In a country with an open-trade regime, owners and intensive users of the abundant factor of production hold economic and political power. In a country closed to trade, however, economic and political power rests with owners and intensive users of scarce factors. Thus, if real rates of return to the abundant factor decline during sanctions against a trade-open country, or real rates of return to the scarce factor decline during sanctions against a trade-closed country, we expect these economically and politically powerful segments of the targeted country to push hard for policy changes that would bring about an end to sanctions. [R, abr.]
65.2968 LEVITSKY, Steven; WAY, Lucan —
In contrast to the conventional wisdom that democracy is in retreat worldwide, the evidence tells a different story: The state of global democracy has been stable over the last decade and is actually better than it was in the 1990s. [R]
65.2969 LIDSKOG, Rolf; SUNDQVIST, Göran —
Under what conditions does science influence environmental policy? IR scholars argue that to gain political influence, science should not connect to policy before scientific consensus has been reached. We take this suggestion as a point of departure for investigating how science is and should be connected to policy in international environmental governance. Using insights from science and technology studies (STS), we discuss the contributions of IR, both to present its limitations and to further develop understanding of scientific consensus within IR and the need for separation and connection between science and policy. The organization and performance of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is used as an illustrative case. [R, abr.]
65.2970 LIGTHART, Jenny E.; OUDHEUSDEN, Peter van —
This paper [considers] whether fiscal decentralization is associated with trust of citizens in government-related institutions. We expect a positive relationship based on the argument of governments' improved responsiveness to preferences of citizens that is perceived to result from more decentralized fiscal systems. Survey data from up to 42 countries over the period 1994–2007 confirm this positive relationship. It is robust to controlling for unobserved country heterogeneity and a wide array of other explanatory variables that are associated with trust in government-related institutions. Moreover, we do not find that the positive association with fiscal decentralization extends to other, non-government-related institutions. [R]
65.2971 LINHART, Eric; TEPE, Markus —
We address the question if and [in] which circumstances voters are able to identify the utility maximizing choice in multi-party systems with coalition governments. With help of a laboratory experiment we test the influence of specific variables on the likelihood of rational voting decisions. In accordance with our theoretical expectations, we find that the subjects are more likely to identify and vote for the rational choice, if (1) the rational choice corresponds to the closest party, (2) the distance between the rational choice and the voter's ideal point is smaller, (3) simple heuristic are available to identify the rational choice, and (4) the scenarios do not include characteristics making them more complex (like, e.g., signals for unconnected coalitions). [R]
65.2972 LLOREN, Anouk —
This article examines whether and under which conditions female legislators are more likely to represent women's interests compared with male legislators. Building on the literature on women's substantive representation, I argue that the advocacy of women's interests by female representatives depends on a number of factors, namely party affiliation, contact with women's organizations, electoral district, and seniority. This argument is evaluated using vote-level fixed-effect models based on a unique data-set from a direct democratic context that combines representatives' voting behavior, women's voting preferences, and recommendations from feminist groups. The findings show that female legislators defend feminist interests more than their male colleagues but that they only marginally respond to women's electoral preferences. Moreover, gender has its most visible effect within the populist party. [R, abr.]
65.2973 LOEWEN, Peter John; HINTON, Kelly; SHEFFER, Lior —
Prevailing models of strategic voting demonstrate that individuals are less likely to vote strategically when their preferences for a third-place party increase or when the chances of their preferred party winning increase. Rather than both of these factors influencing all voters, we demonstrate that these two factors are used by different types of voters. Using a one-shot p-beauty contest, we separate subjects into those who display strategic inference and those who do not. We then show, using data from two different experiments, that those subjects who exhibit strategic inference rely on probabilistic information about their preferred party when deciding to cast a strategic vote, while those who do not display strategic inference rely on the strength of their preferences. [R]
65.2974 LOFTIS, Matt W. —
Political science has been perennially concerned with why political leaders delegate authority to bureaucrats, but this work's focus on advanced democracies has overlooked how corruption and political influence over bureaucrats can turn delegation into a means of obfuscating responsibility. Using a measure that differentiates political corruption from corruption at lower levels of government and a new data-set of policy-making on more than 600 European Commission directives in the 10 former communist EU member states, I show that political-level corruption is associated with increased delegation to bureaucrats. This relationship between political corruption and bureaucratic discretion is conditional upon the political independence of the bureaucracy, such that politicians engaged in corruption delegate more to reduce clarity of responsibility only when they possess informal means to influence bureaucrats. [R, abr.]
65.2975 LUNDMARK, Sebastian —
To disentangle the causal relationship between generalized trust and social experiences in a digitalized world, this article employs a three-wave, self-selected panel study following 533 players from the Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game (MMORPG), World of Warcraft (WoW), over 10 months. Focusing on whether generalized trust can be shaped by the social experiences one makes throughout a lifetime, this study finds a strong relationship between joining or exiting a voluntary association-like environment within the game and changes in generalized trust. Starting to play together in voluntary association-like environments is positively related to increases in generalized trust, while exiting is associated with a decrease in generalized trust. Hence, this study demonstrates effects on generalized trust when studying social encounters within an MMORPG. [R, abr.]
65.2976 LUŠA, Dana —
The paper analyzes the link between Kant's “Perpetual Peace” and the democratic peace paradigm with which contemporary IR are interpreted. In doing so, the monadic and dyadic versions of liberal theory of democratic peace are explained through the institutional-structural and cultural-normative models. The theory of democratic peace is critically analyzed, with emphasis on the causal relationship between the independent variable, the democratic regime, and the dependent variable, peace. Empirical studies of cases in which the crises among democratic states have not resulted in war are also questioned, which brings into doubt the causal logic of the theory itself. [R, abr.]
65.2977 MADDOX, Marion —
The literature on religion and international politics has expanded in reaction to the events iconically known as “9/11”, said to cast doubt on the “secularization thesis”, which dominated the social sciences' approach to religion until the 1980s. The four books under review assess the secularization premise, before amassing data to demonstrate the ways in which “religion” (however conceived) influences or is suppressed by governments, inflames or mediates conflicts, shapes voter attitudes and political cultures, and so on. With one exception, the authors devote little attention to defining “religion” or to delineating what differentiates it from other categories such as “politics”, “culture”, or “ethnicity”. [R, abr.]
65.2978 MAGNI BERTON, Raul —
This article surveys rational choice theory, through its most influential developments in comparative politics. After surveying the current literature on this topic, it shows how rational choice theory has taken over comparative politics, using concrete examples. Particularly, the paper focuses on the logic of the explanation provided by such an approach, and on its implementation for comparing institutions and societies. Moreover, it offers some research prospects, underlying how the rational choice approach does not depend on what gave it its name: the assumption of rationality. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Comparative politics — twenty years later”, edited and introduced, pp. 7–18, by André-Paul FROGNIER, Daniel-Louis SEILER and Virginie VAN INGELGOM. See also Abstr. 65.2827, 2829, 2870, 2945, 3028, 3045]
65.2979 MAHLER, Vincent A.; LOONTJER, Kimberly; PARANG, Sara —
This paper focuses on income inequality and government redistribution in 120 countries between 1980 and 2010. It describes variation in inequality across countries and over time, distinguishing between income before and after government redistribution by way of taxes and social transfers. It then explores the sources of cross-national and over-time variation in inequality and redistribution with reference to a number of variables widely employed in the literature, including development level, economic globalization, ethnic fractionalization, political democracy and the partisan orientation of governing executives. We find that, other things being equal, per capita income is positively related to greater government redistribution and a more egalitarian distribution of postgovernment income, while ethnic fractionalization is related to less redistribution and greater inequality of disposable income. [R, abr.]
65.2980 MARSHALL, John; FISHER, Stephen D. —
This article extends theoretical arguments regarding the impact of economic globalization on policy-making to electoral turnout and considers how distinct dimensions of globalization may produce different effects. It theorizes that constraints on government policy that reduce incentives to vote are more likely to be induced by foreign ownership of capital, while compensation through increased government spending is more likely (if at all) to be the product of structural shifts in production associated with international trade. Using data from twenty-three OECD countries from 1970–2007, the study finds strong support for the ownership-constraint hypothesis in which foreign ownership reduces turnout, both directly and — in strict opposition to the compensation hypothesis — indirectly by reducing government spending (and thus the importance of politics). [R, abr.]
65.2981 MARTIN, Craig —
This article examines the legality of drone strikes. It limits the analysis to conduct within a traditionally defined armed conflict, in order to focus more clearly on the question of whether features inherent to the drone as a weapons system might make it conducive to violations of international law. The article reviews the applicable legal principles from international humanitarian law and international human rights law, and examines the record of civilian deaths caused by drone strikes in Afghanistan. While transparency and accountability are a problem, the study suggests that the drone strike operations may be characterized by more direct systemic violations of international law. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2830]
65.2982 MARTIN, James —
Ideas are often treated as inert resources rather than dynamic instances of action in themselves. The latter requires reflection on the character of speech — as the medium of ideas — in responding to and refiguring a prevailing situation. I set out a rhetorical approach to political strategy. Building upon “interpretive” advances in political science, I shift the focus from stable cognitive frames to the dynamics of argumentation where ideas work expressively. I then explore the rhetorical aspect of strategizing with attention to the way speech serves to orient audiences by creatively re-appropriating a situation. That approach is shown to be consistent with a “dialectical” political sociology that emphasizes the interaction of structure and agency. Finally, I sketch a method for undertaking rhetorical analysis and indicate how it might be applied to a concrete example. [R, abr.]
65.2983 MATAKOS, Konstantinos; XEFTERIS, Dimitrios —
We study electoral rule-choice in a multi-party model with office-motivated parties and electoral outcome uncertainty. We show that when all dominant parties (parties with positive probability of winning the election) have sufficiently good chances of winning, they agree to switch from the PR rule to a more majoritarian one in order to increase their chances of forming a single-party government. We identify the exact degree of disproportionality of the new rule and prove that it is increasing in the expected vote-share of the smaller parties (parties with zero probability of winning otherwise). The necessary and sufficient conditions for such collusion in favor of a majoritarian rule are: (1) the high rents from a single-party government and (2) sufficient uncertainty over the electoral outcome. [R, abr.]
65.2984 McLEAN, Elena V. —
Over the past three decades, multilateral financial aid has become an important institutional arrangement enabling environmental cooperation between developed and developing countries. I show that financial assistance can be successful in increasing recipients' contributions to environmental programs, thereby promoting environmental protection. This positive impact of aid should be attributed to the effects of donor-recipient interactions that can alter incentives of recipient governments and induce their cooperation rather than to capacity building through inflows of aid. I study environmental assistance by first developing a game-theoretic model of strategic interaction between the donor and aid recipients. To avoid a common methodological problem of misspecification and to unify theory with empirical testing, I then derive a strategic statistical model and conduct empirical tests using a new dataset on projects financed by the Global Environment Facility. [R, abr.]
65.2985 MEIRELLES RIBEIRO, Maria Clotilde; BAIARDI, Amilcar —
The article discusses international cooperation in science and technology (S&T), analyzing its crucial contemporary issues, as well as Brazil-specific issues. It presents contributions from relevant scholars and focuses on the concepts of science, technology and international cooperation, its main terminologies and specialist visions. It brings international cooperation typologies and introduces a reflection on technique and the human nature, emphasizing features that distinguish “technique” of “technology” and exploring the vectors of the scientific-technological cooperation and technical cooperation. The paper provides a short historical overview of international cooperation, notably in the moments marked by the Cold War as a dividing line, and discusses the key issues of international cooperation in S&T in the contemporary world, as well as the reality of Brazil towards this tool of governmental foreign policy. [R]
65.2986 MELIN, Molly M. —
Efforts to resolve interstate disputes are often characterized by repeated engagement and evolving strategies. What explains a state's decision to continue conflict-resolution efforts but escalate their management strategy? Drawing from foreign policy literature, I argue that third parties escalate policies in response to past failures, shifting conflict dynamics and their relationship with the disputants. Analysis of management efforts from 1946 to 2001 reveals that the changing nature of the conflict, policy failures and relationships between the third party and disputants are integral to understanding the management decision process, but the effects of these factors depend on the management history. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2862]
65.2987 MEYER, Thomas M.; MILLER, Bernhard —
The concept of the niche party has become increasingly popular in analyses of party competition. We propose using a minimal definition that allows us to compare political parties in terms of their “nicheness”. We argue that the conceptual core of the niche party concept is based on issue emphasis and that a niche party emphasizes policy areas neglected by its rivals. Based on this definition, we propose a continuous measure that allows for more fine-grained measurement of a party's “nicheness” than the dominant, dichotomous approaches and thereby limits the risk of measurement error. Drawing on data collected by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we show that (1) our measure has high face validity and (2) exposes differences among parties that are not captured by alternative, static or dichotomous measures. [R, abr.]
65.2988 MILLER, Luis; VANBERG, Christoph —
We experimentally investigate the effects of group size on behavior and outcomes in a multilateral bargaining game. Using a Baron-Ferejohn protocol, our main interest is in the extent of costly delay (number of bargaining rounds needed to reach agreement). We investigate the effects of group size on delay under both majority and unanimity rule. Under both decision rules, we find that proposals more often fail in larger groups, leading to increased delay. Consistent with prior research, we also find that unanimity rule leads to more delay than does majority rule, in both small and large groups. Contrary to one of our initial hypotheses, we find that the latter effect is not more pronounced in larger groups. [R, abr.]
65.2989 MILLER, Michael K. —
Do the outcomes of autocratic elections also affect policy choice? Even when the threat of turnover is low, I argue that autocratic elections influence policy by allowing citizens to signal dissatisfaction with the regime. Supplementing existing work, this study explains how this opposition is communicated credibly and then shows that ruling parties use this information to calibrate policy concessions. In the first cross-country analysis of autocratic election outcomes and policy choice, I find that negative electoral shocks to ruling parties predict increases in education and social welfare spending and decreases in military spending following elections. In contrast, there is no policy effect leading up to elections, in response to violent contestation, or in resource-rich regimes, illustrating a potential mechanism for the resource curse. [R, abr.]
65.2990 MILLER, Nicholas R. —
It has been shown by P. Kurrild-Klitgaard, using several empirical examples under the Danish electoral system, that proportional representation (PR) can produce “election inversions” such that a coalition of parties collectively supported by a majority of voters fails to win a majority of parliamentary seats. However, Kurrild-Klitgaard's examples result from imperfections in the Danish PR system introduced to serve goals other than proportionality. I show that election inversions can occur even under the purest type of PR — namely, one with (1) a single national constituency, (2) no explicit seat threshold, and (3) a highly proportional electoral formula. Inversions result from the unavoidable “whole number problem”. Recent election data from Israel and the Netherlands [are] examined and examples of inversions under their relatively pure PR systems are found. [R, abr.]
65.2991 MILLS, Charles W. —
The past few decades have seen a wave of decolonization in the Western academy. Across a wide array of disciplines — anthropology, cultural studies, education, geography, history, international relations, law, above all, perhaps, literature — we have witnessed the beginnings of a self-conscious rethinking and reorientation of the subject in the light of its past complicity, direct or indirect, with the colonial project. But the rate of progress has not been uniform. I suggest that in Western political philosophy in particular, the decolonizing enterprise has a long way to go, indeed in some respects has barely begun. I do a general critique of the tradition for its Eurocentrism, and then turn to a critique of the work of J. Rawls specifically, given his centrality to current Anglo-American political philosophy. [R]
65.2992 MILSTEIN, Brian —
As central as crisis experiences have been for the shaping of our political imaginary, the concept itself has proven difficult to incorporate into the political theory enterprise. I argue that we can think politically about crisis by taking up a “pragmatist” perspective that focuses on how we deploy crisis as a conceptual tool for guiding judgments and coordinating actions. I argue that crisis is a fundamentally reflexive concept that bridges our traditional distinctions between objective phenomena and normative experience, and whose very usage implies the active participation of those involved in it. Only by examining these crucial aspects of the crisis concept can we begin to grasp its normative political content, as well as how it may be deployed in the service of political action and social change. [R, abr.]
65.2993 MISTREE, Dinsha —
This article questions the widely-held understanding that corruption is the misuse of public office for private gain. By focusing on party-directed corruption, it becomes clear that actors who do not hold public office oftentimes facilitate corruption and that corruption is sometimes undertaken to advance prerogatives rather than personal interests. I suggest an alternative understanding of corruption, as societally-undesirable actions involving public officials and other actors that would reduce a state's legitimacy were they to become widely known. I also discuss new methodologies for measuring corruption. [R]
65.2994 MITCHELL, Sara McLaughlin; ZAWAHRI, Neda A. —
We examine the design features of treaties governing international rivers and empirically test their effectiveness in managing water disputes. We expect peaceful conflict management to be more successful and militarized conflict to be less likely in dyadic river claims when riparians share membership in treaties with mechanisms for river basin organizations, information exchange, monitoring, enforcement, and conflict resolution. To test our expectation we analyze a set of diplomatic disagreements over cross-border rivers coded by the Issue Correlates of War project. We combine this database with treaty content data from the Transboundary Freshwater Dispute Database. [R, abr.]
65.2995 MORISSE-SCHILBACH, Melanie —
This paper puts forward the argument that science can not only “save the world” but also “change the world”. While much has been written about the evident power of science to bring politicians to change their policies in order to “save the world”, e.g., the environment, less attention has been drawn on the hidden power of science to “change the world”, i.e., to frame and shape political orders and constituencies so that they get more democratic in the deliberative sense of the term, both at international and domestic scales. The paper sheds light on how science can induce democratizing effects in domestic constituencies. It can do that by the intermediary of three distinct enumerative mechanisms: “teaching”, “empowering”, and “taming”. [R, abr.]
65.2996 MORKEVIČIUS, Valerie —
Conventional wisdom holds that realists support the recourse to war more than just-war theorists. I argue that the opposite is true: just-war theory produces a more bellicose orientation than realism. Although the two traditions share a set of assumptions about the international system, as well as several underlying logics, the just-war tradition's concern with justice leads it to permit many more kinds of war than realism. Thus, if just-war theorists wish to restrain violence, they must approach the possibility of achieving justice through war with more skepticism. [R]
65.2997 MUCHLINSKI, David —
Conventional wisdom holds that religious violence is primarily a result of religious grievances. When religious groups are denied religious freedom, they seek to revise the status quo in their favor though the use of violence. This study challenges this narrative. It finds [that] religious violence is also fueled by moments of opportunity. Utilizing cross-national data for the years 2008 and 2001–2005, it is found that religious violence occurs most frequently in anocratic regimes marked by weak and decaying state institutions. Hence, the current narrative is incomplete. Studies analyzing religious violence need to consider how various regimes provide or stifle the opportunity for religious actors to engage in violence as well as how those regimes fuel religious violence through restricting religious freedom and increasing religious grievances. [R, abr.]
65.2998 MUGHAN, Anthony —
Attention in the study of leader effects in parliamentary elections has shifted to the conditions under which their impact is greater or lesser in magnitude. Criticizing existing scholarship in this area for its assumption that the traditional notion of party identification captures the full range of electorally relevant party attachments in democratic electorates, this article demonstrates that parliamentary party leaders have their strongest impact not when they are conceptualized as electoral forces in their own right, but when evaluations of them as individuals are moderated by voters' matching evaluations of the parties contesting the election. Comparing (aligned) Australia and (dealigned) Britain, it is shown that election-time party evaluations condition the magnitude of leader effects independently of the strength of party identification in the electorate. [R, abr.]
65.2999 MÜLLER, Jan-Werner —
There are a number of false starts in understanding populism and only a few ways to identify particularly populist claims. Observers who hold that populists are calling for more political participation, or even direct democracy, are profoundly mistaken. Populism should not be thought of as a useful corrective to problems with contemporary liberal democracy, let alone as redemptive. Populism is a distinctive approach to governing that allows populists openly to defend highly illiberal and inegalitarian practices with arguments that make perfect sense in the populist political imagination. The post-war European political order is particularly vulnerable to populism, yet there are ways to distinguish between genuine populists and what some have called democratic activists on the European scene today. [See Abstr. 65.3158]
65.3000 MURDIE, Amanda; PEKSEN, Dursun —
Using data on women's nonviolent protest from 1991 to 2009, this article offers a cross-national analysis of the socio-economic and political correlates of women's protest. Drawing insight from the major theoretical approaches on contentious politics, the results from the data-analysis indicate that higher levels of gendered economic and political discrimination, strong presence of women's organizations, and higher female population rates in the general population significantly increase the likelihood of women's protest events. The findings also indicate that collective mobilization among women is more likely in wealthier countries. Furthermore, mass mobilization among women appears to be more common in mixed political regimes rather than in consolidated democracies or autocratic polities. This manuscript complements the contentious politics literature by focusing on the factors that mobilize a specific segment of the society: women. [R, abr.]
65.3001 MURSTEDT, Linda —
This paper is based on the results of a larger research project that investigates the role of values in relation to learning. Data were collected among 14 students taking a political science course confronting them with tasks designed to challenge them to adopt a critical and structural perspective on the concepts of nation and gender. The results show that values are involved in the students' learning processes in several ways. From a conceptual change perspective, it is interesting to highlight at least two aspects in which values seem to be of vital importance for the students' interpretations of the tasks: values about identity with regard to the concept of nation and values about power with regard to the concept of gender. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.3148]
65.3002a MURTAZASHVILI, Ilia; MURTAZASHVILI, Jennifer —
Scholars and policy-makers prescribe legal titling to improve prospects for economic development and political order. However, a public choice literature exists that has long recognized that self-governance often works well and that the state may not be able to improve upon local economic institutions at reasonable cost. Although the implication that legal titling should proceed with caution is seemingly straightforward, the literature on legal titling does not take anarchy seriously as a policy option. In addition, there is a public choice literature that presumes the state is the most important source of property rights. This essay fills this gap in the property rights literature by applying the concept of “efficient anarchy” to legal titling in Afghanistan. [R, abr.]
65.3002b MUSELLA, Fortunato —
Recent heads of government are enthusiastically seeking alternative ways to capitalize on their prestige and contacts portfolio, often ending up in the world of business or international finance. This article provides an empirical analysis of the phenomenon, by examining a dataset of 441 leaders in 78 different democratic countries over a period dating from 1989 to 2012. Attention will be focused on the political background of the prime ministers and presidents, how long they stay in power, the average age of heads of government, what professional pursuits they are involved in after their term in office and what career model they follow. The article proposes a post-presidential model which indicates some of the current trends and illustrates how former leaders are gaining decision-making power and visibility. [R, abr.]
65.3003 MYLONAS, Harris; SHELEF, Nadav G. —
Why do stateless nationalist movements change the area they see as appropriately constituting the nation-state they aspire to establish? This article draws a number of hypotheses from the literature on nationalism and state formation and compares the predictions of each about the timing, direction, and process of change to the empirical record in two stateless national movements in the post-Ottoman space: Fatah and the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. Based on this investigation, the article argues that shifts in the areas stateless nationalist movements seek as their nation-states occur as a byproduct of the politically competitive domestic environment in which these movements are embedded. [R, abr.]
65.3004 NARANG, Neil —
Humanitarian aid has rapidly emerged as a core component of modern peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. However, some practitioners and policy-makers claim that humanitarian assistance may actually prolong conflict. The current debate about the effect of humanitarian aid on conflict underspecifies causal mechanisms and takes place largely through case studies. I use a bargaining framework to argue that aid can inadvertently increase each combatant's uncertainty about the other side's relative strength, thereby prolonging civil war. I test my argument using panel data on cross-national humanitarian aid expenditures. From 1989 to 2008, increased levels of humanitarian assistance lengthen civil wars, particularly those involving rebels on the outskirts of a state. [R, abr.]
65.3005 NAYAR, Jayan —
I present a different, decolonial, view of sovereignty as a philosophical invention. I begin by identifying three incommensurable conditions of subject-beingness: the precarious citizen-subject, the abject subject of “exceptional” bans, and the trans-territorial subject of “exemptional” license. Rather than aberrations, these are co-constitutively regulated and enforced by the invention of sovereignty that constructs the materialities of differentiated subject-beingness within a global biopolitical regime of (b)ordered bodies-within(/out)-territory based on the incommensurable rationalities of license, containments, and bans. This correction to the philosophy of sovereignty furthers the tasks of denor-malizing the coloniality of (b)ordering that has captured, emplaced, and banned imaginations of being(-otherwise). [R, abr.]
65.3006 O'DRISCOLL, Cian —
How we understand the history of just war subtends how that discourse is deployed today. Conventional accounts of the just war trace its origins to the writings of Saint Augustine in the 4th c. This discounts the possibility that just-war ideas were in circulation prior to this, in the classical world. This article contests this omission. It contends that ideas homologous to a range of core jus ad bellum, jus in bello, and jus post bellum principles were evident in classical Greek political thought and practice. This finding challenges scholars to re-consider not only the common view that the just war is, at root, a Christian tradition, but also the relation between victory and just war, the nature of the ties binding just war and Islamic jihad, and an innovative approach to the comparative ethics of war. [R, abr.]
65.3007 OGIEN, Albert —
An original form of political action in democratic regimes takes place outside of the established channels of the representative system while claiming an extension of democracy. This article shows how democracy can be conceived as a “form of life” — by reference to Wittgenstein's definition. It then shows the proximity of this notion with that of “situation” devised by Goffman. Finally, relying on Dewey's theses about inquiry, the article describes the practical content of democracy as form of life — promoting the autonomy of citizens and warranting pluralism of ways of living and thinking. The analysis reminds that in every state society, democracy achievement is a ceaseless process relying on the constant interweaving of two modes of conceptualization of democracy: as a system of representation and as form of life. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2931]
65.3008 OREN, Ido; SOLOMON, Ty —
We reinvigorate and clarify the Copenhagen School's insight that “security” is not “a sign that refers to something more real; the utterance [‘security’] itself is the act”. We conceptualize the utterances of securitizing actors as consisting in repetitive spouting of ambiguous phrases (WMD, rogue states, ethnic cleansing). We further propose that audience acceptance consists not in persuasion so much as in joining the securitizing actors in a ritualized chanting of the securitizing phrase. The audience participates in the performance in the manner in which a crowd at a rock concert sings along with the artists. We illustrate our argument with a discussion of how the ritualized chanting of the phrase “weapons of mass destruction” during the run-up to the Iraq War ultimately produced the grave Iraqi threat that it purportedly described. [R, abr.]
65.3009 ORNSTON, Darius; SCHULZE-CLEVEN, Tobias —
Despite recognizing that institutionalized cooperation is central to both business and politics in many advanced, industrialized economies, scholars remain divided over the origins, character, and future of “nonliberal” capitalism. This article clarifies these debates by arguing that different processes of cooperation are governed by distinct logics of collective action and associated with different dynamics of collaboration. For example, coordination, or cooperation in production, is harder to create but more likely to facilitate companies' upmarket movement. By contrast, concertation, or cooperation in policy-making, is more amenable to state intervention but less durable. The analysis is based on detailed case studies of Germany and Ireland, which vary in their relative reliance on concertation and coordination. Selected references to shadow cases — displaying neither or both forms of cooperation — complement the analysis. [R] stern. This theoretically interesting and unexpected source of difficulty for prioritarianism is worth exploring in detail.
65.3010 OTSUKA, Michael —
In discussions of prioritarianism, it is often left unspecified what constitutes a greater, lesser, or equal improvement in a person's utility. Prioritarianism, however, cannot be assessed in an abstraction from an account of the measure of utility. Rather, the soundness of this view crucially depends on what counts as a greater, lesser, or equal increase in a person's utility. Prioritarianism cannot accommodate a normatively compelling measure of utility that is captured by the axioms of J. von Neumann and O. Morgenstern's expected utility theory. Nor can it accommodate a plausible and elegant generalization of this theory that has been offered in response to challenges to von Neumann and Morgen
65.3011 OWSIAK, Andrew P. —
Is predicting the international community's cumulative response to an interstate dispute possible? Can we predict what form conflict-management will take and how it will evolve over the course of a dispute? I employ the concept of a conflict-management trajectory to test a forecasting model of conflict-management. This model accurately predicts conflict-management behavior and uncovers numerous novel insights — including that the initial intervention indicates clearly the resources the international community is willing to spend on managing the dispute. These results confirm the need to theorize further about conflict-management interdependence and offer clear advice to the policy community. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2862]
65.3012 PARK Sunhee —
Scholars who study bargaining in the civil war context suggest that governments often overcompensate a rebel group to reach an agreement because the rebel group typically feels insecure. This paper argues that depending on the relative power distribution between groups, either a rebel group or government involved in a civil war can feel insecure at the bargaining table. The weaker bargaining participant, whether government or rebel, is expected to feel insecure and thus demand more political power in a postwar state than its power-share predicts, while the stronger group is expected to be willing to overcompensate the weaker group to assuage its security concerns. Using a new data-set on political power-sharing bargaining during civil war, my analysis supports this expectation. [R, abr.]
65.3013 PARK-KANG Sungju —
The article proposes the concept of fictional IR. The idea is concerned with how to use the imagination in IR. I suggest that fiction writing can become a method for dealing with lack of information and contingency surrounding it. Fictional IR is more than reading and using fiction as a reference source or vehicle for analysis. It can incorporate the employment of fiction writing in IR scholarship. One of the benefits could be to articulate sensitive and complicated problems in a more flexible and imaginative way, making the most of the power of story and imagination. It should be stressed that the focal point is to write fiction; it is not to write about fiction. To support this suggestion, the article offers a short fictional-factual story. [R, abr.]
65.3014 PASQUINO, Gianfranco —
The relationships between political philosophy and political science are complex, important, changing. They are also quite unsatisfactory. Following a brief analysis of four types of political philosophy, this article argues that the branch of political philosophy interested in describing and shaping a just society is highly relevant for what several political scientists study and write. When dealing with democracy and the processes of democratization, with the quality and the transformation of democratic political systems, political scientists can and should find a lot of interesting and useful material produced by political philosophers. Liberal democracies have won the Cold War. Now the challenge is represented by, on one side (religious), fundamentalisms (in the plural); on the other side, by the communitarians and the multiculturalists. Both groups of political philosophers declare that political liberalism, especially, the brand espoused and formulated by John Rawls, is inadequate to provide a framework for contemporary democratic regimes. [R, abr.]
65.3015 PECORINO, Paul —
In the 50 years since its publication, M. Olson's Logic of Collective Action [Cambrige, 1965] has had an enormous impact on the academic literature in both economics and political science. In this review essay, I discuss Olson's work in light of the ensuing research, particularly developments in the theoretical literature. Much of the discussion focuses on the group-size paradox as applied to politics, i.e., the extent to which the group-size paradox can explain why the interests of some groups are better represented in the political process than others. I also discuss selective incentives with an emphasis on the byproduct mechanism under which a firm sells a private good and uses the resulting profits to provide a public good. [R]
65.3016 PEÑA, Alejandro M. —
This article proposes a Luhmannian reinterpretation of the evolution and functioning of governance via standards. It argues that standardization — involving the proliferation of standards but also of standardized instruments such as rankings, indicators and benchmarks — can be understood as a mechanism of political steering in a growingly differentiated (world) society. By considering standardization as a systemic adaptation of the political system to a multifunctional environment, this article contests conventional economistic and power-based explanations where the “standardization turn” in global governance is a mere consequence of neoliberal globalization, power struggles among states or some type of hegemonic logic. It suggests that Luhmann's Systems Theory can provide a more encompassing framework to understand the operation of standards as an extension of politics beyond territory, and to frame the challenges of governing an increasingly complex world. [R, abr.]
65.3017 PEREIRA REZENDE, Lucas —
The offensive realist theory on defense cooperation under unipolarity aims to understand: (1) the state motivation to cooperate on defense; (2) the independent variables that affect defense cooperation; (3) a comprehensive defense cooperation model that can be replicated in different regions of the world. Under unipolarity, attempts to alter the regional balances of power will be punished by the system. The way states can maximize their power is through defense cooperation, which must provide not only the individual state capacity but also distributive elements that do not trigger an arms race on the regional aspect nor an offshore balancing from the unipolar. The theory suggests that new times demand new ways of power maximization. [R]
65.3018 PETERSEN, Michael Bang —
People decide on political issues using judgmental shortcuts called heuristics. What is the origin of these political heuristics? Traditionally, heuristics have been viewed as learned from the structure of elite debates. This article outlines a different view: that many political heuristics are evolved, biological adaptations that helped our ancestors deal with political problems in small-scale social groups. By analyzing these evolved origins, it becomes possible to develop novel, testable predictions regarding the structure of political heuristics. This argument is illustrated through an extensive review of studies on the structure of the so-called “deservingness” heuristic. The article concludes by outlining four principles that should guide future research on heuristics in political psychology. [R]
65.3019 PINHEIRO, Diogo; CHWIEROTH, Jeffrey M.; HICKS, Alexander —
Why do countries liberalize capital controls? Surprisingly, systematic analysis of the role of international NGOs in the diffusion of economic openness, financial or otherwise, has not been pursued previously. We advance the idea of “climatic mimesis”, which refers to the cultural climate for policy-making that results from country ties to international NGOs. International NGOs shape capital account regulation by altering the cultural climate in a country such that liberalization becomes a more problematic policy choice. Our statistical analysis of data from developing countries reveals that international NGO ties inhibited liberalization, as did relatively high public debt and concentrated domestic banking sectors. The presence of an IMF program and liberalization by economic competitors encouraged it. [R, abr.]
65.3020 PLAKOUDAS, Spyridon —
How does an established state authority respond to an insurgency? How does such an authority plan and carry out its struggle to counter an armed non-state actor and why? The issue of strategy in counterinsurgency (COIN) remains a rather contentious subject and several practitioners and theorists on COIN have prescribed various remedies to the same problem. This article offers a re-evaluation of the concept of strategy in COIN and outlines the practices and mentalities that counterinsurgents should adopt (and avoid) to successfully counter an insurgency. [R]
65.3021 PLATTNER, Marc F. —
As the Journal of Democracy celebrates its twenty-fifth anniversary, there are serious reasons to worry about the state of democracy. [R]
65.3022 POPOVIĆ, Petar —
The author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. [R, abr.]
65.3023 PORCIELLO, Andrea —
This paper aims to provide a definition of political equality. To this end, we will try to answer three fundamental questions, strongly interconnected: the first one is related to the difference between mathematical equality and political equality. The second concerns the relationship between equality and inequality, and therefore raises the question of the extension of the status of “equal”. The third refers, finally, to the relationship between equality and its object, i.e. what “should” be made equal through the political action. The aim of the article is to show that the most important solutions proposed by contemporary political philosophy are at most partial and reductive; and that just a theoretical model, carefull to the practical demands, mainly economic, could influence the thinking and the action of political and institutional structure. [R]
65.3024 POULIOT, Vincent; THÉRIEN, Jean-Philippe —
The debate on the reform of the Security Council can be conceptualized as the most recent episode in the evolution of World Governing Councils (WGCs), that is, the highest-level intergovernmental bodies charged with regulating the international use of violence. Building on a historical comparison of key formative and transformative moments — 1815, 1919, 1945, and post-Cold War — we argue that the modern evolution of WGCs is characterized by increasing inclusiveness. More specifically, we show that the number of participants involved in deliberations has constantly risen; that legitimating principles have gradually tilted in favor of “input legitimacy”; that the constitutive rules and procedures have steadily gained in transparency; and that the WGCs themselves have comprised an expanding membership with a decreasing number of veto points. [R, abr.]
65.3025 RAPPORT, Aaron —
What effect do political objectives have on the level of force used in military interventions? Studies have found that states seeking to capture and defend territory are most likely to escalate militarized disputes. However, other research holds that conflicts over policy issues increase uncertainty about an opponent's willingness to resist coercion, obscuring bargains both sides would prefer to fighting. These different findings yield contradictory conclusions about what types of issues should be associated with higher levels of violence. This article contends that the lower levels of force used by states seeking to coerce policy change can be accounted for by the moderating effects of military power. [R, abr.]
65.3026 REIKE, Ruben —
The UN Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) approaches RtoP as a principle that is primarily concerned with prevention and is firmly linked to international crimes, capturing the evolution of RtoP since its formal acceptance by states at the 2005 UN World Summit. The Summit's Outcome Document restricted the scope of RtoP to four specific crimes under international law: genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The crime and prevention-focused version of RtoP has subsequently been defended and promoted by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and by UN member states. This article explores some of the implications of linking RtoP to the concept of international crimes, with a particular focus on the preventive dimension of RtoP, the so-called responsibility to prevent. [R, abr.]
65.3027 RIERA, Pedro —
This article explores the effect of electoral reforms on electoral disproportionality. Specifically, it demonstrates that permissive changes in the electoral system improve the overall correspondence between vote-shares and seat-shares of parties. The explanation is that underrepresented parties in the parliament obtain more seats the more inclusive the electoral rules become. Likewise, disproportionality is higher after a restrictive electoral reform. The article employs my own data on electoral reforms from 59 established and new democracies between 1945 and 2010. Evidence is found not only that electoral reform has an effect on electoral disproportionality as measured with the Gallagher's least-squares index, but also that this impact is in turn conditioned by the size of the change in the rules and the level of democratic experience. [R, abr.]
65.3028 RIHOUX, Benoît; MARX, Axel; ÁLAMOS-CONCHA, Priscilla —
This contribution traces the development of QCA, initiated by Ch. Ragin twenty-five years ago. We first analyze how the context in which QCA was launched has framed it as a research approach and also summarize the initial features of that approach. We then present the main debates spurred by QCA as well as some main responses that have been brought, particularly in terms of technical innovations. Finally, we examine the different ways in which QCA has been exploited thus far as a set of techniques (crisp-set QCA, multivalue QCA and fuzzy-set QCA), in disciplinary terms and in more descriptive vs. more explanatory ways. We then conclude with some reflections on QCA's promises as well as perils as it is being mainstreamed and used in increasingly diverse ways. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2978]
65.3029 RILEY, Dylan; FERNÁNDEZ, Juan J. —
What is the impact of dictatorships on post-dictatorial civil societies? Bottom-up theories suggest that totalitarian dictatorships destroy civil society while authoritarian ones allow for its development. Top-down theories of civil society suggest that totalitarianism can create civil societies while authoritarianism is unlikely to. This article argues that both these perspectives suffer from a one-dimensional understanding of civil society that conflates strength and autonomy. Accordingly, we distinguish these two dimensions and argue that totalitarian dictatorships tend to create organizationally strong but heteronomous civil societies, while authoritarian ones tend to create relatively autonomous but organizationally weak civil societies. We then test this conceptualization by closely examining the historical connection between dictatorship and civil society development in Italy (a post-totalitarian case) and Spain (a post-authoritarian one). [R, abr.]
65.3030 RIXEN, Thomas; VIOLA, Lora Anne —
Stalled progress on explaining institutional change is, in part, the result of two conceptual challenges that hinder effective theory building: concept stretching and concept proliferation. These problems affect a hallmark concept of institutional change, path dependence, whose usefulness has been curtailed by the variety of meanings attributed to it. This article remedies concept stretching and proliferation by developing a taxonomy of institutional change explanations. Starting with the core attributes of path dependence, increasing returns and endogeneity, we use the procedure of ‘negative identification’ to derive a logically complete set of possible change explanations. The result is a taxonomy in which the scope of path dependence is delimited vis-à-vis other change explanations. We illustrate the usefulness of the taxonomy by assessing stretching in the literature. [R]
65.3031 ROBISON, Joshua —
Political knowledge is one of the most influential variables in political science. However, scholars still grapple with its theoretical meaning and how to measure it best. I address the deeply contested issue of whether knowledge should be measured with either an open-ended or closed-choice measure. Beyond exploring the effects of these contested approaches on estimates of overall levels of mass knowledge, I also study how they influence who is deemed knowledgeable and explore how this affects a variety of attitudes. I find that measurement dramatically matters on all of these dimensions. In short, the results reported here raise important questions about the validity of knowledge indices and also have implications for the general study of political attitudes and behavior. [R]
65.3032 ROHLFING, Ingo —
The role of members of political parties is ambiguous because it entails both benefits and costs. In order to shed light on the question of whether members are an asset or a liability for parties, I examine whether parties use their ideology on a left-right dimension as a collective incentive for the appeal to actual and potential party members. A quantitative analysis of the effects of changes in membership on partisan ideological change, covering 61 parties in 11 Western democracies from the 1950s to the early 1990s, shows that there is a weak, but statistically significant, effect. An additional analysis of two mechanisms by which membership has an effect refutes the alternative explanation that positional changes of the median member account for partisan ideological change. [R, abr.]
65.3034 ROSAS, Guillermo; SHOMER, Yael; HAPTONSTAHL, Stephen R. —
Roll-call votes are widely employed to infer the ideological proclivities of legislators. However, many roll-call matrices are characterized by high levels of nonresponse. [In] many circumstances, nonresponse cannot be assumed to be ignorable. We examine the consequences of violating the ignorability assumption that underlies current methods of roll-call analysis. We present a basic estimation framework to model nonresponse and vote-choice concurrently, build a model that captures the logic of competing principals that underlies accounts of nonresponse in many legislatures, and illustrate the payoff of addressing nonignorable nonresponse through both simulated and real data. We conclude that modeling presumed patterns of nonignorable nonresponse can yield important inferential payoffs over current models that assume random missingness, but we also emphasize that the decision to model nonresponse should be based on theoretical grounds. [R, abr.]
65.3035 ROSATO, Sebastian —
Many scholars argue that great powers [can] reach confident conclusions about the intentions of their peers? One set of arguments holds that states can deduce others' current intentions from certain domestic characteristics such as their foreign policy goals, ideology, or regime type. Another focuses on behavior: states can infer current intentions by examining their counterparts' arms policies, membership in international institutions, or past actions in the security realm. A set of arguments explains why intentions are unlikely to change and thus why current designs are good predictors of future plans. On careful review, these optimistic claims are unpersuasive. Great powers cannot confidently assess the current intentions of others based on the latter's domestic characteristics or behavior, and they are even less sure when it comes to estimating their peers' future intentions. [R, abr.]
65.3036 ROSSTEUTSCHER, Sigrid; FAAS, Thorsten; ARZHEIMER, Kai —
This Special Issue contributes to a better understanding of the functioning and logics of the present-day German electoral system, but its findings and consequences stretch beyond the German case. After all, Germany is ideally suited for studying multilevel voting and the interdependences and mutual repercussions of multilayer electoral systems. The Issue takes the challenges and changes in voting behavior as a starting point and searches for links and causal relationships between levels. Overall, it has two major goals: (1) to examine how (increasing) volatility in voting behavior and declining participation rates manifest themselves at all layers of the multilevel system, possibly amplifying each other; (2) to turn the usual perspective on its head by examining the impact of second-order elections and vote choices on parties' fortunes and electoral outcomes at the national level. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Voters and voting in Germany's multi-level system”. See Abstr. 65.2820, 3408, 3475, 3529, 3604, 3637]
65.3037 ROVINSKAYA, Tat'jana L. —
The paper analyzes “Liquid Democracy” — the concept which combines the elements of direct (deliberative) and representative democracy forms, by means of the modern information-network technology (based on internet). A brief historical review of the world democratic developments emphasizes the continuity of democratic forms from ancient to present times in all part of Europe, including Russia. Modern Liquid Democracy theory is analyzed concerning both its strengths and weaknesses. As far as it unites direct and representative democracy concepts, it contains the advantages of both, but at the same time, multiple theoretical and practical problems need to be solved, many technical solutions are to be found to make the concept work. Should this new concept be regarded as a real practical solution to improve world democracy, or is it just another utopian idea? [R, abr.]
65.3038 RUEDA, David —
This paper argues that since the 1990s the welfare state has been transformed into a workfare state. It proposes a stylized framework to understand the influence of unemployment on inequality and the effects of labor market policy. Using this framework, the paper shows that the transformation of the welfare state has made the effects of unemployment more inegalitarian. I analyze OECD data on inequality and redistribution from the mid-1970s to the late 2000s and provide preliminary but systematic regression results. They suggest that the generosity of labor market policy promoted higher levels of market income equality only during the traditional welfare period. They also suggest that the responsiveness of redistribution to unemployment has become weaker in the era of workfare. [R]
65.3039 RUHE, Constantin —
Research on mediation has shown that mediation can be an effective conflict-management tool to contain intrastate conflicts, prevent escalaC-risis and transition, but not decline.tion of low intensity conflicts, and foster de-escalation. But can ripe moments for conflict prevention effectively be anticipated? This article argues that the short-term conflict history provides a good predictor of the probability of mediation onset in low-intensity conflicts. It builds on an expected utility theory of mediation and states that conflict intensity is a primary indicator of whether a window of opportunity for mediation exists. Thereby, the article asserts that the direction of the effect is conditional on the respective probability of victory of each conflict party. [R, abr.]
65.3040 RUIZ SANZ, Mario —
The current legal systems are being affected by the introduction in Western societies from external cultures result of immigration. The attitudes and behaviors that are considered different are controlled by the law through legal mechanisms that are believed appropriate. A review of legal actions that are used to regulate such behavior is a necessity in multicultural societies. In fact, the legal rules can create, interpret and apply the law from various other assumptions that have to take into account social transformations and present new requirements in jurisdictions from the review of the concept of legal system. [R]
65.3041 SARIGIL, Zeki —
This article investigates the conceptual and theoretical implications of the logic of habit for the path-dependence approach. In the literature, we see two different logics of action associated with two distinct models of path dependence: the logic of consequences (instrumental rationality) is linked with utilitarian paths (i.e., increasing returns) and the logic of appropriateness (normative rationality) constitutes normative paths (normative lock-in). However, this study suggests that despite its popularity, the path-dependence approach remains underspecified owing to its exclusion or neglect of the logic of habit, which constitutes a distinct mechanism of reproduction or self-reinforcement in the institutional world. This article, therefore, introduces the notion of the “habitual path” as a different model of path dependence, [which] offers a different interpretation of continuity or regularity. [R, abr.]
65.3042 SCHILLER, Maria —
How migration and mobilizations of difference are accommodated at the local level is a burning question. Concepts adopted by local governments and the capacities of cities to formulate and implement these have received increasing attention, but often without examining the ideas and norms that underlie local concepts and practices. This article assesses the hypothesis of local-level pragmatism, which it rejects, and develops the notion of “paradigmatic pragmatism” to characterize how local-level politics address mobilizations of difference. Based on empirical findings from Amsterdam, Antwerp and Leeds, and comparing the content and the implementation of “diversity policies”, I argue against a dichotomy of pragmatic vs. ideational politics. Instead, these cities draw on a variety of ideas and pragmatically combine them under the header of diversity. [R, abr.]
65.3043 SCHMITTER, Philippe C. —
Rather than being in decline, democracy is in crisis due to the gap between the democratic ideal and how democracy is actually being practiced. It will survive by transitioning into a new, as yet unknown, form. [R]
65.3044 SCHOTTEN, C. Heike —
This article argues that Queer Theory is useful for political theory in thinking about US empire and theorizing modes of resistance to it. I argue that the work of L. Edelman and J. Puar can be appropriated for political theory and, when combined together into a single political project, help illuminate the temporal and sexual contours of US empire, providing crucial resources for theorizing “terrorism” and understanding it as an act of political resistance. [R]
65.3045 SEILER, Daniel Louis — Of mice and expert judgments: quelques réflexions méthodologiques sur les “jugements d'experts”, le positionnement des partis politique et l'axe droite-gauche (“Of mice and expert judgments”: methodological reflections on experts' judgments, positioning of political parties and the right-left axis). Revue internationale de Politique comparée 21(2), 2014: 121–136.
This article denounces the combination of expert judgments on the one hand and the left-right axis on the other. This more and more popular practice is totally wrong and fallacious for three reasons: (1) ethical: it is based on laziness and ignorance, (2) empirical: most European party systems are the product of cross-cutting cleavages, (3) statistical: there are neither scales nor means of measurement. The choice for political scientists is simple and obvious in what measurement is concerned: either psychometric scales or bullshit scales … Scientifically speaking there is no choice! [R] [See Abstr. 65.2978]
65.3046 SEUBERT, Sandra —
The relation of modern democracy and peopleness is shaped by a foundational dilemma: the constitution and contingency of boundaries. This dilemma is reflected in the dynamics of modern citizenship. We can neither take for granted what peopleness as a normative achievement implies, nor presuppose an enduring basis for unity. Hannah Arendt's work helps analyze the tensions of a situation in which there is a continuous need for closing and contesting the boundaries of the Political. Debates on institutional reform should be mindful of the socializing function of institutions and more thoroughly guided by the question of whether and how transnational forms of democracy are able to produce the kinds of citizens necessary for preserving these very forms. [See Abstr. 65.2884]
65.3047 SHAMAI, Patricia —
Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) [are] internationally recognized to categorize nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. Despite their joint categorization, each weapon is distinct from the other and use and possession are treated differently. Previous studies have focused on technological aspects of these weapons, failing to examine and explain the distinct nature and underlying significance of this term. Adopting a constructivist approach, and utilizing sociological research, this work addresses this gap by restoring the underlying strategic and ethical significance of the concept of WMD. The article stresses stigmatization of WMD by the international community. The evolving condemnation of chemical and biological weapons forged the stigma and led to the condemnation of nuclear weapons. [R, abr.]
65.3048 SHARMAN, J.C. —
Much IR theory explains the dominance of the sovereign state within the international system by a process of competitive selection. By analogy, the selection effects of market competition in promoting better-adapted firms are said to illustrate the selection effects of security competition under anarchy in promoting better-adapted units, specifically sovereign states. In critiquing this analogy, the article argues instead that the historical diffusion and current dominance of sovereign states is better explained by a sociological institutionalist logic. Units secure social acceptance, and incidentally survival, through conformity to promote legitimacy. [R, abr.]
65.3049 SI Yajuan; REITER, Jerome P.; HILLYGUS, D. Sunshine —
Panel studies typically suffer from attrition. Ignoring the attrition can result in biased inferences if the missing data are systematically related to outcomes of interest. Unfortunately, panel data alone cannot inform the extent of bias due to attrition. Many panel studies also include refreshment samples, which are data collected from a random sample of new individuals during the later waves of the panel. Refreshment samples offer information that can be utilized to correct for biases induced by non-ignorable attrition while reducing reliance on strong assumptions about the attrition process. We present a Bayesian approach to handle attrition in two-wave panels with one refreshment sample and many categorical survey variables. [R, abr.]
65.3051 SOROKA, Stuart; McADAMS, Stephen —
Work in political communication has discussed the ongoing predominance of negative news, but has offered few convincing accounts for this focus. A growing body of literature shows that humans regularly pay more attention to negative information than to positive information, however. This article argues that we should view the nature of news content in part as a consequence of this asymmetry bias observed in human behavior. A psychophysiological experiment capturing viewers' reactions to actual news content shows that negative news elicits stronger and more sustained reactions than does positive news. Results are discussed as they pertain to political behavior and communication, and to politics and political institutions more generally. [R]
65.3052 STEFFEK, Jens —
I engage with the normative foundations of Mitrany's international political theory, to show that there is more to be found in his approach to international organization than the technocratic problem-solving often associated with his name today. I introduce the term “functional cosmopolitanism”: [it] starts from the equality of individual needs (not from rights or obligations), suggesting that transnational institutions, rather than states, should cater to these needs. An important aim of this “functional devolution” is to limit and reconfigure public power, thus countering the threat of an ever more powerful nation-state. Mitrany's proposal for introducing a functional dimension into the political system can be interpreted as a “thin” cosmopolitanism, designed to free citizens from war and oppressive concentrations of political power, but vague in its ideas about individual political engagement. [R, abr.]
65.3053 STOJEK, Szymon M.; CHACHA, Mwita —
Understanding what affects probability of intervention in support of government or rebels is crucial. Interestingly, comparatively little attention has been paid to explanations of why third-party states intervene in civil conflicts of other states and even fewer studies model economic motivations for interventions. Our study focuses on the extent to which bilateral trade ties influence states' decisions to intervene in conflicts of important trading partners. We model the influence of formal trade ties on the probability of pro-government and pro-rebel interventions. [R, abr.]
65.3054 SUHAY, Elizabeth —
This article discusses two phenomena — social identity and “self-conscious” emotions — that are key to understanding when and why people follow the crowd. It argues that adherence to in-group norms is a critical basis of status among in-group peers. Conformity generates peer approval and leads to personal pride. Deviance generates disapproval and causes embarrassment or shame. These emotional reactions color an individual's political perspectives, typically generating conformity. These same mechanisms can spur between-group polarization. In this case, differentiation from the norms of disliked out-groups results in peer approval and pride, and conformity to out-group norms disapproval and embarrassment or shame. This framework is supported by the results of two experiments that examine the influence of group opinion norms over economic and social aspects of citizens' political ideologies. [R, abr.]
65.3055 SUHAY, Elizabeth; DRUCKMAN, James N., eds. —
Editors' introduction, pp. 6–17. Articles by Joshua M. BLANK and Daron SHAW, “Does partisanship shape attitudes toward science and public policy? The case for ideology and religion”, pp. 18–35; Erik C. NISBET, Kathryn E. COOPER, and R. Kelly GARRETT, “The partisan brain: how dissonant science messages lead conservatives and liberals to (dis)trust science”, pp. 36–66; Jonathon P. SCHULDT, Sungjong ROH, and Norbert SCHWARZ, “Questionnaire design effects in climate change surveys: implications for the partisan divide”, pp. 67–85; Francis X. SHEN and Dena M. GROMET, “Red states, blue states, and brain states: issue framing, partisanship, and the future of neurolaw in the United States”, pp. 86–101; James W. STOUTENBOROUGH, Arnold VEDLITZ, and LIU Xinsheng, “The influence of specific risk perceptions on public policy support: an examination of energy policy”, pp. 102–120; Patrick W. KRAFT, Milton LODGE, and Charles S. TABER, “Why people ‘don't trust the evidence’: motivated reasoning and scientific beliefs”, pp. 121–133; Matthew C. NISBET and Ezra M. MARKOWITZ, “Expertise in an age of polarization: evaluating scientists' political awareness and communication behaviors”, pp. 136–154; Erika Franklin FOWLER and Sarah E. GOLLUST, “The content and effect of politicized health controversies”, pp. 155–171; Sara K. YEO, Michael A. XENOS, Dominique BROSSARD, and Dietram A. SCHEUFELE, “Selecting our own science: how communication contexts and individual traits shape information seeking”, pp. 172–191; Dan M. KAHAN, et al., “Geoengineering and climate change polarization: testing a two-channel model of science communication”, pp. 192–222; Matthew C. NISBET and Declan FAHY, “The need for knowledge-based journalism in politicized science debates”, pp. 223–234; Jennifer HOCHSCHILD and Maya SEN, “Technology optimism or pessimism about genomic science: variation among experts and scholarly disciplines”, pp. 236–252; Michael B. BERKMAN and Eric PLUTZER, “Enablers of doubt: how future teachers learn to negotiate the evolution wars in their classrooms”, pp. 253–270; Toby BOLSEN, James N. DRUCKMAN, and Fay Lomax COOK, “Citizens', scientists', and policy advisors' beliefs about global warming”, pp. 271–295; Heather DOUGLAS, “Politics and science: untangling values, ideologies, and reasons”, pp. 296–306.
65.3056 SVETLIČIČ, Marjan; LOVEC, Marko —
The global economic crisis has eroded trust in globalization. One should not trace the origins of the crises only in “wrong” decisions in the environment of global markets but rather in the political framework in which global markets function. The politics of national interests forcing states to search for relative gains in the globalization leads to the creation of systemic and collective risks. The problem of globalization is therefore not the global character of markets but lies in the contradiction between global problems and national governance which is unable to cope with global problems. [R, abr.]
65.3057 TALESH, Shauhin —
The boundaries between public and private actors are increasingly blurred via regulatory governance arrangements and the contracting out of rights enforcement to private organizations. Regulation and governance scholars have not gained enough empirical leverage on how state actors, private organizations, and civil society groups influence the meaning of legal rules in regulatory governance arrangements that they participate in. Drawing from participant observation at consumer law conferences and interviews with stakeholders, my empirical data suggest that consumer rights and, in fact, consumer law, mean different things to different stakeholders tasked with adjudicating consumer rights. [R, abr.]
65.3058 TANSEL, Cemal Burak —
Despite a burgeoning body of literature built on the transdisciplinary efforts bridging IR and its long-separated nomothetic relatives, the new and emerging conceptual frameworks have not been able to effectively overcome the challenge posed by the “non-West”. The recent wave of international historical sociology has highlighted possible trajectories to problematize the myopic and unipolar conceptions of the international system; however, the question of Eurocentrism still lingers in the developing research programs. This article interjects into the ongoing historical materialist debate in international historical sociology by: (1) conceptually and empirically challenging the rigid boundaries of the extant approaches; and (2) critically assessing the postulations of recent theorizing on “the international”, capitalist states-system/geopolitics and uneven and combined development. [R, abr.]
65.3059 TERTRAIS, Bruno —
The notion of “red lines” is a leitmotiv of recent discussions of international affairs, including the use of chemical weapons by Syria, Iran's production of enriched uranium, or the possibility that Russia might attack a NATO country. In each case the aim is to warn of an unacceptable event by defining a limit that would lead to serious consequences were it to be crossed. However, this “red line diplomacy” has seen only mitigated success. To cite but one recent example, Syria was hardly impressed by B. Obama's warnings in 2012 when the White House announced “red lines” that could not be crossed. Often, simply tracing a red line is not enough to dissuade an adversary because neither the precise threshold not the consequences of the transgression have been well defined. [R, abr.]
65.3060 TEZCÜR, Güneş Murat —
When do religious organizations develop human rights platforms during violent internal conflicts? This article offers the first comparative study to address this question and focuses on religious organizations in El Salvador, Peru, Turkey, and Indonesia. It identifies two causal factors to explain variation in religious human rights activism in these four countries: (1) transnational religious ideas and linkages, and (2) the nature of the state-religion relationship. First, Vatican II and Liberation theology significantly contributed to the rise of religious human rights activism in El Salvador and Peru. Similar transitional linkages were absent in Turkey and Indonesia. Next, the more conflictual nature of the state-religion relationship in El Salvador explains why the Salvadorian Church pursued a more determined human rights agenda than its Peruvian counterpart. [R, abr.]
65.3061 THELEN, Tatjana; VETTERS, Larissa; BENDA-BECKMANN, Keebet von —
In the introduction to this special issue, we discuss recent trends in anthropological research on and in theorizing the state. We show how these have given rise to an analytical gap between state images, on the one hand, and practices, on the other. Based on this analysis, we propose a relational approach that we call “stategraphy” as a way to tie together state practices and representations. This ethnographically grounded approach focuses on relational modalities, boundary work, and forms of embeddedness of actors as constitutive factors. These avenues of analyses enable a nuanced understanding and comparative investigation of change and continuity as well as of mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 65.3638]
65.3062 THIES, Cameron G. —
This paper develops a predatory theory approach to understanding state failure. Predatory theory expects that state revenue extraction is central to the ability of states to engage in any other activities. States that are able to maximize their revenue extraction subject to well-known constraints are therefore likely to avoid state failure. On the other hand, when state failure occurs, it should reduce state revenue extraction. These hypotheses receive mixed support in several two-stage least-squares time-series analyses that control for the endogenous relationship between state fiscal capacity and state failure. While state failure reduces state fiscal capacity, state fiscal capacity does not deter state failure onset or incidence. In the sub-Saharan African sub-sample, state fiscal capacity does reduce the incidence of state failure despite a reciprocal negative effect. [R]
65.3063 TRAUNMÜLLER, Richard; MURR, Andreas; GILL, Jeff —
We apply a specialized Bayesian method that helps us deal with the methodological challenge of unobserved heterogeneity among immigrant voters. Our approach is based on generalized linear mixed Dirichlet models (GLMDMs), where random effects are specified semiparametrically using a Dirichlet process mixture prior that has been shown to account for unobserved grouping in the data. Such models are drawn from Bayesian nonparametrics to help overcome objections handling latent effects with strongly informed prior distributions. Using 2009 German voting data of immigrants, we show that for difficult problems of missing key covariates and unexplained heterogeneity this approach provides (1) overall improved model fit, (2) smaller standard errors on average, and (3) less bias from omitted variables. As a result, the GLMDM changed our substantive understanding of the factors affecting immigrants' turnout and vote choice. [R, abr.]
65.3065 TSINGOU, Eleni —
The article develops the notion of “transnational veto-players” to explain the practice of financial reform. Understanding the nature of constituency in a transnational context is important for explanations of actor preferences and the mode of policy that ensues. While actors involved in global standard-setting in finance have formal defined constituencies, when operating in a transnational setting their interactions render their constituencies diffuse, including peers and other interlocutors. Policy processes in transnational settings are shaped by actors whose approval and consent are required for reform to take place. These “transnational veto players” frame and delimit policy options. The concept of “transnational veto players” is developed through an empirical analysis of global reforms in the regulatory treatment of large financial institutions deemed “too big to fail”. [R, abr.]
65.3066 TURLEY, Gerard; ROBBINS, Geraldine; McNENA, Stephen —
A framework to assess the financial performance of local governments is presented in this paper. The framework adapts and extends an earlier methodology and includes new financial performance measures reflecting considerations in the literature of appropriate financial performance measures for local government units. Using 14 indicators, five broad financial performance measures are employed, assessing liquidity, autonomy, operating performance, collection efficiency and solvency. We apply this numerical and narrative analysis of key financial performance indicators to Ireland's primary local authorities during the recent boom-and-bust period. Through application of this financial performance measurement framework using a benchmarking methodology, we identify relatively strong and weak local authority financial performance. [R, abr.]
65.3067 VALENTINI, Laura —
A globalized world, some argue, needs a global democracy. But there is considerable disagreement about whether global democracy is an ideal worth pursuing. One of the main grounds for skepticism is captured by the slogan: “No global demos, no global democracy”. The fact that a key precondition of democracy — a demos — is absent at the global level, some argue, speaks against the pursuit of global democracy. I discuss four interpretations of the skeptical slogan — each based on a specific account of the notion of “the demos” — and conclude that none of them establishes that the global democratic ideal must be abandoned. I systematize different types of objections against global democracy, thus bringing some clarity to an otherwise intricate debate, and offer a robust but qualified defense of the global democratic ideal. [R]
65.3068 VAN BENTHUYSEN, John —
If international anarchy is pervasive, leading to processes where only the fit survive, how do we explain the survival of fragile and failing states? Under conditions of self-help, such states should be tempting targets, yet these vulnerable states avoid death by conquest. Fragile and failing states survive because international order is based on a sovereignty regime backed by major powers. International order is more salient than anarchy and provides better vantage points to understand the absence of state death. Elements of international order, like the relational hierarchies between dominant and subordinate states, no longer tolerate state death. This largely explains the survival of fragile and failing states. [R]
65.3069 VAN DER VOSSEN, Bas —
The Lockean view that individuals can unilaterally bring about property rights through acts of appropriation is defendable in light of the key concern that such appropriation presupposes powers that morally equal people lack. Contrary to the Lockean position, Kantians argue that the creation of new obligations requires legitimation through positive law in a legitimate political condition (uniting the wills of all). This feeds skepticism about the idea that property rights can stand as moral barriers against certain state policies. An account of when individuals can unilaterally impose moral obligations on others demonstrates that people have the ability to unilaterally appropriate property. The precise nature of the natural right to own property renders original appropriation consistent with the moral equality of all.
65.3070 VAN VOSSOLE, Jonas —
This article shows the importance of the power struggles and the conflicts of interests in the formation and legitimation of global climate governance mechanisms. There is, however, very little literature which analyzes this dialectical character of global governance. This perspective should be taken into account in future analysis, particularly in comparisons between carbon markets and financial markets. In the search for solutions for climate management, this kind of analysis is crucial to avoid the idea that there would exist any technical neutral, or post-political solutions beyond an ideological veil of ignorance. [R]
65.3071 VASILEV, George —
Consensus both serves and threatens democratic inclusion. It provides the means for individuals to will in common. On the other hand, it can impose assimilatory pressures that marginalize perspectives at odds with the prevailing point of view. Agonists have responded to this tension with a call to abandon consensus-oriented politics, contending an adversarial democracy more credibly advances inclusionary and egalitarian goals. I argue this wholesale rejection of consensus is unsustainable from the very pluralist perspective agonists wish to promote. In place of the view of consensus as an unattainable and undesirable absolute, I put forward an understanding of it as a matter of degree. I contend this understanding better captures the complexity of human relations and allows us to distinguish the potential accomplishments of consensus from its potential hazards. [R]
65.3072 VENNER, Mary —
The terms “capacity-development” and “capacity-building” are relatively new in development assistance discourse, having only come into frequent use in the last two decades. This paper examines the history and different uses of the concept of capacity in development-assistance literature, tracing its origins and rise in popularity. Although [much] material has been produced on the topic, there is no clear agreement on what it means, with a range of interpretations used by different authors and in different contexts. The more expansive and ambitious approaches promoted by some development organizations have a number of theoretical and practical difficulties and it is argued that the wide and imprecise use of the term has undermined its usefulness. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.3906]
65.3073 WASKO, Janet —
This discussion presents a brief overview of the establishment and expansion of the study of the political economy of media and communications, followed by attention to some of current directions of this approach. Themes and concepts developed by political economists of the media are reviewed, as well as internal and external critiques of the approach. Recent developments are discussed, including the growth of integrated studies, the return to classic Marxist themes, integration of digital technologies, and attention to policy and activism. [R]
65.3074 WATSON, Sara —
The past 20 years have witnessed a shift to work-based welfare conditionality within the advanced welfare states, as access to social benefits are increasingly predicated on individuals agreeing to behavioral conditions related to participation in the labor market. Existing literature on the political consequences of this shift offers contradictory expectations. The majority of existing studies rely on cross-sectional analyses, which leaves them open to charges of selection bias. Utilizing multiple longitudinal research designs, this article finds that conditionality has a depressive effect on patterns of democratic engagement. Welfare conditionality reduces political and civic participation, political interest and efficacy, and personal efficacy. In disaggregating conditionality's effects across two client groups, the article finds largely positive effects among recipients of the contributory disability benefit but negative effects among means-tested recipients of the lone parent benefit. [R, abr.]
65.3075 WAUTERS, Bram —
The organization of primaries in which all party members can participate is increasingly used by political parties to select their leader. We focus here on participation rates. Based on general participation theories (mobilization theory, instrumental motivation theory and learning theory) in combination with insights into the introduction and functioning of leadership primaries, we expect that the first time a party organizes leadership primaries, participation rates will be high, but that they will decline gradually afterwards. We have focused on direct member votes for the selection of party leaders in Belgium, Israel and Canada. Our results show that participation rates are not influenced by how many times such a contest is held in a party (only first-time participation tends to be higher), but mainly by how competitive the contest is. [R]
65.3076 WEBER, Cynthia —
Over the last decade, Queer Studies have become Global Queer Studies, generating significant insights into key international political processes. If Queer Studies has gone global, why has the discipline of IR not gone somewhat queer? Or, to put it in M. Wight's provocative terms, why is there no Queer International Theory? This article claims that the presumed non-existence of Queer International Theory is an effect of how the discipline of IR combines homologization, figuration, and gentrification to code various types of theory as failures in order to manage the conduct of international theorizing in all its forms. This means there are generalizable lessons to be drawn from how the discipline categorizes Queer International Theory out of existence to bring a specific understanding of IR into existence. [R, abr.]
65.3077 WEBER, Cynthia, ed. —
Introduction by the editor, pp. 596–600. Articles by Amy LIND; V. Spike PETERSON; Laura SJOBERG; Lauren WILCOX; Meghana NAYAK.
65.3078 WEISS, Thomas G. —
Humanitarian action in war zones was never easy but has proved especially daunting in the post-Cold War era. This essay begins with the dominant traditional humanitarian culture as a metric to explore the move away from an agreed culture of cooperation to a contested one of competition as a result of militarization, politicization, and marketization. These three aspects are not the whole truth of the humanitarian project, but they are essential components. It is crucial to understand how the international humanitarian system functions if one hopes to improve its operations and attenuate, if not eliminate, the culture of competition and counter-productivity. The essay concludes with a plea for a “learning culture” oriented to responsible reflection rather than rapid reaction. [R]
65.3079 WENDT, Maria —
The importance of students' independent and analytical approach is constantly emphasized in the syllabi and grading criteria of political science courses in the university. Still, a recurring problem seems to be that students all too rarely achieve these skills. Teachers often complain that students' texts either become too descriptive, or lean on loosely personal opinions. Based on three research projects on pedagogical issues that are actualized in higher education teaching and learning political science, this article forwards a discussion on what prevents students from developing an analytical approach. The ambition is also to discuss the pedagogical implications of the results generated from the research projects. How can university teaching about politics help students developing their analytical skills? What teaching practices appear to be fruitful? [R] [See Abstr. 65.3148]
65.3080 WENMAN, Mark —
A consensus has emerged in recent discussions, that there is a basic discontinuity between W. Connolly's “post-modern” theory of pluralism and the “old” pluralism of the generation of post-war political scientists. By way of contrast, I outline the congruity between Connolly's ideas and earlier iterations of pluralism. I trace the essential continuities between Connolly and the leading post-war writers, especially R. Dahl, Ch. Lindblom, D. Truman, and D. Easton, and also his proximity to a tradition of pluralism that flourished in the early part of the twentieth century and was exemplified in the work of A. Bentley. Indeed, I make the case that Connolly's work is best understood as the resumption and enhancement of a distinct canon of pluralism in American political thought. [R, abr.]
65.3081 WHETHAM, David —
While the more contentious use of drones to carry out targeted killings is often focused upon, very little attention has been paid to the potential benefits that their unarmed variants can offer in preventing the mass violation of human rights in conflict areas. Drones have already been employed with some success to support UN peacekeepers. This paper looks at their use in monitoring and deterring deliberate acts of harm against civilian populations in situations where the international community is unwilling or unable to deploy a peacekeeping force on the ground. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2830]
65.3082 WHITEHEAD, Laurence —
This essay compares and contrasts the ongoing “antidemocracy promotion” strategies and repertoire of alternatives available to regimes pursuing “antidemocracy promotion strategies,” notably by Venezuela's Fifth Republic; V. Putin's Russian Federation; the House of Saud; and the People's Republic of China. While acknowledging the diversity and incompleteness of all these processes, it also develops a deductive framework intended to facilitate the structured comparison of these strategies, in general, which are not simply a “mirror-image” of Western-inspired “democracy-promotion” strategies. While the essay focuses both inductively and deductively on internationally directed strategic choices, the balance between domestic and external drivers of policy remains an open question, and the resulting “menu of options” can include single-country and inward-looking strategies. [R, abr.]
65.3083 WHITT, Matt —
Appeals to the all-affected principle inadvertently preserve the undemocratic logic of territorial sovereignty, importing it from the modern nation-state system and making it the very foundation of transnational and trans-territorial democracy. This critique of the all-affected principle can be positioned as a more general warning against other theories that, by seeking criteria for designating the scope of transnational democracy, implicitly treat members of democratic communities as the objects, rather than agents, of political constitution. The work of Carol Gould suggests an alternative line of thought, whose virtue is that, unlike the appeals of territoriality or affectedness, it does not foreclose the opportunity and responsibility for members of a demos to exercise political agency over the basic conditions of their own political association. [See Abstr. 65.2884]
65.3084 WILLIAMS, John —
This article argues that the use of just war theory as the principal framework for ethical assessment of the use of drones for targeted killing is hampered by the absence of a spatial dimension. Drawing on critical political geography, the article develops a concept of “distant intimacy” that explores the spatial characteristics of the relationship between drone deployers and their targets, revealing that the asymmetry of this relationship extends beyond conventional analysis to establish “dronespace” as a place where the autonomy of the target and the possibility of reciprocity are structurally precluded. This extends ethical critique of drone use beyond established concerns and establishes the importance of space and spatiality to the possibility of ethics in a way that just war theory has, to date, been unable to fully appreciate. [R]
65.3085 WILLIAMS, Laron K.; WHITTEN, Guy D. —
We bring together elements from the literatures on economic voting and spatial voting to gain theoretical leverage on the combined role of clarity of responsibility, party policy positions, and economic performance in elections. Building on evidence of voter knowledge, we develop a theory of spatial contagion effects to explain how factors drawn from both of these literatures combine to shape changes in support for political parties. We test this theory with a spatial autoregressive model of party competition in 23 nations from 1951 to 2005. As expected, we find evidence of strong spatial contagion effects in elections with low clarity of responsibility. [R]
65.3086 WOLF, Reinhard —
Current estimates indicate that several hundred thousand deaths per year can be attributed to climate change. Developed countries have reacted to this growing disaster by increasing the use of renewable energies, but what is to be done with the additional electricity thus generated? Should it be used for cutting back coal-fired energy production or can it be used for substituting nuclear energy? Priority must be given to replacing coal power, since developed countries have a strong duty to minimize the physical harm caused by their electricity generation. This article argues that when faced with a choice between operating coal-fired power plants or nuclear reactors, governments are obliged to opt for nuclear energy. [R, abr.]
65.3087 WOOD, Reed M.; KATHMAN, Jacob D. —
Drawing on research from various disciplines, we argue that increasing competition within a civil conflict system brought on by the entrance of new factions contributes to an increase in civilian targeting by existing rebel groups. Specifically, we argue that existing groups are more likely to target civilians immediately upon the entrance of new rivals due to the perceived threat to control over resources and because the arrival of new groups diminishes the gains existing groups expect from either victory or successful conflict bargaining. Our analysis diverges from existing studies by arguing and demonstrating that fluctuations in competition rather than the simple presence of competing groups produce spikes in civilian targeting by non-state actors. We evaluate and find support for our argument using monthly data for African conflicts between 1989 and 2010. [R, abr.]
65.3088 WOON, Jonathan —
I investigate the extent to which reputational incentives affect policy choices in the context of a controlled laboratory experiment. In theory, asymmetric information and outcome unobservability undermine electoral delegation by creating incentives for politicians to pander. Under the right conditions, it may be preferable to remove such incentives by removing accountability altogether. The data suggest that subjects playing the role of politicians fail to take advantage of voters even though voters indeed create the predicted electoral incentives, albeit in a weaker form than predicted by the theory. When given the choice of institutions via a novel elicitation method, subjects prefer to retain electoral accountability or to make decisions themselves through direct democracy, even though both institutions yield lower expected payoffs than delegation to unaccountable agents. [R]
65.3089 WRIGHT, Joseph; FRANTZ, Erica; GEDDES, Barbara —
This article uncovers a new mechanism linking oil wealth to autocratic regime survival: the investigation tests whether increases in oil wealth improve the survival of autocracies by lowering the chances of democratization, reducing the risk of transition to subsequent dictatorship, or both. Using a new measure of autocratic durability shows that, once models allow for unit effects, oil wealth promotes autocratic survival by lowering the risk of ouster by rival autocratic groups. Evidence also indicates that oil income increases military spending in dictatorships, which suggests that increasing oil wealth may deter coups that could have caused a regime collapse. [R]
65.3090 YEELES, Adam —
Several explanations for the relationship between weather and social unrest have been proposed, including the idea that temperature, acting through a physiological response mechanism, gives rise to collective aggression. This proposition first appeared in the aftermath of the 1960s US riots, which occurred primarily in the heat of summer, and has reemerged within the contemporary literature on conflict and climate, in addition to explanations rooted in political economic processes. Building on both bodies of work, this article utilizes a case-crossover time-series design to explore the relationship between meteorological factors derived from high resolution spatial data of temperature and precipitation and social disturbances occurring in 50 major cities in Africa and Asia between 1960 and 2006. [R, abr.]
65.3091 YOM, Sean —
Most methods in comparative politics prescribe a deductive template of research practices that begins with proposing hypotheses, analyzes data, and finally concludes with confirmatory tests. In reality, many scholars move back and forth between theory and data in creating causal explanations, beginning not with hypotheses but hunches and constantly revising their propositions in response to unexpected discoveries. Used transparently, such inductive iteration has contributed to causal knowledge in comparative-historical analysis, analytic narratives, and statistical approaches. Encouraging such practices across methodologies not only adds to the toolbox of comparative analysis but also casts light on how much existing work often lacks transparency. Because successful hypothesis-testing facilitates publication, [and] registration schemes and mandatory replication do not exist, abusive practices such as data-mining and selective reporting find easy cover behind the language of deductive proceduralism. [R, abr.]
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Articles in German by Ursula MÄNNLE; Gerd MÜLLER; Maciej POP-WSKI; Peter RUDOLF; Elisabeth LAMBRECHT and Jan RIELÄNDER; Jakkie CILLIERS, Barry HUGHES and Sara TURNER; Siegmar SCHMIDT.
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Articles by Allen BUCHANAN and Robert O. KEOHANE, “Toward a drone accountability regime”, pp. 15–38; Neta C. CRAWFORD, “Accountability for targeted drone strikes against terrorists?”, pp. 39–50; Janina DILL, “The informal regulation of drones and the formal legal regulation of war”, pp. 51–58; David WHETHAM, “Targeted killing: accountability and oversight via a drone accountability regime”, pp. 59–66; Articles by Allen BUCHANAN and Robert O. KEOHANE, “Toward a drone accountability regime: a rejoinder”, pp. 67–70.