Abstract
65.4762 ABRAHMS, Max; POTTER, Philip B.K. —
Certain types of militant groups — those suffering from leadership deficits — are more likely to attack civilians. Their leadership deficits exacerbate the principal-agent problem between leaders and foot soldiers, who have stronger incentives to harm civilians. We establish the validity of this proposition with a tripartite research strategy that balances generalizability and identification. First, we demonstrate in a sample of militant organizations operating in the Middle East and North Africa that those lacking centralized leadership are prone to targeting civilians. Second, we show that when the leaderships of militant groups are degraded from drone strikes in the Afghanistan-Pakistan tribal regions, the selectivity of organizational violence plummets. Third, we elucidate the mechanism with a detailed case study of the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, a Palestinian group that turned to terrorism during the Second Intifada. [R, abr.]
65.4763 ACHARYA, Avidit; GRILLO, Edoardo —
This article introduces a model of war and peace in which leaders believe that their adversaries might be crazy types who always behave aggressively, regardless of whether it is strategically optimal to do so. In the model, two countries are involved in a dispute that can either end in a peaceful settlement or escalate into “limited war” or “total war”. If a leader believes that there is a chance that her adversary is a crazy type, then even a strategically rational adversary may have an incentive to adopt a madman strategy in which he pretends to be crazy. This leads to limited war with positive probability, even when both leaders are strategically rational. The article shows that despite having two-sided incomplete information, the model has a generically unique equilibrium. [R, abr.]
65.4764 AČKASOV, Valerij A. —
The article argues that the idea of “democratic transition” during the 1990s served in the post-Communist as an intellectual compensation for the collapse of the ideals of socialism. It gave its advocates hope that societies that refused socialist ideas of the welfare state would get the chance to join its capitalist version when running the neoliberal recipes. In fact, it turned out that its practical sense was to ensure maximum transparency of the post-socialist economies and their integration into the global capitalist division of labor as a “supporting cast”: on the one hand, as suppliers of cheap but skilled labor, raw materials and energy, and on the other as markets for Western goods and disposal area for hazardous waste. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4908]
65.4765 ACREMAN, Stephen —
Traceability is a measure of truthfulness in which the rationality of a truth-claim is found in accounting for the work done to maintain links to an internal referent through a chain of mediations. The substitution of traceability for truth is seen as necessary to move the entire political domain towards a greater responsiveness to the events of the naturalsocial world. In particular, it seeks to disarm the strategy of exploiting scientific uncertainty in order to defer political action concerning issues such as global warming. A broad acceptance of traceability as a standard for measuring truth-claims responds to the problem of the political impact of a given claim to truth often being inversely correlated to the degree of truth behind the claim because of the oft-prevailing faith in the purity of representation. [R, abr.]
65.4766 ADAMS, Richard —
Rooted in medieval political theology, the idea of legitimate authority continues to exert decisive influence on western moral understanding of war. The doctrine accepts that a political power might identify a cause as just and declare war without reference to the nation's soldiers. Justice requires, however, a new interpretation of legitimate authority. Peace may be breached only in the cause of justice, but the assertion of justice by a political authority alone is not sufficient. The justice of war — typically considered only in relation to the adversary — must be absolute: understood by all, applied to all. Determining to embark upon war, political authorities cannot rightly ignore the soldiers who serve. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.4767 AHN, T. K.; RYAN, John Barry —
Since the introduction of economic theory to political science, theorists have argued that discussion could serve as an effective information shortcut if individuals communicate with experts who have similar preferences. Previous experimental and survey studies have found mixed results for the efficacy of social communication, but they have not observed the process of discussion partner selection which is so central to the previous models. This paper presents the results of a group-based experiment that allows for discussion partner selection. We fail to find aggregate enlightenment through social communication: lesser informed subjects are helped by social communication, but better informed subjects are harmed. This result is caused in part because subjects are too willing to seek out more expert discussion partners who have different ex ante preferences. [R]
65.4768 AKHREMENKO, Andrej S. —
We investigate the capabilities of a formal dynamic model to link theory and empirical estimation techniques. [Also.] we deal with the problems of public good provision and public capital accumulation and depreciation. Tying it all together, we demonstrate how formal theory can adjust the evaluation of public investment efficiency. The paper first presents the dynamic formal model construction. The core of it is Cobb-Douglas production function with public and private capital as input factors. Public capital stock is increased by budget investment inflow. A set of parameters which regulate system's efficiency enters the model. They are total factor productivity, public investment effectiveness and the efficiency of public assets' maintenance and utilization. We also define a special policy space of the model. [Then] we examine the data. [R, abr.] [First of three articles on “Power — communications, technologies, innovations”. See also Abstr. 65.5038, 5552, 6262]
65.4769 AKSOY, Deniz; CARTER, David B.; WRIGHT, Joseph —
We study the influence of domestic political dissent and violence on incumbent dictators and their regimes. We argue that elite with an interest in preserving the regime hold dictators accountable when there is a significant increase in terrorism. To pinpoint the accountability of dictators to elite who are strongly invested in the current regime, we make a novel theoretical distinction between reshuffling coups that change the leader but leave the regime intact and regime-change coups that completely change the set of elites atop the regime. Using a new data-set that distinguishes between these two coup types, we provide robust evidence that terrorism is a consistent predictor of reshuffling coups, whereas forms of dissent that require broader public participation and support, such as protests and insurgencies, are associated with regime-change coup attempts. [R, abr.]
65.4770 ALEXANDRA, Andrew —
There are moral reasons to accept the just war theory's norms of war that go beyond mere pragmatism. This is particularly the case regarding noncombatant immunity and the equal liability of combatants. Even if those norms are grounded in ordinary rational and moral principles, they differ considerably from the norms regarding responsibility which hold in peacetime. Even if justified in terms of the rationale of the institution of war, there are good reasons to be concerned about these norms: at the very least, they protect those who promote and profit from war from bearing the full consequences of their actions, creating “moral hazard” where disincentives for irresponsible behavior are lacking. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.4771 ALEXIADOU, Despina —
Under what conditions can cabinet ministers affect the government's policy agenda? Existing literature provides conflicting answers to this question. I show that some politicians are more likely than others to influence policy. Specifically, I consider three types of ministers: loyalists, who are loyal to their party leader and prioritize office over policy; partisans, who are party heavyweights and aspiring leaders; and ideologues, who have fixed policy ideas and are unwilling to compromise over office perks. I argue that ideologues and partisans will affect policy more than loyalists do. Using a novel data-set on ministerial backgrounds, and examining the area of social welfare policy in 18 countries, I find support for my theoretical expectations. [R]
65.4772 ALLARD-TREMBLAY, Yann —
This paper offers a revised political conception of human rights informed by legal pluralism and epistemic considerations. I first present the political conception of human rights. I then argue for four desiderata that such a conception should meet to be functionally applicable. I [then] explain how abstract human rights norms and the practice of specification prevent the political conception from meeting these four desiderata. [Finally,] I argue that full-fledged tolerance in the international order — that is tolerance-as-non-intervention and tolerance-as-respect — should be attached to (1) compliance with jus cogens norms and to (2a) a political community recognizably organized as a community of inquiry that is (2b) committed to the specification and incorporation or expression of the idea of human rights within its local legal system. [R, abr.]
65.4773 ALOYO, Eamon —
Many take last resort to mean that peaceful options that have a reasonable chance of achieving a just cause must be exhausted before the use of force is permissible. Its justification is straightforward and commonsensical: war is terrible, inevitably results in the deaths of numerous innocents and destruction of their property, and thus should be avoided whenever possible. I argue that last resort should be dropped from the just war tradition because its inclusion can result in a greater number of harms to innocents than if the precept did not exist. I suggest that in the context of achieving a just cause, the only actions that are permissible are those that are likely to inflict the fewest morally weighted harms and that meet the other just war theory precepts (excluding last resort). [R, abr.]
65.4774 ANDERSEN, Martin Marchman; NIELSEN, Morten Ebbe Juul —
In recent literature, there has been much debate about whether and how luck egalitarianism, given its focus on personal responsibility, can justify universal health care. We argue that the question of personal responsibilization for health is not settled. This is the case because whether or not individuals are responsible for their own health condition is not all that is relevant when considering whether we should somehow hold them responsible for their own health condition, e.g., cost-wise. There may also be efficiency-based reasons to hold them responsible, and there may even be egalitarian reasons. Defining universal health care as an insurance system where everyone's deductible and premium is 0, we argue that efficiency-based reasons for cost-responsibilization are not convincing, but that there are egalitarian reasons for cost-responsibilization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4966]
65.4775 ANDREWS, Rhys; ENTWISTLE, Tom —
By working with business, public organizations are assumed to benefit from: a more contestable procurement process; access to private-sector entrepreneurialism and the realization of previously untapped scale economies. Nevertheless, realization of these benefits may be contingent upon an expansion of management capacity to cope with vastly increased transaction costs. We examine the relationship between a commitment to public-private partnerships, management capacity and the productive efficiency of a set of English local authorities. We find that only those governments with very strong management capacity are able to realize productive efficiency gains from public-private partnership. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [R]
65.4776 ARBATOV, Aleksej G. —
The article addresses an unprecedented crisis of the system and process of nuclear arms-control — including nuclear arms-reduction and nonproliferation. It analyzes the principal reasons of the present crisis: the transforming post-post Cold War world order; Russia's position and role in the new international environment; the military-strategic, economic and technological developments, which are leading to disintegration of former conceptual premises and mechanisms of nuclear arms control and which are not adapted to the changing objective realities. In conclusion, some general proposals are provided with the aim of saving, adopting and enhancing nuclear arms-limitation and non-proliferation. [R, abr.]
65.4777 ARCENEAUX, Kevin; JOHNSON, Martin —
We investigate how selective exposure to various types of media shapes hostile media perceptions. We use an innovative experimental design that gauges the influence of viewers' preferences for entertainment, partisan cable news, or mainstream broadcast news on their reactions to media content. This design represents a modification to the participant preference experiment used elsewhere, expanding a laboratory-based media environment to include partisan and mainstream news options, alongside entertainment programming. We find that people's viewing preferences shape their reactions to news media content. [R]
65.4778 ARNHART, Larry —
A. Melzer supports Leo Strauss's claim that philosophers have practiced esoteric writing, at least prior to the 19th c. But Melzer also raises questions about whether the success of liberalism in rendering esoteric writing unnecessary and undesirable refutes Strauss's teaching that the conflict between philosophy and politics must be permanent. Melzer suggests the possibility that Strauss was a Midwest Straussian, who concluded that modernity was good, and that the pre-modern philosophers were wrong in thinking that an open society with complete freedom of thought and speech was impossible. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4779 ASKAROV, Zohid; DOUCOULIAGOS, Hristos —
We investigate whether aid contributed to institutional development in transition economies. We find that aid flows have a positive effect on democratization, especially on constraints on the executive and political participation. At the same time, total aid has no effect on overall quality of governance, while US aid appears to have a negative impact on some dimensions of governance. Aid's differential impact on democracy and governance is consistent with uneven development of institutions and the democracy consolidation hypothesis. We also find that aid has a nonlinear effect on democracy. Openness has a positive effect on both democracy and good governance. Oil resources have an adverse effect on democracy. Adult mortality, civil war and adherence to Islam are all detrimental to good governance. [R]
65.4780 ATKINS, Jed W. —
Recent scholarship on Stoic political thought has sought to explain the relationship between Zeno's Republic and the concept of a natural law regulating a cosmic city of gods and human beings that is attributed to later Stoics. This paper reassesses this relationship by exploring the underappreciated influence of Plato's Laws on Zeno's Republic and, through Zeno, on the subsequent Stoic tradition. Zeno's attempt to remove perceived inconsistencies in Plato's treatment of “law” and “nature” established a philosophical framework that overturned the republicanism of Plato and Aristotle; this same framework established the preconditions for the cosmic city of gods and human beings regulated by natural law. Thus, the early Stoic tradition on the topic of natural law is characterized by continuity rather than by discontinuity. [R]
65.4781 AZAD, Abul Kalam; HALIM, Md. Fazlul —
Humanitarian intervention based on the idea called “The Responsibility to Protect (R2P)” is meant to save populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. It is a step-by-step process for dealing with an internal conflict with significant security implications. It is a composite of three elements, each of which tries to deal with an internal conflict considering security at three levels: human security at the national level, regional security and international security. Intervention guided by the spirit of R2P would enable the conflicts to find their respective end in a peaceful and non-violent manner in consonance with international laws and norms. The paper studies the various elements of R2P from a comprehensive security perspective with recommendation for its application in all internal conflicts including in Syria. [R, abr.]
65.4782 BAGGIARINI, Bianca —
René Girard argues that violence and the sacred are inseparable, yet how do the political boundaries of sacrifice shift when state violence is privatized and increasingly disembodied? This article provides a Foucauldian challenge to Girard by invoking the mutually reinforcing problem of military privatization and drone warfare. Using Foucauldian work on race and biopolitics, I explore how military privatization permits states to (precariously) call for the end of sacrifice. I trace the genealogical trajectories of the citizen-soldier to argue that military privatization, as exemplified by the burgeoning industry of private military and security companies and the current American administration's use of drone warfare, allows for the removal of sacrifice as a feature of the post-World War II social contract between states and citizens. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.4783 BAILARD, Catie Snow —
This analysis contributes to the body of research testing the effect of mobile phone availability on the probability of violent conflict by shifting the unit of analysis to that of distinct ethnic groups. This approach provides two important advantages. First, it tests the robustness of this relationship by determining whether this effect maintains when shifted to a more rigorous and theoretically appropriate level of analysis. Second, shifting the analysis to the group level also enables tests of specific characteristics that may condition the effect of mobile phone availability on violent collective action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5574]
65.4784 BAKER, Andrew; UNDERHILL, Geoffrey R. D. —
This article introduces a special section on economic ideas and the political construction of the financial crash. It explains why economic ideas and the politics of appeals to certain ideas are so integral to the historical significance of the crash of 2008 and the question of whether it can be considered a crisis at all. [After] covering the literature on ideas and economic crisis, it highlights that the contribution of the special section is to engage in a stock-taking exercise of the empirical and conceptual patterns concerning the politics of ideational change underway in the areas of: comparative fiscal policy; monetary policy and Eurozone debt-management; capital controls; and financial and securities market regulation and standard-setting. The final section outlines the section articles. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Economic ideas and the political construction of the financial crash of 2008”. See also Abstr. 65.4853, 5136, 5843, 6056]
65.4785 BAKER, Deane-Peter —
Most of the arguments that favor contingent pacifism are epistemic in nature, or at least contain a significant epistemic component — a war might be possible, but we never truly know that the conditions for a just war were in place, and we must therefore stick to the ethically safe ground of pacifism. But perhaps there is another way to approach this issue, one that finds its roots in the distinction between justification and excuse, widely accepted and applied in the fields of morality and law. It can be regarded as a worthwhile division if it forces us to confront deep and difficult questions related to responsibility, culpability and liability. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.4786 BALDWIN, David A. —
Dahl's critics have often called attention to important aspects of power relations — e.g., the suppression of issues and consciousness control. The critics, however, have not always portrayed Dahl's views as accurately as one might wish. Distinguishing between an abstract concept of power and operational definitions adopted for purposes of specific research projects is fundamental for Dahl. Furthermore, Dahl's concept of power implies nothing about the preferences of B, is not zero-sum, does not necessitate compulsion, may or may not be subtle or visible, is not confined to material resources, and may be either direct and immediate or indirect and long term. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4923]
65.4787 BANDUCCI, Susan; STEVENS, Daniel —
The value of cross-national surveys in examining how political and social contexts shape attitudes and behavior has been demonstrated over the past 20 years. Their vulnerabilities have also received considerable attention. Less attention has been paid to how variations in the timing of the fieldwork may affect data quality. We investigate how the timing of the survey in the electoral cycle may affect survey cooperation and satisficing. For some indicators, we find support for a context effect in that reluctance to cooperate and satisficing decrease as an election approaches, and this effect is more pronounced among the politically interested. Our results have implications for both cross-national survey research and campaign effects studies in that conducting fieldwork close to an election can alter data quality and campaigns can influence behavior but also cooperation with surveys. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Cross-cultural issues in survey methodology”, edited and introduced by Timothy P. JOHNSON. See also Abstr. 65.4919, 4980, 5158, 5167, 5579]
65.4788 BARDON, Aurélia —
This article gathers different understandings of the concept of secularization, present the various dimensions described by many different authors and, through this analysis, reveals a single framework that can be called secularization. The reason this inquiry matters is because there is something about secularization that is related to our modern understanding of democracy. The reconceptualization of secularization is not an end in itself but, rather, a tool used to highlight some interesting relations between religion and democracy. [R]
65.4789 BARKDULL, John; HARRIS, Paul G. —
What are the implications of global climate change for peace and human welfare? The answer depends on the actual effects of climate change and how the world responds to them. Current economic and political systems are unlikely to produce the policy and institutional changes needed to reduce adequately the greenhouse gas emissions causing the problem, so some of the most dangerous effects of climate change could occur this century. Some observers posit that climate change will result in catastrophe, but specifics of this catastrophe range widely. Does climate change mean painful but manageable social disruption, requiring, for instance, populations to move and cities to be rebuilt? Or does climate change portend much worse, including major wars, the end of modern civilization or, incredibly, even the eventual extinction of humanity? [R, abr.]
65.4790 BAUMANN, Markus; DEBUS, Marc; MÜLLER, Jochen —
Theoretical and empirical models of legislative decision-making in parliamentary democracies typically neglect the policy preferences of individual MPs, focusing on political parties and possible institutional constraints. We argue that MPs actually make judgments and decisions on the basis of their preferences, which are shaped by their personal characteristics. However, given the strength of parties in most parliamentary systems, the impact of personal characteristics on legislative behavior is rarely visible. Therefore, we examine a moral issue. Looking at cosponsorship, parliamentary speeches, and votes in the German Bundestag, we analyze the legislative procedure on the regulation of preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) in Germany in 2011. We show that the legislative behavior of MPs not only reflects partisan conflict but is also influenced by the preferences of the constituents and MPs' own personal characteristics. [R, abr.]
65.4791 BECHER, Michael; CHRISTIANSEN, Flemming Juul —
Chief executives in many parliamentary democracies have the power to dissolve the legislature. Despite a well-developed literature on the endogenous timing of parliamentary elections, political scientists know remarkably little about the strategic use of dissolution power to influence policy-making. To address this gap, we propose and empirically evaluate a theoretical model of legislative bargaining in the shadow of executive dissolution power. The model implies that the chief executive's public support and legislative strength, as well as the time until the next constitutionally mandated election, are important determinants of the use and effectiveness of dissolution threats in policy-making. Analyzing an original time-series data-set from a multiparty parliamentary democracy, we find evidence in line with key empirical implications of the model. [R]
65.4792 BECHTEL, Michael M.; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
National governments have intensified their attempts to create international institutions in various policy fields such as the environment, finance and trade. At the same time, many subnational policy-makers have begun to duplicate international efforts by setting their own, stricter policies while others remain inactive or enact more lax regulation. This “glocalization” of policy creates a complex and potentially costly patchwork system of regulations. To shed light on this phenomenon, this article analyzes the interaction between subnational and national governments within a game-theoretic model of international treaty negotiations. The glocalization of regulatory policy can be understood as an attempt by subnational policy-makers to strategically constrain or empower national governments in international negotiations. [R, abr.]
65.4793 BECK, Teresa Koloma; VEIT, Alex —
As a thematic introduction of the forum, this paper develops a concept of resistance that makes the term fruitful for the study of IR. We consider resistance and domination not as distinct phenomena, but as a complex. The empirical observation of resistance is the starting point for research on resistance and domination alike. Such a change of perspective allows the empirical analysis of structures of domination under the conditions of globalization. The latter are not simply evident, but become visible and accessible at the moment of their oppositional questioning. However, we reduce the analytical significance of resistance not to a source of information about rile. Rather, we emphasize its productive effect: resistance allows new analytical perspectives on global power structures while, at the same time, reproducing them empirically. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a series of articles of the same title. See Abstr. 65.5090, 5596, 5668, 6181]
65.4794 BEERI, Itai; YUVAL, Fany —
New Localism has attracted growing interest among both researchers and practitioners who deal with local governance. Although most research on the subject has emphasized institutional and national points of view, this study elucidates public opinion toward a governmental policy that for some fundamentally contradicts and for others goes hand in hand with the principles of New Localism: namely, an end-case scenario under which the central government neutralizes failing local authorities. Following R.T. Ford's pioneering work “Law's territory (a history of jurisdiction)” [Michigan Law Review 97, 1999: 843–930], we suggest a model that predicts the members of the public, based on individual- and community-level characteristics, who are likely to support the neutralization approach and further test the model using a field study of 1,321 residents of Israeli local authorities. [R, abr.]
65.4795 BÉLANGER, Éric; NADEAU, Richard —
This article argues that issue-ownership can provide us with a better understanding of the economic issue's impact on the vote because perceptions of party competence at managing the economy can counterbalance the influence of retrospective economic evaluations, by encouraging voters to put economic performance (good or bad) into perspective. These general expectations are tested with the use of individual-level survey data from five Canadian Election Studies conducted between 1984 and 2011. That relatively long period of time allows estimation of the impact on incumbent vote-choice of competence perceptions and economic assessments during both good and bad economic times. The article shows that issue-ownership of the economy matters to vote-choice, that its influence has been consistent across elections, and that it outweighs the impact of retrospective economic judgments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4813]
65.4796 BELLAMY, Alex J. —
Ten years since its adoption by the UN General Assembly, the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) has become an established international norm associated with positive changes to the way that international society responds to genocide and mass atrocities. In its first decade, RtoP has moved from being a controversial and indeterminate concept seldom utilized by international society to a norm utilized almost habitually. This is an assessment that stands in contrast to the widespread view that RtoP is associated with “growing controversy”, but is one that rests on evidence of state practice. [R]
65.4797 BENTLEY, Tom —
Unexpectedly, several prominent European countries have begun to issue official state apologies to their former colonies. What does this proliferation of official colonial sorrow from such countries as Germany, Belgium, Italy, and Britain reveal about the normative tenets of the contemporary international order? This article analyzes colonial apologies as crucial symbolic and ritualistic sites where state elites project liberal credentials and affirm liberal normative tenets in the international system. Specifically, the article demonstrates how these apologies for colonial atrocity appear to reinforce liberal conceptions of human rights, the renunciation of violence, cordial relations with formerly colonized states, and commitments to state accountability and transparency. Yet, textual analysis of several state apologies reveals that these performatives simultaneously contradict each of these liberal tenets. [R, abr.]
65.4798 BERGENAS, Johan; KNIGHT, Ariella —
For decades, politicians have left the responsibility to protect the world's natural resources to environmental organizations and aid agencies. Yet, with environmental crime on the rise and revenue filling the coffers of the world's worst terrorist organizations and transnational criminals, governments are now responding with more resources and energy than at any other time. Novel and innovative approaches, nonetheless, are necessary in the public and private sectors, and new partnerships need to be forged to overcome this threat to conservation, sustainable development, and global security. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.4799 BERMAN, Eli; MATANOCK, Aila M. —
Research on insurgency has been invigorated during this past decade by better data, improved methods, and the urgency of understanding active engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan. This “empiricists' insurgency” reinforces a classic literature on the essential role of civilians while challenging older theories about how they affect conflict outcomes. It provides a general framework describing “irregular” insurgencies (where government capacity exceeds rebel capacity), which is analytically cohesive and empirically tested using subnational data from multiple conflicts. The new research provides guidance on intervention design, including governance improvement, development programs, and rules of engagement. The design of interventions matters: Some key evidence comes from measuring the effects of misguided policies. [R, abr.]
65.4800 BETHENCOURT, Carlos; KUNZE, Lars —
A central result in the political economy of taxation is that the degree of redistribution is positively linked to income inequality. However, empirical evidence supporting such a relationship turns out to be mixed. This paper shows how the different empirical reactions can be rationalized within a simple model of tax avoidance and costly tax enforcement. By focusing on structure-induced equilibrium in which taxpayers vote over the size of the income tax and the level of tax-enforcement, we show that more inequality may well reduce the extent of redistribution, depending on two opposing effects: the standard political effect and a negative tax base effect working through increases in the average level of tax-avoidance and the share of enforcement expenditures in total tax revenue. [R]
65.4801 BISAZ, Corsin —
By and large, it is argued that political decisions in a democracy derive their legitimacy from the demos, the democratic people, through a qualified and fair (democratic) procedure. However, the demos cannot be seen as a natural given and its legitimate delimitation has recently become an issue of much debate. This essay supports and defends the view that a demos cannot be “generally legitimate”, but only with regard to a specific issue. In consequence, the appropriate allocation of authority will be shown to constitute a necessary precondition of democratically legitimate decisions and should thus be seriously considered in a democracy. As a pragmatic approach, this article introduces subsidiarity as a general principle to guide the appropriate allocation of authority in the real world, be it within, between or beyond states. [R]
65.4802 BLAU, Adrian —
A. Melzer's Philosophy Between the Lines [Chicago, 2014] is a much better account of esotericism than anything that Leo Strauss wrote. But although Melzer uncovers many examples of writers who make claims about other writers' esotericism, he provides fewer examples of actual esotericism than he thinks, and his evidence is sometimes tenuous. More important, perhaps, is Melzer's valuable evidence about particular esoteric techniques. But there are some curious silences here: he does not support Strauss's claims that esoteric writers used the techniques of numbers and density. How much of Strauss's esoteric interpretation rests on alleged techniques for which there is no historical basis? And Melzer's evidence about the alleged technique of centers involves a misreading of Cicero. I also raise questions about Melzer's distinctions between esoteric and non-esoteric, and between esoteric and literal. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4803 BOCHSLER, Daniel; HUG, Simon —
Referendums are often viewed as a threat to the rights of minorities. Empirical studies, so far, have tried to deal with the impact of referendums on minorities and civil rights at the subnational level by comparing either referendum or policy outcomes across subnational units. These units are, however, often constrained by the national level of government. Hence, to understand the full effect of referendums on minority policies, cross-national comparisons are required. Based on existing game-theoretical models, we argue that referendums and initiatives push policies towards the voters' preferences, either by protecting minority rights or reducing them. We test this proposition with national-level information on preferences and institutions as well as minority policies from countries spanning the whole globe. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4987]
65.4804 BODANSKY, Daniel —
This article [surveys] legal realism and sketches out its implications for international law, using international environmental law as an example. Although the “new” legal realism is not especially new, its anti-formalist, pragmatic perspective still offers important insights about the international legal process, and serves as a useful counterpoint to a new variety of formalism, which continues to resist the social scientific study of international law. Among its distinctive elements, legal realism views international law instrumentally, is empirical in orientation, and focuses on the processes by which international law is developed, implemented, and enforced, rather than limiting itself to international law doctrine. The fear of critics is that, by de-emphasizing the internal point of view and the concept of legal validity, legal realism deprives international law of the very features that make it a distinctive enterprise. [R]
65.4805 BÖKER, Marit; ELSTUB, Stephen —
The arrival of deliberative democracy in the 1980s and 1990s cemented the normative revival in democratic theory. However, as deliberative theory increasingly emphasized practice-oriented institutional innovations such as “mini-publics”, Realpolitik has made a resurgence, rendering deliberative democracy less normative and critical. Yet, although in practice the focus on mini-publics has sometimes resulted in less critical forms of deliberation, we argue that this need not be the case. An important task of deliberative theory today is to find ways in which deliberative democracy can be practically relevant without losing its critical and normative edge. We contend that experimentation with new forms of mini-publics can contribute to this, if located within a deliberative system where their deficiencies can be corrected and supplemented by other parts of the system. [R, abr.]
65.4806 BÖSS, Michael —
The article discusses whether decreasing confidence in politicians, political parties and governments and falling electoral participation should be seen as expressions of a crisis of representative democracy. Although it does point out elements that reflect a disjunction between the classical argument for representative democracy — legitimacy and effectiveness — the article rejects this perception. It argues, however, that there are good reasons for supplementing representative democracy with deliberative processes as a means of keeping a democratic culture vibrant and enhancing the public's understanding of the character, aims, and conditions of representative democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.5119]
65.4807 BOUVERESSE, Aude —
Overcoming the drawbacks of formal and constraining law, soft law could not claim an inherent normative value. Yet the lack of a normative value from the start did not prevent the acknowledgement of a normative scope of such laws. The courts, by consecrating the law's binding nature on its originator or even its recipients, legally integrated the contribution by soft law in the structuring of competition law. It is aligned on the de facto authority gained by its efficiency and even its effectiveness. Normative effectiveness is measured for its authors based on the rationalization and experimentation of their actions, but also for the recipients of such laws, which benefit by greater legal security. Normative effectiveness also comes with litigation effectiveness through the control of such laws that shows a litigation strategy. [R, abr.]
65.4808 BRASSETT, James; RETHEL, Lena —
The article develops a critical analysis of gendered narratives of global finance. The post-subprime crisis equation of unfettered global finance with the excessive masculinity of individual bankers is read in line with a wider gender narrative. We discuss how hetero-normative relations between men and women underpin financial representations through three historical examples: war bond advertising, Hollywood films about bankers, and contemporary aesthetic representations of female politicians who advocate for austerity. A politics emerges whereby gender is used to encompass a/the spectrum between embedded and disembedded finance, approximate to the divide between oikonomia and chrematistics. The apparently desirable “marriage” between the state and finance that ensues carries several ambiguities — precisely along gender lines — that point to a pervasive limit: the myth of embedded liberalism in the imagination of global finance. [R]
65.4809 BRIGHI, Elisabetta —
Dostoevsky's 1864 novel Notes from Underground offers an intriguing parallel for the 21st c. lone-wolf; it portrays an abject, outcast, spiteful unnamed anti-hero boiling with rage, bitter with resentment and on the verge of radicalization. A Girardian reading of the poetic truths contained in Dostoevsky's work provides important keys to explain the contemporary transformation from “fourth-wave” religious terrorism to “fifth-wave” lone-wolf terrorism. Such a reading argues that it is mimetic rivalry — rather than much-trumpeted forms of religious violence or cultural differences — that fuels the triangular relation between governments, terrorists and civilian victims at heart of terrorist acts. This approach blends social inquiry with an account of the individual, in fact anthropological, conditions of lone-wolf terrorism by tracing the globalization of resentment and the individualization of violence to the hyper-mimeticism characterizing the globalization of late modernity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.4810 BRIGHI, Elisabetta; CERELLA, Antonio —
This article introduces René Girard's mimetic theory in the field of International Studies, identifying some of the areas of research that it might usefully open up. First, the article explores mimetic theory and some of its basic concepts — mimetic desire, mimetic rivalry, the scapegoat mechanism, and the sacrificial crisis — in order to highlight the strong heuristic and analytical potential of Girard's work. Second, the article considers Girard's contribution in light of contemporary theories of International Relations to demonstrate its added value. Third, the article serves as a critical introduction to the various sections and contributions of the Special Issue. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Mimetic theory and international studies”. See Abstr. 65.4782, 4809, 4825, 4854, 4863, 5135, 5166, 5211]
65.4811 BRISSET, Nicolas —
This paper examines the use of the concept of emergence in the work of Tony Lawson. While this notion is widespread in institutional economics, Lawson remains the only [one] to provide a clear ontological justification of its use. Nevertheless, I argue that Lawson's argument is insufficient, and that the definition of emergent phenomena he gives must be enriched through considerations about the specificity of the social world. [R]
65.4812 BROWN, Judy; DILLARD, Jesse —
This article highlights traditional accounting's narrow focus on financial markets and shareholder wealth-maximization, its failure to adequately account for the social and environmental impacts of organizational activity, and the role it has played in the spread of neoliberal logics. It outlines proposals for dialogic accounting theory and practice aimed at developing civil society-oriented accounts that foster critical reflection and debate on organizational practices. The discussion also highlights the significant challenges involved in developing dialogic accounting — in terms of both the taken-for-grantedness of business-oriented framings, and wider political economy context. The article underlines the importance of cross-disciplinary initiatives and civil society engagement in efforts to challenge the monologism of traditional accounting and develop democratically responsive accounting. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4837]
65.4813 BUDGE, Ian —
Saliency approaches derive from the basic idea that political parties define their policies by emphasizing certain topics more than others, particularly in public documents and debates. However, the approaches diverge on whether parties always emphasize the same “owned” issues or can emphasize different ones in different elections with a view to winning votes. The article explores the way these differences developed and summarizes them in a typology of “issue-ownerships”, within which models linking “ownership” to election outcomes can be located. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Issue ownership: how the public links parties to issues and why it matters”, introduced by Jonas LEFEVERE, Anke TRESCH and Stefaan WALGRAVE, pp. 755–760. See also Abstr. 65.4795, 4845, 4988, 5148, 5791, 5792, 5801]
65.4814 BULL, Martin J. —
Using as a starting point the 40th anniversary of Italian political science in 2013 and the volume published to mark this occasion, this article evaluates the state of the discipline today. The discipline's late birth, small size and competition from other disciplines help to explain its incomplete institutionalization. Yet, what is too often overlooked is a detailed analysis of the sub-fields of Italian political science, how they have changed over time and what this might signal. Using an analogous volume published 24 years earlier, an analysis of the sub-fields reveals a discipline undergoing significant change through the emergence of new sub-fields accounting for at least a quarter of Italian political science research today. This development is important because of the historical and continuing preponderance of research on Italian politics amongst Italian political scientists. [R, abr.]
65.4816 BURNHAM, Douglas —
Acknowledging the vast quantity of scholarship that A. Melzer has put into renewing the esoteric-writing hypothesis and that the level of evidence guarantees there's some sort of phenomenon here that merits study, this essay nevertheless takes issue with two underlying points. The first of these is Melzer's somewhat tendentious use of “historicism”, which at least needs to be elaborated and worked through. I use Nietzsche to demonstrate that a historicist outlook need not exhibit all the features Melzer ascribes to it. I suggest that if the main objective is to study the possibility of and strategies for a liberation of thought, then historicism in some guises is more a useful coworker than a foe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4817 BÜTIKOFER, Sarah; HUG, Simon —
Most research on roll-call votes considers each voting decision by MPs as an independent observation. Only recently have scholars [e.g.: J. D. Clinton, “Congress, lawmaking, and the [US] Fair Labor Standards Act, 1971–2000”, American Journal of Political Science 56(2), 2012: 355–372, Abstr. 62.4657; J. D. Clinton and A. Meirowitz, “Testing explanations of strategic voting in legislatures: a reexamination of the [US] Compromise of 1790”, American Journal of Political Science 48(4), Oct. 2004: 675–689, Abstr. 56.5980] started to assess how knowledge about the sequence of votes may help us to understand the legislative process in more detail. Many of these analyses are, however, predicated on quite important assumptions regarding the forward-looking capacities of MPs. In this paper, this more recent literature is [used to] analyze two bills adopted in the Swiss parliament. Having detailed information available on MPs' preferences over various options voted upon, it is possible to test whether MPs behave strategically, and to what degree they are capable of anticipating the way forward through the agenda tree. [R, abr.]
65.4818 BUTLER, Daniel M.; KOUSSER, Thad —
We study how policy-makers play public goods games, and how their behavior compares to the typical subjects we study, by conducting parallel experiments on college undergraduates and American state legislators. We find that the legislators play public goods games more cooperatively and more consistently than the undergraduates. Legislators are also less responsive to treatments that involve social elements but are more likely to respond to additional information that they receive. Further, legislators' fixed characteristics explain much of the variation in how legislators play the game. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding how institutions affect the provision of public goods. [R]
65.4820 CAO Xun; WARD, Hugh —
Selectorate theory proposes that authoritarian regimes supply fewer public goods than democracies. Smaller winning coalitions make it less costly for autocracies to maintain support among critical groups by providing private goods. Democracies, with large winning coalitions, find it cheaper to provide public goods. In contrast, we argue for a conditional effect of winning coalition size on public good provisions: Many public goods require considerable state capacity to plan, legislate, and implement. Moreover, leaders with short-term horizons are unlikely to invest in public goods that take considerable time to provide. Therefore, our modified selectorate theory suggests that governments will provide public goods if the size of the winning coalition is large enough, state capacity is great enough, and a priori regime durability is long enough. We test our theory on air pollution. [R, abr.]
65.4821 CARUSO, Germán; SCARTASCINI, Carlos; TOMMASI, Mariano —
This paper addresses an important source of variation within democracies — the degree of institutionalization. The concept of institutionalization describes the extent to which politics takes place, and is believed to take place, via formal political institutions. Countries vary in their degree of institutionalization, hence, in the degree to which political actors pursue their goals via conventional politics or via “alternative political technologies”. This paper postulates that if politics is conducted largely outside of formal channels, the structure of the formal channels should not matter much as a determinant of policy outcomes. To address this issue, this paper proposes a new index of institutionalization and with it revisits seminal work regarding the impact of constitutions on public spending. [R, abr.]
65.4822 CASON, Timothy N.; MUI, Vai-Lam —
This paper reports an experiment to evaluate the effectiveness of repeated interactions in deterring leaders from using divide-and-conquer strategies to extract surplus from their subordinates, when every decision-maker involved is a group instead of an individual. We find that both the resistance rate by subordinates and the divide-and-conquer transgression rate by leaders are the same in the group and individual repeated coordinated resistance games. Similar to the individual game, adding communication to the group game can help deter opportunistic behavior by the leaders even in the presence of repetition. [R]
65.4823 CASPER, Gretchen; WILSON, Matthew —
Temporal problems remain in the empirical analysis of political phenomena, especially as it pertains to categorical data and long-term time dependence. Many theories in political science assert that sequencing matters or that political outcomes are path-dependent, but they remain untested (or improperly tested) assertions for which sequence analysis may be valuable. This article briefly reviews the disciplinary origins of sequence-analysis and applies the method in order to understand bargaining between actors during national crises. Finally, it explores the robustness of a commonly used sequence analysis metric. The ability to demonstrate and separate sequential effects from accumulative effects — made possible through sequence analysis — constitutes a major step in political science toward analyses that are truly time-sensitive. [R]
65.4824 CELS, Sanderijn —
In recent years, state leaders have increasingly apologized for historical wrongdoing. This article argues that there are scant conceptual tools available in current apology theory to capture the meanings of such political apologies. Salient theories treat apologies predominantly as “speech acts”, and this perspective produces frameworks of analysis that are preoccupied with linguistic features (e.g., the phrasing of the utterance of the apologizer). This article points to the limitations of this approach by arguing that dramaturgical aspects of performance are equally important. Political apologies are frequently offered during public ceremonies. Reactions in their aftermath indicate that the setup of those ceremonies matter to the victims, who, as primary addressees, assign meanings to the act. Current apology theory, however, gives little consideration to this observation. [R, abr.]
65.4825 CERELLA, Antonio —
I compare C. Schmitt's and R. Girard's theoretical proposals about the origins, containment and diffusion of violence in order to explore the end of the Nomos and of its sacrality. I argue that the “mimetical” and the “political” offer two complementary and radical visions of the origins of conflict and its containment. This exploration serves to trace an alternative genealogy of world politics, from its tragic beginnings up to the dissolution of the political form in the so-called age of disenchantment. How to reconceptualize the chaotic multitude and undifferentiation triggered by the dynamics of globalization? What political forms will the communities take in the era of virtual liquidity? Analyzing the work of Girard and Schmitt might shed some light on these epochal questions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.4826 CERNY, Philip G. —
In a globalizing world, the challenge of threats of violent conflict is being fundamentally transformed. Complex interdependence is leading to a “new security dilemma” in which non-state actors are increasingly localized and resistant to outside intervention, challenged more by socioeconomic modernization than by traditional forms of interstate conflict. As a result, there is a growing shift to a policing model, involving: prioritization of socio-economic development in a more open world economy; civilianization of the state; a shift towards a law-enforcement approach to the control of violent conflict and aggressive behavior; a greater emphasis on international diplomacy, global governance and peacekeeping; the rise of “civilian states” in foreign policy; and the emergence of greater global awareness and governmentality. Together, such trends are leading to an uneven but growing civilianization of security itself, “from warriors to police”. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4912]
65.4827 CHAUDOIN, Stephen; MILNER, Helen V.; PANG Xun —
As globalization and democratization advance, theories and empirical models of international politics have become more complicated. We present a systematic theoretical categorization of relationships between domestic and systemic variables. We use this categorization so that scholars can match their theory to the appropriate empirical model and assess the degree to which systemic factors affect their arguments. We combine hierarchical models of moderating relationships with spatial models of interdependence among units within a system. [Also], we provide a model for analyzing spatial interdependence that varies over time. This enables us to examine how the level of interdependence among units has evolved. We illustrate our categorization and new models by revisiting the recent IPE debate over the relationship between trade policy and regime type in developing countries. [R, abr.]
65.4828 CHO Seok-Ju; KANG Insun —
We examine strategic voting in open primary elections by developing a Poisson voting game. In the model, two parties simultaneously hold primary elections, with two candidates competing in each party. Each voter chooses to vote for one of the four candidates without knowing how many other voters participate in each primary. Analyzing the model, we investigate what types of strategic crossover voting occur in equilibrium and [in] what circumstances they occur. In particular, we focus on two types of crossover voting: hedging (voting for the moderate candidate of the opposite party) and raiding (voting for the extreme candidate of the opposite party). We show that the pattern of strategic voting in equilibrium critically depends on candidate positions and uncertainty about the outcome in the general election. [R]
65.4829 CHRISTOPOULOS, Dimitris; INGOLD, Karin —
Policy-brokers and policy-entrepreneurs are assumed to have a decisive impact on policy outcomes. Their access to social and political resources is contingent on their influence on other agents. In social network analysis (SNA), entrepreneurs are often closely associated with brokers, because both are agents presumed to benefit from bridging structural holes; for example, gaining advantage through occupying a strategic position in relational space. First, we conceptually and operationally differentiate policy-brokers from policy entrepreneurs premised on assumptions in the policy-process literature; and second, via SNA, we use the output of core algorithms in a cross-sectional analysis of political brokerage and political entrepreneurship. We simplify the use of graph algebra in answering questions relevant to policy analysis by placing each algorithm within its theoretical context. [R, abr.]
65.4830 CIPLET, David —
This article analyzes how low-income state agreement has been produced for contemporary international climate change treaties. These treaties have dramatically weakened the legal framework for action on climate change, with likely unequal impacts in the poorest countries. The case demonstrates that theories of international cooperation are not fully equipped to explain the processes through which low-income states offer their consent to multilateral agreements. This article develops and applies to this case a neo-Gramscian framework of negotiated consent, which reveals three mechanisms in the production of low-income state consent: material concessions, norm alignment, and structural conditioning. This approach views international cooperation as a process of strategic power relations co-constituted by strong and weak states, in coordination with non-state actors. [R, abr.]
65.4831 CLARK, J. R., et al. —
The economics literature generally finds a positive, but small, gain in income to native-born populations from immigrants and potentially large gains in world incomes. But immigrants can also impact a recipient nation's institutions. A growing empirical literature supports the importance of strong private property rights, a rule of law, and an environment of economic freedom for promoting long-run prosperity. But little is known about how immigration impacts these institutions. This paper empirically examines how immigration impacts a nation's policies and institutions. We find no evidence of negative and some evidence of positive impacts in institutional quality as a result of immigration. [R]
65.4832 CLARK, Tom S.; LINZER, Drew A. —
Empirical analyses in social science frequently confront quantitative data that are clustered or grouped. To account for group-level variation and improve model fit, researchers will commonly specify either a fixed- or random-effects model. But current advice on which approach should be preferred, and under what conditions, remains vague and sometimes contradictory. This study performs a series of Monte Carlo simulations to evaluate the total error due to bias and variance in the inferences of each model, for typical sizes and types of datasets encountered in applied research. The results offer a typology of dataset characteristics to help researchers choose a preferred model. [R]
65.4833 CLARK, Tom S.; STATON, Jeffrey K. —
In shaping constitutional courts' jurisdictions, societies must contend with the informational challenges associated with rule-making and the distributive politics of granting courts jurisdiction over administrative lawmaking. Curiously, judges are often granted jurisdiction that seems to create a tension between their ability to acquire information about appropriate rules and to clearly articulate them. In particular, many courts handle the onerous burden of resolving thousands of routine, low-stakes cases of law-application. We develop an informational model of judicial docket style that isolates a tension between information-acquisition and quality rule-writing and examine how that tension manifests in the incentives concerning jurisdiction style. We develop implications for constitutional design in a liberal democracy. [R, abr.]
65.4834 CLEMENTS, Kevin P. —
This article compares principled and strategic nonviolent movements. While pragmatic, strategic nonviolence is effective for movements seeking to overthrow corrupt repressive and dictatorial regimes, it is much less successful in the progressive transformation of state and political systems. This is because principled nonviolence and movements associated with such value systems are ambivalent about political power and the role of the Weberian state. Conversely strategic nonviolent movements are willing to utilize the coercive power of the state for their own political purposes and in doing so often become fatally compromised, as happened in Egypt, Palestine and Syria. The promise of principled nonviolence is social, political, and economic institutions capable of transcending Machiavellian politics because of a radical commitment to pacifism and emancipatory political processes. [R]
65.4835 CLIFFORD, Scott, et al. —
A growing body of research documents the crucial role played by moral concerns in the formation of attitudes and a wide range of political behaviors. Yet extant models of moral judgment portray a direct linkage between moral intuitions and policy attitudes, leaving little room for the influence of political context. We argue that political rhetoric plays an important role in facilitating the connection between moral intuitions and political attitudes. Using a unique combination of media content-analysis of the stem-cell debate and individual-level measures of the public's moral foundations, we examine the role of rhetoric in linking a person's moral foundations to his or her attitudes. [R, abr.]
65.4836 COE, Brooke —
State sovereignty is a fundamental organizing principle of international relations. Although always imperfectly respected, the sovereignty normset — territorial integrity, sovereign equality, and noninterference — carries enormous weight. It is not, however, static or monolithic, and this article seeks to historicize and contextualize sovereignty in the Global South by examining one of its essential components, the norm of noninterference. Making use of qualitative and quantitative evidence, it argues that the norm of noninterference, held sacrosanct in developing regions during the post-decolonization era, has eroded in important ways in Latin America and Africa as regional interference practices in response to domestic crises have gained legitimacy in the post-Cold War era. Noninterference has meanwhile been upheld and protected to a much greater degree in Southeast Asia. [R]
65.4837 COFFEY, Brian —
Public sector environmental governance involves complex interactions between different forms of knowledge. Public sector reforms have important implications for environmental governance by changing the relationships between knowledge systems. By comparing the views of environmental policy workers the implications of public sector management reform for environmental governance are explored. The analysis presented highlights that environmental policy work is contested in ways that mainstream public sector management and environmental governance literature often overlook. It is concluded that the adequacy of the conceptual frameworks informing public sector environmental reform are unclear, as are the implications of such reforms for effective environmental governance. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Professional knowledge and policy work”, edited and introduced by Hal K. COLE-BATCH. See also Abstr. 65.4812, 5364, 5463, 5489]
65.4838 COMAN, Emanuel Emil —
The paper looks at the relationship between institutions and vote unity in national parliaments with the help of a large data-set of votes from 33 national parliaments. The tests run are the first to confirm empirically the relationship between vote of confidence procedure and vote unity. The paper also provides a theoretical explanation for why the existence of the confidence procedure influences vote unity despite being used only rarely. The vote of confidence influences votes through the development of control mechanisms as well as the selection of party members who are more ideologically united. This study also challenges the view that electoral rules which make candidates individually accountable to voters necessarily lead to more vote defections. [R, abr.]
65.4839 CORBETT, Jack; CONNELL, John —
The involvement of small island states (SISs) in a growing number of international organizations (IOs) has placed increased pressure on domestic bureaucracies and political systems. Rapid turnover among SIS leaders, combined with generational change and decreased local support, has amplified disadvantages. Growing complexity has therefore further exposed the long-standing vulnerabilities of SISs. They can play a creative role at the margins, and on certain issues in certain IOs, but in general asymmetries prevail. The lesson is that national sovereignty does not always equal control, and what might superficially appear to be equal access is constrained by the availability of technical expertise to the detriment of SISs. [R]
65.4840 CORDELLI, Chiara —
Friendship distributes critical benefits across society and does so unequally. This article questions whether and how egalitarian requirements should apply to personal friendship. I first show that existing theories of distributive justice, whether they are “outcomes centered” or “institutionalist”, have reasons to consider personal friendship as a direct subject of justice. However, both fail to provide reasonable guidelines for how to apply the requirements of justice to friendship. I thus argue that principles of justice, in particular fair equality of opportunity, ought to assess and govern that part of the social structure that controls the production and distribution of friendship bonds across society. I theorize a “relational distributive structure”, mainly constituted by civil society associations, as the appropriate subject of justice. [R, abr.]
65.4841 CORNELL, Agnes; GRIMES, Marcia —
This paper examines the link between political control of government bureaucracies and citizens' likelihood to stage disruptive protests. A public administration heavily controlled by politicians, and staffed to a large extent with political appointees, allows politicians to intervene in policy implementation and favor some groups over others in terms of access to public services. Such a system may induce citizens or civic associations to resort to disruptive actions to express demands and demonstrate political relevance, and thereby secure access to public goods. The effects are hypothesized to be more pronounced where civil society is stronger. We test the arguments empirically on data from 19 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, and the findings are consistent with the hypotheses. [R]
65.4842 CORNISH, Paul —
At the heart of the cyber-governance problem is a fundamental disagreement over the relevance and significance of state sovereignty. [R]
65.4843 COX, Gary W. —
This essay reviews models of strategic mobilization and turnout, focusing on two important questions about the effects of electoral rules. First, how does the disproportionality of the electoral system affect the variance and mean of mobilization and turnout? This question has been investigated at least since H. Gosnell [Why Europe Votes, Chicago, 1930). In addition to reviewing the literature, I argue that extant models should pay more explicit attention to secondary mobilization (conducted by interest groups, activists, and ordinary voters). Second, how do electoral rules regulating the electoral calendar and vote-fusion affect mobilizational spillovers and, hence, incentives to build mobilizational alliances? This question has attracted less attention from modelers but is well represented in the empirical literature. [R]
65.4844 DAFOE, Allan; LYALL, Jason —
We reflect on the contributions made by the articles of this special issue to the emerging ICT-political conflict research agenda, highlighting strengths of these articles, and offering suggestions for moving forward. Elaborate theory is crucial: it informs our standards of evidence, our choice of statistical models, our tests of competing theories, and our efforts to draw appropriate generalizations. Qualitative data is often neglected as a source of evidence, especially for evaluating the many competing mechanisms in this literature. Alternative explanations for results should be taken seriously, especially more mundane ones like confounding, measurement, and selection biases. We discuss in detail the risk that measurement bias could account for the prominent association between cellular coverage and (reported) conflict, and recommend several ways of evaluating and bounding this risk. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5574]
65.4845 DAHLBERG, Stefan; MARTINSSON, Johan —
Issue-ownership has been an important concept in the analysis of party competition for several decades. Traditionally, issue-ownership has been regarded as a stable phenomenon where parties are advantaged by different political issues. However, several recent studies have reported change in voters' perceptions of parties' issue-ownership. To investigate the changeability of issue-ownership and how it can be altered, this article investigates the impact of parties' communication attempts through a web-based survey in Sweden. Two major political issues are in focus: employment and healthcare. The results show that parties can indeed improve their ownership by communicating on an issue. Indications were also found that the effects decrease as other parties simultaneously communicate on the same issue, and when those who receive the messages are ideologically distant from the party. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4813]
65.4846 DAIGNEAULT, Pierre-Marc; BÉLAND, Daniel —
The concept of “explanation” has attracted considerable attention in the social sciences, and particularly within political science. However, scholars are not always familiar with what explaining political phenomena means, let alone with what it entails for developing sound causal arguments. This article introduces C. Parsons' typology of explanation before assessing its value for the causal analysis of political behavior and processes. As argued, despite its limitations, this typology clearly maps four types of explanation in political science (institutional, ideational, structural and psychological) while helping scholars to combine them more rigorously when needed. This is why Parsons' typology has the potential to move political scientists to the “next level” as far as “explanation” is concerned. [R]
65.4847 DALBY, Simon —
Climate has become a matter of security deliberation in the last few years due to the gradually dawning realization that change is happening already and has the potential to severely disrupt states and economies in coming decades. What “security” has been securing is now transforming the material circumstances that made carboniferous capitalism possible in the first place. Now security requires a reformulation of the basics of fossil-fueled capitalism to attempt to overcome the worst aspects of the metabolic rift that underlies modernity, a challenge that so far seems more than either state planners or security thinkers are capable of dealing with effectively despite attempts to use market innovations to transform energy systems. IPE and security studies are thus inextricably linked once the material basis underlying the climate crisis is clearly engaged. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4912]
65.4848 DANNREUTHER, Roland —
The concept of energy security is neither a clearly traditional nor a fully “non-traditional” security issue. This article argues that, while it is important to identify the differing securitizations of energy, these must be contextualized within the material realities and the differing historical modes of governance of the political economy of resources. This is essential for understanding the differing meanings accorded to energy security, the shifting modes through which energy is governed, and the extent to which energy security concerns drive international politics. In this context, contemporary concerns over energy security have both material and ideological dimensions: anxiety over the dual shift of power from West to East and from resource-importing to resource-exporting countries; and concern over the normative weakening of the neo-liberal mode of energy governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4912]
65.4849 DASSONNEVILLE, Ruth; BLAIS, André; DEJAEGHERE, Yves —
A large body of literature has investigated the factors that lead to abstention or vote volatility. We argue that the most fruitful approach is to simultaneously consider the exit, voice, and loyalty options. The analyses are based on data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and cover a broad set of advanced democracies. We demonstrate that while party-switchers and abstainers have a lot in common, switching parties can be considered a more positive choice. Most importantly, contrary to what previous research suggested and in contrast to abstainers, party-switchers cannot be characterized as frustrated with politics. Furthermore, the supply side does to a certain extent affect whether voters choose to remain loyal, switch parties, or abstain from voting. [R]
65.4850 DAVIES, Sara E.; TEITT, Sarah; NWOKORA, Zim —
Women, Peace and Security (WPS) scholars and practitioners have expressed reservations about the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle because of its popular use as a synonym for armed humanitarian intervention. On the other hand, R2P's early failure to engage with and advance WPS efforts such as UN Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1325 (2000) has seen the perpetuation of limited roles ascribed to women in implementing the R2P principle. As a result, there has been a knowledge and practice gap between the R2P and WPS agendas, [although] their advocates share common goals in relation to the prevention of atrocities and protection of populations. We examine just one of the potential avenues for aligning the WPS agenda and R2P principle in a way that is beneficial to both and strengthens the pursuit of a shared goal — prevention. [R, abr.]
65.4851 DEAN, Adam —
Scholars of IPE often argue that workers automatically share the same trade policy preferences as their employers. However, this approach assumes that trade policies that increase profits necessarily lead to increases in wages. In contrast, I argue that capital and labor are more likely to share the same trade policy preference when “profit-sharing institutions” permit capital to credibly commit that an increase in profits will lead to an increase in wages. In support of my argument, I present a structured, focused comparison of the American textile and steel workers' unions during the late nineteenth century. Both unions supported the high tariffs that protected their industries when credible profit-sharing institutions were in place, but did not support high tariffs when such institutions were absent. [R]
65.4852 DEBRIX, François —
At its core, security is obsessed with the survival of the sovereign order. Security tends to see the sovereign's existence as threatened by agents whose purpose is to challenge the life of the sovereign. I mobilize a theological language about the relationship between sovereignty and security to grasp the place that the question of life versus death, the fact of sovereign violence, and the problem of temporality occupy in past and present modalities of security. The notion of sovereign restraint, captured by the theological concept of katechon, is introduced to suggest that the politics of security is dependent upon a fundamentally violent, uncompromising, and often terrorizing objective: to keep at bay forces of temporal finitude seen as disorder or chaos. [R, abr.]
65.4853 DELLEPIANE-AVELLANEDA, Sebastian —
This article examines the rise and influence of a powerful economic idea: “expansionary fiscal contractions”. Over the years, this idea became dominant in certain epistemic communities, mainly through the literature on lessons from successful consolidations. In the event, the relationship between budget-reduction and economic growth turned out to be one of the most contested issues in the aftermath of the financial crash of 2008. This article first documents the social diffusion of this singular economic idea, from academia to policy networks. [It then] reports the “battle of ideas” over fiscal consolidation during the Great Recession. The third section assesses the influence of the idea of expansionary contractions on actual policy choices by examining the politics of austerity in Ireland, Spain and the UK in the period 2008–2012. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4784]
65.4854 DENIKE, Margaret —
This article draws on R. Girard's general account of sacrificial violence to elucidate the race-thinking that structures contemporary discourses on security in Western security states, particularly in Canada and the United States. With attention to the relation between collective group formation (as we see, for example, in resurgent nationalisms of the era of “terror”) and to the structures and processes of inclusion/exclusion that define them, my discussion unfolds Girard's figure and analysis of “the scapegoat” within and against contemporary theories of racial violence and group-based persecution. It profiles the specter of race in the assemblages of fear that imbue security discourse, to consider how security “works” to foster and consolidate communities against its “foreign” others, in ways that produce the very race distinctions that they are conditioned on. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.4855 DENIS, Jean-Louis; FERLIE, Ewan; VAN GESTEL, Nicolette —
This article explores and extends the concept of hybridity to understand current changes in public services organizations, notably as seen from an organizational studies perspective. The notion of hybridity has become more important, given that the public sector increasingly blurs with other sectors and more social actors. Previous reliance on the use of ideal-types in characterizing public services reforms has masked expanding heterogeneity. We here move beyond the (1) conventional focus on structural hybridity to consider (2) institutional dynamics, (3) social interactions, and (4) new identities and roles in public services. Based on these four dimensions of hybridity, we review alternative theoretical frameworks. We suggest that bringing together work from the neighboring disciplines of public administration and organization studies may improve our understanding of public services hybridity and outline a future research agenda. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles, edited by the authors. Contributions by Knut FOSSESTØL, Eric BREIT, Tone Alm ANDREASSEN and Lars KLEMSDAL, “Managing institutional complexity in public sector reform: hybridization in front-line service organizations”, pp. 290–306; Christine T
65.4856 DESCH, Michael —
I explain here the disconnect between our discipline's self-image as balancing rigor with relevance with the reality of how we actually conduct our scholarship most of the time. To do so, I account for variation in social scientists' willingness to engage in policy-relevant scholarship over time. My theory is that social science, at least as it has been practiced in the US since the early 20th c., has tried to balance two impulses: to be a rigorous science and a relevant social enterprise. The problem is that there are sometimes tensions between these two objectives. My objective is to document how these trends in political science are marginalizing the sub-field of security studies, which has historically sought both scholarly rigor and real-world relevance. [R, abr.] [See also comments by Ido OREN, Laura SJOBREG, Helen Louise TURTON, Erik VOETEN, and Stephen M. WALT, and the author's response]
65.4857 DICKENS, Edwin —
In his seminal book Capital in the Twenty-first Century [Cambridge, 2014], Thomas Piketty deepens our understanding of the current Neoliberal Era (1980–2014) of global financial capitalism by systematically comparing and contrasting it with the first era of global financial capitalism — the Belle Epoch (1880–1914). He argues that the Belle Epoch was the product of the cumulative development of capitalism since it first emerged from feudalism as the dominant mode of production in the 18th c. The Belle Epoch ended badly, in the Great Depression, sandwiched between two world wars. Piketty's thesis is that the Neoliberal Era will also end badly, in yet more global wars and crises, if people do not organize politically to transcend it peacefully, by social democratic means.
65.4858 DOBOS, Ned —
The military claims a right to issue commands that can reasonably be expected to kill or maim employees, and threatens to punish them for refusing to comply with these commands. No civilian employer could get away with this, so what makes it permissible for the armed forces? The assumed answer is that while civilian employees can never contract away their right to self-preserve at work, soldiers can and do. The three possible explanations are rationality, self-respect and necessity. While necessity offers the most plausible account of why soldiers can validly contract away their right to self-preserve on the job, rationality and self-respect leave a room for doubt. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.4859 DOBRYNIN, Nikolaj M. —
The article contains the arguments in favor of the development of jurisprudence in the direction of the political science. The proportionality of the relationship between all and each of us staying in the legal space of the state is significant as a guarantee not only of our responsibility (jurisprudence sphere), but of our interconnected claims (the political science sphere). This new area of legal theory and practice must be understood, comprehended and mastered. [R]
65.4860 DUCLOS, Michel —
The bipolar world in which the communist East was opposed to the liberal West disappeared in 1989. Even though a new world was born, the West of today remains different from the rest of the world and from emerging powers that play an ever-growing role. 2014 was a year of surprises. A border on the European continent was forcefully modified. In the Middle East, jihad is rising again and causes increasing concern. Other unexpected events of 2014 include the decline of oil prices and the deadly rise of Ebola. Russia has a radically new vision of its place in the world and the role of Europe. How to understand these various developments, the new world politics, and the role of emerging powers in it?
65.4861 DUMAINE, Carol; MINTZER, Irving —
Scientific consensus has emerged that emissions from economically important human activities worldwide are accelerating the impacts of climate change, with profound consequences for national economies and ecosystems. In recent years, official documents of many governments have acknowledged that environmental changes present security challenges. This paper highlights some of the challenges environmental security poses for traditional security concepts. It concludes that current institutions and policy paradigms are ill-equipped to manage these challenges and explores the potential for reframing the concept of “security” in ways that help decision-makers devise pluralistic and resilient societies. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The era of man. Environmental security on a changing planet”. See also Abstr. 65.4798, 4874, 4963, 5016, 5071, 5107, 5157, 5242a, 5245, 5297, 5413, 6222, 6256, 6264]
65.4862 DURANT, Darrin —
According to I. Blühdorn's theory of post-ecologist politics, attempts to promote ecological sustainability and enact an authentic democratic politics are highly unlikely to succeed and are more a performance of seriousness than a set of authentic demands. Affluent post-industrial consumer societies can now produce only “simulations” of sustainability and democracy, aiming only at reassurance. Using the case of policymaking about high-level nuclear waste disposal, it is argued that while Blühdorn's description of democratic politics is accurate, critics are right when they argue that his theory is problematic as an explanation because it rejects any appeal to the intentions and interests of strategizing actors. It is shown how the deficiency can be rectified by using Z. Bauman's account of how power can flow from being fluid and in control of uncertainty. [R, abr.]
65.4863 DURWARD, Rosemary —
According to René Girard, the crucifixion of Jesus acts as an antidote to rivalry and scapegoating through revelation of the innocence of the victim. This article assumes an Augustinian perspective to argue that this revelation calls for something more than a response of peace in the face of rivalry and spiraling violence. The death of Jesus was not an act of peace but an act of charity in the form of sacrifice for peace with justice. This article argues that charity is an under-appreciated virtue in the Just War tradition, yet it is the perfect antidote to the rivalry that both provokes and characterizes war. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.4864 El-MALIK, Shiera S. —
I investigate C. Enloe's notion of casual forgetting [“Forward”, British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9(2), May 2007, pp. 183–184], using a framework informed by post-colonial and feminist scholarship. Working with ideas drawn from critiques of Orientalism and neoliberalism, I examine knowledge practices that center binaries as forms of objectivity that disembed phenomena from context, and as forms of oversimplification that flatten the appearance of complexity. Together, these practices have a depoliticizing effect; they obscure contestation, situate hierarchy as natural, and separate analysis from its embeddedness in historical and political conditions, even in work guided by critical agendas. I trace these depoliticizing practices in a conversation in the 2007 Special Issue of British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9(2), May 2007, on “Gender and International Relations in Britain”, prefaced by C. ENLOE, pp. 183–184, and edited by J. SQUIRES and J. WELDES, pp. 185–203; Abstr. 58.306] and show that ENLOE's comments present a push for critical analysis that was overlooked by the Special Issue's editors. [R, abr.]
65.4865 ELIAS, Juanita, ed. —
Editor's introduction. Articles by Laura SJOBERG, “From unity to divergence and back again: security and economy in feminist international relations”, pp. 408–412; Heidi HUDSON, “(Re)framing the relationship between discourse and materiality in feminist security studies and feminist IPE”, pp. 413–418; Jacqui TRUE, “A tale of two feminisms in international relations? Feminist political economy and the women, peace and security agenda”, pp. 419–423; Juanita ELIAS and Shirin RAI, “The everyday gendered political economy of violence”, pp. 424–429; Katherine ALLISON, “Feminist security studies and feminist international political economy: considering feminist stories”, pp. 430–434; Cynthia ENLOE, “Closing reflection: militiamen get paid: women borrowers get beaten”, pp. 435–438.
65.4866 EREMEEV, Stanislav G. —
The article touches on the contradictions between the market model and the social and welfare models of the state, which remain unresolved especially in the educational sphere, in both the developed and developing and post-communist countries including Russia. The special object of analysis is the educational aspect of new liberal ideology in the Western Europe as like as the ideology of Republicans in the US identified as neoconservatives and compassionate conservatives. The new ideological perspectives of evolution of education and some educational projects in the globalization era are also discussed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4908]
65.4867 ERIKSON, Robert S. —
The growing concern about economic inequality leads to a similar concern about political inequality. This article explores the seeming contradiction between the literature pointing to inequality in political representation in the US and the literature showing that public policy does tend to represent public opinion in general. Low-income voters are much less likely to vote or to be politically knowledgeable than high-income voters, which limits their influence and creates an upper-income bias to effective public opinion. Considerable research suggests that low-income voters' opinions count for even less than would be implied by their low participation rate, a matter that should continue to be the subject of research. Seemingly contrary to any upper-income bias to policy-making, major legislation usually moves policy in the direction favored by low-income voters (e.g., redistribution, government programs). [R, abr.]
65.4868 ESCRIBÀ-FOLCH, Abel; WRIGHT, Joseph —
Advances in the study of human rights show that prosecutions reduce repression in transition countries. However, prosecuting officials for past crimes may jeopardize the prospects of regime-change in countries that have not transitioned, namely dictatorships. The creation of the ICC [International Criminal Court] has further revitalized this debate. This article assesses how human rights prosecutions influence autocratic regime-change in neighboring dictatorships. We argue that when dictators and their elite supporters can preserve their interests after a regime transition, human rights prosecutions are less likely to deter them from leaving power. Using personalist dictatorship as a proxy for weak institutional guarantees of post-transition power, the evidence indicates that these regimes are less likely to democratize when their neighbors prosecute human rights abusers. In other dictatorships, however, neighbor prosecutions do not deter regimes from democratizing. [R, abr.]
65.4869 FASSIN, Éric, ed. —
Editor's introduction. Articles by Urmila GOEL; Mara VIVEROS VIGOYA; Sébastien CHAUVIN and Alexandre JAUNAIT; Sarah MAZOUZ; Nira YUVAL-DAVIS.
65.4870 FEAVER, Peter D.; LORBER, Eric B. —
The widespread belief that sophisticated sanctions provide policy-makers with a silver bullet for addressing intractable national-security issues is wrong. These new sanctions can be powerful, but they often cannot be calibrated to the extent policy-makers desire. [R]
65.4871 FEDOTOVA, Valentina G. —
The dramatic events in Ukraine frustrate the world order that seemed to have just been established and do not offer any conceptual evaluations of it. The crisis is mostly considered to be of purely political nature. This article offers a review of the positions of certain American researchers who only partly share Washington's point of view on the Ukrainian crisis or disagree with it completely, though all fear the imminent changes. The study of their positions brings us to the understanding of concrete distinctions of the Russian and Western political cultures. All in all, Russia's geopolitical position, clearly underpinned by the determination to protect the country's national interests, clashes with the Western concept of democratic transformation, which, in turn, covers a desire to expand the sphere of Western influence. [R, abr.]
65.4872 FELICE, Damiano de —
Business and human rights indicators, ratings, and indices have proliferated in the past few years. Yet, measuring respect for human rights by corporations is not an easy task. This article offers an overview of the most prominent business and human rights measurement initiatives and draws attention to the normative, methodological, practical, and political challenges related to the production of valid and emancipatory measures of corporate respect for human rights. The objective is to move the debate forward, from the “if” (whether to use indicators) to the “how” (how to create better initiatives). [R]
65.4873 FERNÁNDEZ-ALBERTOS, José —
This article reviews recent contributions addressing the following questions: [In] what circumstances is monetary policy delegated to politically independent central banks? What effects do these institutions have, and how do they interact with their macroeconomic institutional environment? What explains the variation in their behavior? And finally, to what extent has the recent economic crisis altered the role of these institutions? This article advances two arguments: (1) even though central banks' activities involve a great deal of technical knowledge, they are unavoidably political institutions: They make distributional choices informed by ideas, preferences, and the political context in which they operate. (2) The economic crisis, by expanding the type of activities that monetary authorities undertake, further contributes to the politicization of these institutions. [R, abr.]
65.4874 FERRIS, Elizabeth —
While considerable work has been done on both migration and displacement, much less is known about how planned relocations will be used to adapt to the effects of climate change. This article examines some of the existing literature on relocations carried out in other contexts, such as development projects and disasters, and stresses the need for clarity of concepts and terminology. It then illustrates some of the lessons learned from past experiences with relocations and highlights present efforts to provide guidance for those who will be faced with planning relocations due to future climate effects. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.4875 FERRY, Jean-Marc; VALADIER, Paul —
Everyone agrees that politics can be unsatisfactory, distressed even, when it comes to facing the transformations, questions, and doubts that regularly hit liberal societies. What characterizes such fragility in politics? Could Christianity give politics a new momentum and, if yes, then in which areas in particular? How could Christianity possibly contribute to the improvement of institutions and political functioning? Has the presence of Islam transformed the relations between European democracies and religions in general? Does not the assumption that Christianity is the only Enlightenment religion, from a historical as well as other perspectives, preclude any thought about Islam and the state and Islam and politics in the future? [R, transl.]
65.4876 FIGUEROA SEPULVEDA, Victor M. —
Developed capitalist societies are caught up in a deep and prolonged crisis. Five decades of persistent economic downturn, just restrained by rather weak economic recoveries, cannot be explained by conventional crisis theories. New readings of reality across economic, political and cultural writings are called for in order to meet intellectual and political present concerns. Economic exhaustion affects everything and is claiming political (democratic) exhaustion, bringing into decay the entire structure of social relations and demanding a comprehensive and radical reorganization of society. Evidence suggests that such a change is already under way. [A]
65.4877 FIORENTINI, Roccardo —
In the last 20 years, the within countries income and wealth inequality has continuously increased. This trend largely depends on the diffusion of neoliberal policies which, along with financial globalization, is among the causes of the recent international financial crisis. Neoliberal financial globalization (Washington Consensus) went along with reforms of labor and financial markets which caused income and wealth concentration to rise. All this contributed to the growth of debt bubbles in several countries and, after 1990, gave rise to a series of local financial crises that eventually ended in the global crisis of 2008. The austerity-based response of the EU governments to the crisis is another example of policies prescription based on neoliberal theories that cannot work. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “The neoliberal project and its consequences”, edited and introduced by Paolo R
65.4878 FITZGERALD, Sandey —
Politics should be visible, and visibly intelligible, if it is to be properly understood in the way that judgment is understood to work in the courtroom. This is particularly important when much of politics is presented through the mass media. Spectatorship is also a much neglected spectrum of politics, and needs to be addressed. A serious consideration of the interactive relationship between actors and spectators as it works at its best in the theater may very well offer some help in reformulating the relationship between citizens and their political representatives in positive ways. But politics is not theater, and reducing it to the kind of theater invoked by the theater metaphor can produce harmful consequences. Ocular democracy's provision of a powerful role for spectators comes at an unacceptable cost. [R, abr.]
65.4879 FRANCESCHET, Antonio —
Illegal state actions are sometimes interpreted as civil disobedience. Yet, liberal theorists insist that, to count as such, states must intend to reform the systemic imperfections of the international legal order. Moreover, states must have the capacity to engineer such reforms responsibly. These requirements result in an elitist conception of international civil disobedience because weaker states cannot refashion the key rules of the international legal order. By introducing a broader conception of resistance than found in existing theory, I show how weaker states can still engage in civil disobedience. A conceptual framework of two types of power supports my argument: constituent power and destituent power. If state action were expressed through these two types of power, then more states and more types of illegal action would count as examples of civil disobedience. [R] [See Abstr. 65.5139]
65.4880 FRANCHINO, Fabio; ZUCCHINI, Francesco —
Most formal models of valence competition add a single, separable and unweighted component to the standard one-dimensional utility function of voters. This article presents the results of a conjoint analysis experiment in which respondents were asked to choose between two candidates whose profiles vary along five attributes. Four of these traits behave like valence or policy issues as expected, but one, which has been employed in recent formal and empirical works, does not. Moreover, policy and valence are not separable. They interact at least in some cases, taking a competency form whereby the marginal impact of valence on voters' choice is conditional on candidates' policies. This result lends support to recent studies that have found more extensive valence voting under ideological convergence. Finally, policy trumps valence in awkward choices. [R, abr.]
65.4881 FRAZER, Michael L. —
A. Melzer deserves considerable credit for amassing a remarkable collection of evidence that most pre-modern and early modern philosophers wrote that esotericism was widely practiced. It does not follow, however, that esotericism was actually as widely practiced as these authors claim it was. If we are to take esotericism seriously, we must consider the possibility that these discussions of esotericism are themselves written esoterically. Considering this possibility raises puzzles related to, but distinct from, the classical conundrum of the liar's paradox. Despite the difficulty of these puzzles, there is no evading the fact that, under Melzer's own account of esotericism, philosophers have a wide variety of reasons to write about esotericism esoterically. These reasons apply, not only to the authors that Melzer discusses but also to Melzer himself. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4882 FREEMAN, Michael —
A common criticism of international human rights declarations is that they lack an adequate account of the corresponding obligations. This criticism is often thought to be particularly apt when applied to economic and social rights. International human rights law imposes these obligations on states, but critics object that this treats the problem (state behavior) as the solution. This article examines the question of the obligations corresponding to economic and social rights in the context of debates about world poverty. It argues that the legal and philosophical emphasis on obligations must be supplemented by an understanding of both institutions and motivations if practical progress to eradicate world poverty is to be made. [R]
65.4883 FUKUYAMA, Francis —
Strauss's reputation was besmirched in the course of the Iraq War by unwarranted charges that he promoted official lying. [Arthur Melzer's] Philosophy Between the Lines [Chicago, 2014] provides a corrective to this view by explaining the role of esotericism in Strauss's thought. A. Melzer demonstrates that a wide variety of authors from the ancient Greeks up through the early Enlightenment used esoteric writing to conceal their true thoughts, either to avoid prosecution or to protect the political community from dangerous ideas that would undermine its beliefs and traditions. Understanding the esoteric meaning of writers like Plato and Aristotle was central to Strauss's project of recovering an earlier form of rationalism. Strauss argued that modernity was in crisis because philosophical reason had undermined itself and paved the way for cultural relativism. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Arthur Melzer's Philosophy Between the Lines: The Lost History of Esoteric Writing, Part I”, introduced by Peter MINOWITZ. See also Abstr. 65.4778, 4802, 4816, 4881, 4916, 4934, 4986, 5125, 5144, 5156, 5173]
65.4884 GAILLARD, Norbert —
The expression “country risk” emerged in the US in the 1960s. Its meaning has evolved over time, without any definition ever really being settled on. It is sometimes confused with sovereign risk, but country risk is, in fact, a broader concept; it encompasses social and environmental risks too, for example. Various players — specialist agencies, banks, etc. — endeavor to evaluate country risk; however, results vary considerably depending on the methodology used. [R]
65.4885 GALBÁCS, Peter —
This paper offers a few remarks on the so-called heterodoxy commentaries of recent times. In accordance with the growing popularity of unusual economic policy actions, a set of “tools” is emerging that aims to exert its effects breaking with instrumental actions. Outlining a special framework of the history of mainstream economics, I argue that economic policy only gradually has become capable of applying this system. Both the emergence of symbolic economic policies mentioned above and the rise of heterodoxy are on the same level, since certain governments can operate only through giving signals. Although it is not the time to formulate ultimate and eternal generalized statements, it may perhaps be stated that symbolic economic policies can make some room for maneuvering available as a last resort. [R, abr.]
65.4886 GALEOTTI, Anna Elisabetta —
The paper questions the view that the alleged lack of autonomy displayed by certain practices and cultural behavior may constitute a sound justification for limiting toleration of those practices. It first examines the assumptions and basis of the lack-of-autonomy approach; this analysis perforce leads the author to unravel the notion of autonomy and its rival conceptions. Second, I argue that liberal and democratic politics, though indebted to the value of personal autonomy in a fashion, requires only a purely political principle of autonomy. I also contend that if comprehensive notions of autonomy are used instead of a purely political conception, unacceptable consequences for the public morality of liberal democracy may follow. [R, abr.]
65.4887 GALLAGHER, Mary E.; HANSON, Jonathan K. —
This article assesses the utility of selectorate theory as a tool for understanding authoritarian politics. We focus [on] the selectorate theory as developed in The Logic of Political Survival (LPS) [B. Bueno de Mesquita, et al., Cambridge, 2003], identifying three problematic aspects of the theory and its application to authoritarian politics. (1) The utility of the theory's key concepts of the selectorate and winning coalition is questionable in authoritarian systems where formal institutions to structure political transitions are absent or inconsequential. (2) Measurement of the sizes of the selectorate and winning coalition is flawed, calling into question the empirical findings in LPS, such as its central claims about the survival of rulers. (3) The assumptions in the LPS version of the theory are restrictive in ways that reduce the utility of the selectorate concept relative to earlier works. [R, abr.]
65.4888 GALLEGO, Jorge —
This paper presents a game-theoretical model of political clientelism in which a candidate disciplines a majority of voters through the promise of a future flow of benefits. A mixed strategy involving a randomized allocation of resources among constituencies makes clientelism feasible when the politician's action is contingent on the result of the election. Higher campaign budgets and lower voter aversion towards clientelist parties, as well as higher patience and higher heterogeneity across groups of voters, make clientelism more likely. Swing voters tend to be gifted more frequently than core supporters with this frequency increasing as group heterogeneity increases, presenting a positive association. [R, abr.]
65.4889 GANDRUD, Christopher; GRAFSTRÖM, Cassandra —
Governments' party identifications can indicate the types of economic policies they are likely to pursue. A common rule of thumb is that left-party governments are expected to pursue policies for lower unemployment, but which may cause inflation. Right-party governments are expected to pursue lower inflation policies. How do these expectations shape the inflation forecasts of monetary policy bureaucrats? If there is a mismatch between the policies, bureaucrats expect governments to implement, and those that they actually do, forecasts will be systematically biased. Using US Federal Reserve Staff's forecasts, we test for executive partisan biases. We find that irrespective of actual policy and economic conditions forecasters systematically overestimate future inflation during left-party presidencies and underestimate future inflation during right-party ones. [R, abr.]
65.4890 GARBAUM, Stephen —
This article [considers] the recent direct political attacks by governments on constitutional courts in several new democracies that have had a sobering, if not deflating, effect on what had been the bullish mood concerning the role and success of judicial review in constitutional transitions. It reconsiders the standard model and engages in some pragmatic reflection on whether and how, as currently institutionalized, judicial review might sometimes also divert new democracies in their aspirations to become stable and established ones. The most important, basic, and essential goal for transitional democracies is not establishing final authority to invalidate legislation, but establishing and maintaining the independence of the judiciary, and that this latter must be the top priority if and to the extent there is any practical conflict between the two. [R, abr.]
65.4891 GIANNONE, Diego —
The article describes how the measurement and monitoring of human rights have been changed and weakened by the neoliberal resistance to social rights. It describes the political and ideological context which stimulated the broad conception of human rights included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It then focuses on the ideological turn which occurred over the 1970s from welfare democracy to neoliberal democracy and the neoliberal approach to human rights. Based on a neo-Gramscian approach, the study considers political and ideological reasons as key in explaining both the rise and fall of social rights and the changes in their measurement. As a case in point, the article analyzes the work of the UN in measuring and monitoring human rights. [R, abr.]
65.4892 GIDDENS, Anthony —
[The author] looks at the political issues posed by climate change and stresses the fundamental importance and urgency of the problem for global civilization. Four key propositions are presented: (1) that climate change needs to be seen as an immediate issue requiring urgent attention, not as a remote problem down the line. (2) Rather than formal targets to limit carbon emissions reached under the auspices of the UN, bilateral and regional accords are likely to be much more important. (3) The power of fossil-fuel companies needs to be challenged on a global level. (4) Digitally enhanced global activism can have a powerful impact on the climate change debate and the pressure for change. [R, abr.]
65.4893 GLAZER, Amihai —
An agent may be able to address a task at different times, with the state of nature more favorable to the task in some periods than in others. Success on a task will therefore more greatly improve the agent's reputation if he is constrained in choosing when to address the task than if he enjoys flexibility in timing. These considerations can explain why presidents emphasize achievements in their first 100 days in office, and why performance of the economy in only some periods of a president's term affect elections. [R]
65.4894 GODDARD, Stacie E.; KREBS, Ronald R. —
This introductory framing paper theorizes the role of legitimization — the public justification of policy — in the making of grand strategy. We contend that the process of legitimization has significant and independent effects on grand strategy's constituent elements and on how grand strategy is formulated and executed. Legitimization is integral to how states define the national interest and identify threats, to how the menu of policy options is constituted, and to how audiences are mobilized. We acknowledge that legitimization matters more at some times than others, and we develop a model specifying the conditions under which it affects political processes and outcomes. We argue that the impact of legitimization depends on the government's need for mobilization and a policy's visibility. We derive five concrete hypotheses regarding when legitimization is most likely to have an impact on strategy. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Rhetoric and grand strategy”. See also Abstr. 65.5021, 5127]
65.4895 GOHDES, Anita R. —
New media outlets have been deemed a vital instrument for protesters and opposition groups to coordinate activities in the recent civilian uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa. But what happens when regimes respond by shutting down the internet? I argue that governments have a strategic incentive to implement internet blackouts in conjunction with larger repressive operations against violent opposition forces. Short-term intermissions in communication channels are expected to decrease opposition groups' capabilities to successfully coordinate and implement attacks against the state, allowing regime forces to strengthen their position. Network blackouts should consequently be accompanied by significant increases in military activity. I analyze daily documented killings by the government in the Syrian civil war. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5574]
65.4896 GOLDSTEIN, Björn —
Within German-language IR, we currently witness a debate that attempts to improve the quality of constructivist norm research. By broadening the perspectives, the debate contributes to more intercultural depth of the field. Simultaneously [it] frustrates a critical evaluation of the research topic by applying a post-structuralist approach. Additionally, the debate suffers from an implicit allocation of certain norm orders to certain geographies, namely, the baseless assumption of the existence of distinct “western” and “non-western” norm orders. Critique requires the ability to discriminate. This presupposes the mature autonomy of a critic who aims at thinking beyond an apparent facticity. The difficulty is that critical norm researchers are embedded in pre-existing norm orders. To meet this condition it is a minimum requirement for critics to disclose what they consider wrong. [R, abr.]
65.4897 GONZÁLEZ-OCANTOS, Ezequiel; DE JONGE, Chad Kiewiet; NICKERSON, David W. —
Although elections have become the norm not only in democratic regimes but also in autocratic ones, the legitimacy of the electoral process in different countries is often contested. Facing strong international pressures to prove democratic credentials, eventual winners have a strong incentive to ensure high levels of voter turnout. Conversely, leaders of parties likely to lose the election have an incentive to reduce turnout — for example, through boycotts — to delegitimize the election. In such situations, turnout is a major dimension of competition. To overcome the potential delegitimizing effects of low turnout, incumbents will often turn toward clientelist mobilization. We argue that what we term “legitimacy buying” will be primarily aimed at “staunching the bleeding” of supporters who are usually consistent voters but have doubts about the legitimacy of the election. [R, abr.]
65.4898 GORDON, David J. —
A shift in focus from the factors that impact “whether” governments take up the issue of climate governance in federated systems to “how” coordination can be attained and sustained is necessary. Most analyses that focus on processes of coordination tend to emphasize the importance of one of three basic pathways: coercion, competition, or collaboration. Yet in prioritizing a singular logic, the manner in which they interact is marginalized and the extent of their interdependence obscured. Successful coordination actually depends on the way in which they are brought together, with the capacity to sustain coordinated climate governance resting on the ability to hold them together over time. The value-added of this conceptual move can be assessed by applying it to the cases of Canada and Australia.
65.4899 GRAFSTEIN, Robert —
Nearly all modern public pension programs involve a substantial transfer of wealth from workers to retirees. If parents love their children, why are these intergenerational transfers politically sustainable? This paper develops a cross-national overlapping generations model to explore the impact of income mobility on the way workers and retirees calculate the long-term value of these programs to their children. Mobility affects their evaluations because these programs also redistribute intragenerationally. The analysis shows why a majority of rational voters who care about their descendants can insist on the preservation of current public pension benefits for themselves but accept a future reduction. Implications of this explanation are tested using comparative intergenerational mobility data and a 2001 Eurobarometer survey on pensions. [R]
65.4900 GREEN, Jeffrey Edward —
This essay defends a broad, eclectic, and inclusive kind of political theory against methodological militants who would restrict political theory's permissible purview. It rejects the idea — frequently voiced by exponents of both analytic-philosophic and historicist methodologies — that philosophical and historical analyses are necessarily two separate enterprises that ought to be kept distinct, not just conceptually but as a matter of scholarly practice. Against the methodological militants, this essay explains the value of those forms of political theory that combine philosophy (the study of what should be done) with history (the study of what past authors thought about politics). It raises one further objection to the methodological militants: They fail to acknowledge the reality and importance of the “classic” work within the study of political thought. [R]
65.4901 GREEN-ARMYTAGE, James —
I develop a hybrid of direct democracy and representative democracy in which each citizen may vote directly on each issue, or delegate his vote on any issue to a representative (that is, a proxy) of his own choosing. I construct both an axiomatic argument for such a system and an argument based on its ability to ameliorate the information problems inherent in both direct and representative democracy. I also propose practical measures for implementation, including new variations on existing proxy system proposals. These new variations include a “Dodgsonesque” procedure, a proportional agenda-setting procedure, a provision for virtual committees, and a provision for continual consideration of issues. [R]
65.4902 GRENIER, Félix; TURTON, Helen Louise; BEAULIEU-BROSSARD, Philippe —
Since the inception of IR within university departments, its disciplinary status has been the subject of constant debate. This Forum explicitly engages whether IR is a discipline or not and inquires how this status matters. Contributors rely on the sociology and philosophy of social science to call into question or affirm the disciplinarity of IR to argue whether IR is as a subfield of Political Science, a full-blown and autonomous discipline, or a hybrid field of interdisciplinary studies. Furthermore, contributors reveal the implications of the different disciplinary statuses regarding the academic institution, interdisciplinary possibilities and modes of organizing IR. Overall, these contributions engage rather than close the disciplinary debate, creating further space for reflection. [R, abr.]
65.4903 GREWAL, Sharanbir; VOETEN, Erik —
Recent scholarship finds that new democracies are more likely than established democracies to make binding commitments to international human rights institutions. Are new democracies also better at following through on these commitments? Stated differently, does their greater willingness to join international institutions reflect a genuine commitment to human rights reform or is it just “cheap talk?” We analyze this question using a new data-set of more than 1,000 leading European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) cases. Since new democracies face judgments that are more difficult to implement than established democracies, we employ a genetic matching algorithm to balance the data-set. After controlling for bureaucratic and judicial capacity, we find that new democracies do implement similar ECtHR judgments initially more quickly than established democracies, but this effect reverses the longer a judgment remains pending. [R, abr.]
65.4904 GROSS, Justin H. —
For over a half century, various fields in the behavioral and social sciences have debated the appropriateness of null hypothesis significance testing (NHST) in the presentation and assessment of research results. A long list of criticisms has fueled the so-called significance testing controversy. The conventional NHST framework encourages researchers to devote excessive attention to statistical significance while underemphasizing practical (e.g., scientific, substantive, social, political) significance. I introduce a simple, intuitive approach that grounds testing in subject-area expertise, balancing the dual concerns of detectability and importance. The proposed practical and statistical significance test allows the social scientist to test for real-world significance, taking into account both sampling error and an assessment of what parameter values should be deemed interesting, given theory. [R, abr.]
65.4905 GRUBE, Dennis —
Whether giving public speeches to outside organizations or communicating directly with the media, senior public servants are emerging from anonymity to become public actors in their own right. This article undertakes a comparative study across four Westminster jurisdictions — Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the UK — to examine the formal rules and guidelines that apply to public servants when making public statements in their official capacity. Drawing on the P. Aucoin's notion of “promiscuous partisanship”, the article argues that public servants are expected to demonstrate a new level of enthusiasm when explaining or justifying government policy to the public. This has implications for the extent to which nonpartisanship can continue to effectively function within Westminster systems. [R, abr.]
65.4906 GRYNAVISKI, Jeffrey D. —
In a seminal work, E.E. Schattschneider identified three functions that political parties can (and sometimes do) perform in representative democracies. His list included simplifying the alternatives, educating the public, and promoting accountable governance. This paper proceeds from the premise that disquiet about direct democracy is, in part, because it may interfere with parties performing these functions that contribute to democracy's success. Drawing from the contributions to this Special Issue, this paper considers how well these functions are performed in direct elections that are often not organized by parties and the challenges that ballot initiatives and referendums otherwise pose to party government. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4987]
65.4907 GUNNELL, John —
Although [much] has been written about the perestroika movement in turn-of-the century political science, its actual place in the history of the discipline has been poorly understood by its founders, defenders, and critics. Perestroika can be best understood as a manifestation of the persistent crises of identity that have characterized the discipline of political science, and it cannot be explained apart from the manner in which it was reflection of issues that attended both the origins of the field and periods such as the 1920s and aftermath of the behavioral era. Particularly important in each case has been the impact on both American politics and political science of the ethic of pluralism, which has created significant difficulties for both the practical and epistemic relationship between the discipline and its subject matter. [R] [See also comments by James FARR; Robert O. KEOHANE; David D. LAITIN; Kristen Renwick MONROE; Anne NORTON; Sanford F. SCHRAM; and the author's response]
65.4908 GUTOROV, Vladimir A. —
The article summarizes the rich and diverse discussion devoted to the powerful intellectual tradition of thinking about education and politics together, starting with Plato, Aristotle, Confucius, through Machiavelli, Rousseau, Humboldt, Emerson, Dewey to contemporary times. They all recognized both the meaning of public education, and the need itself to educate the younger members of society, whether for the purpose of reproducing the social order or for the purpose of radically transforming it. Contemporary political philosophy is no exception to this historical pattern. The author develops his contribution to ongoing debates on politics and education by offering a detailed analysis of the recent conceptions of civic and political education which are aimed at reinforcing the democratic tradition in the modern society. [R] [First of three articles on “Politics and education”. See also Abstr. 65.4764, 4866]
65.4909 HADLEY, John —
I offer a response to recent debate over direct action animal advocacy and legitimate public deliberation in liberal democracies. M. Humphrey and M. Stears [”Animal rights protest and the challenge to deliberative democracy”, Economy and Society 35(3), Aug. 2006: 400–422; Abstr. 57.4461] and S. D'Arcy [“Deliberative democracy, direct action, and animal advocacy”, Journal for Critical Animal Studies 5(2), 2007: 1–16] have argued that liberal democracies ought to tolerate direct action animal advocacy in the interests of promoting the right of proponents of non-mainstream views to inform public deliberation and decision making. I argue that the precise scope of Humphrey and Stears' and D'Arcy's analyses is unclear and important parts of their theory are underdescribed. I highlight the logical and practical implications of their claim that direct action is useful as a means of overcoming the stifling influence of conventional wisdom. I argue that tolerance for direct action advocacy ought not to extend to controversial animal rights campaigning tactics such as making threats, using incendiary devices and damaging property. [R]
65.4910 HAESEBROUCK, Tim —
Over the years, Qualitative Comparative Analysis developed into a widely-used analytical technique in political science. This article, however, reveals that the consistency measure, QCA's single most important parameter of fit, is significantly flawed. Contrary to the requirements set forth when this measure was introduced, inconsistent cases with small membership scores exert greater bearing on the consistency score than inconsistent cases with large membership scores. In consequence, the measure does not accurately express the degree to which empirical evidence supports statements of sufficiency and necessity. After revealing this flaw, the article introduces a new formula for calculating consistency, which more accurately assesses the evidence for sufficiency and/or necessity. Subsequently, it demonstrates how the standard consistency measures leads to the misinterpretation of empirical evidence by reanalyzing two recent QCA-application. [R]
65.4911 HALL, Ruth, et al. —
Political reactions “from below” to global land-grabbing have been vastly more varied and complex than is usually assumed. This essay introduces a collection of ground-breaking studies that discuss responses that range from various types of organized and everyday resistance to demands for incorporation or for better terms of incorporation into land deals. Initiatives “from below” in response to land deals have involved local and transnational alliances and the use of legal and extra-legal methods, and have brought victories and defeats. The relevance of political reactions to land grabbing is discussed in light of theories of social movements and critical agrarian studies. Future research on reactions “from below” to land-grabbing must include greater attention to gender and generational differences in both impacts and political agency. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Global land grabbing and political reactions ‘from below’”. See also Abstr. 65.5517, 5546, 5559, 5560, 5613, 5619, 5656, 5680, 5696, 5704, 5707, 5712, 5719, 5744, 5753, 5810, 5855]
65.4912 HAMEIRI, Shahar; JONES, Lee —
In recent decades, the security agenda for states and international organizations has expanded to include a range of “non-traditional”, transnational security issues. Globalization is often seen as a key driver for the emergence or intensification of these problems, but, surprisingly, little sustained scholarly effort has been made to examine the link between responses to the new security agenda and the changing political economy. This special issue focuses on three key themes: the broad relationship between security and political economy; what is being secured in the name of security and how this has changed; and how things are being secured — what modes of governance have emerged to manage security problems. The contributions point to the crucial role of the state in translating shifting state-economy relations to new security definitions and practices. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The political economy of the new security agenda”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 65.4826, 4847, 4848, 5013, 5313, 5355]
65.4913 HAN Sung Min —
This study analyzes why income inequality and party polarization proceed together in some countries but not in others. By focusing on the relationship between income inequality, the permissiveness of electoral systems and party polarization, the study offers a theoretical explanation for how the combination of income inequality and permissive electoral systems generates higher party polarization. After analyzing a cross-national dataset of party polarization, income inequality and electoral institutions covering 24 advanced democracies between 1960 and 2011, I find that a simple correlation between income inequality and party polarization is not strong. However, the empirical results indicate that greater income inequality under permissive electoral systems contributes to growing party polarization, which suggests that parties have diverging ideological platforms due to greater income inequality only when electoral systems encourage their moves towards the extreme. [R, abr.]
65.4914 HARRIS, Albert W. —
Insurgent guerrilla groups are on occasion faced with difficult decisions: whether and when to become a conventional force, and whether to defend an operational base or fixed site. Standard doctrine suggests that to achieve state capture or acquire autonomous status apart from a central authority, the ability to successfully engage in conventional warfare may became necessary. A conventional force must be capable of defending territory, a defined space. Accompanying the decision to defend territory is a certain level of risk. This article examines the decision by four insurgent organizations to defend “operational hubs”, territory deemed worthy of a defense. The analysis submits that in insurgent warfare the utility of the territory being defended often supersedes the likelihood of a successful defense, on occasion generating negative outcomes for the insurgent forces. [R]
65.4915 HASSANZADEH, Navid —
While explicitly exclusionary approaches toward the intellectual resources of non-Western regions of the world have been long studied and criticized, less attention has been shown toward the ways in which guiding themes and dominant points of reference culled from canonical authors continue to structure and limit thinking across cultural boundaries in less conspicuous ways. Accordingly, this article examines the importance of how the history of political theory, or the political theory canon, influences the emerging treatment of non-Western works in the field of comparative political thought. Focusing on two prominent narrators of the theory canon (L. Strauss and S. Wolin), I suggest the manner in which an uncritical embrace of their renderings of the history of political thought can pose problems for treatments of non-Western theoretical works. [R, abr.]
65.4916 HAVERS, Grant N. —
In his study of the lost history of secret philosophical writing, A. Melzer cogently and insightfully explains the radical difference between ancient esotericism, which is driven by the assumption that the permanence of the tragic conflict between philosophers and non-philosophers will always necessitate secret writing, and modern esotericism, which rests on the hope that one day a new world of harmonious relation between these two groups will render secret writing unnecessary. As I show, however, Melzer does not sufficiently pursue the philosophical (or religious) origins or implications of this ancient-modern quarrel. In describing the project of the modern Enlightenment as a “leap in the dark” that naively attempted to harmonize theory (philosophy) and praxis (societal custom or politics), Melzer occasionally admits that Christianity played some role in inspiring this hope. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4917 HAYS, Jude C.; SCHILLING, Emily U.; BOEHMKE, Frederick J. —
Duration data are often subject to various forms of censoring that require adaptations of the likelihood function to properly capture the data-generating process, but existing spatial duration models do not yet account for these potential issues. Here, we develop a method to estimate spatial-lag duration models when the outcome suffers from right censoring, the most common form of censoring. We adapt Wei and Tanner's (1991) imputation algorithm for censored (non-spatial) regression data to models of spatially interdependent durations. We explore the performance of an estimator for log-normal durations in the face of varying degrees of right-censoring via Monte Carlo and provide empirical examples of its estimation by analyzing spatial dependence in states' entry dates into World War I. [R, abr.]
65.4918 HAZENBERG, Haye —
This paper presents a framework within which to understand the legitimacy of the global order called “cosmopolitan sovereign equality”. It consists of three formal and three political duties. The formal duties are those of structural coherence, innate right and publicity, and the political duties those of legitimate enforcement within states, non-intervention between states, and free communication between entities within different states. These duties are constructed from a reading of Kant's Doctrine of Right and are defended in current international political theory debates on human rights, the role of the state and international law. The framework enables conceptualization of legitimate international relations between a world state and a system of autarkic states, and places a premium on states as legitimizers of force, while working from the premises of moral cosmopolitanism. [R]
65.4919 HE Jia; VAN DE VIJVER, Fons J. R. —
This paper investigates the integration of response styles (extreme and midpoint responding and socially desirable responding) and their effects on self-reports among 76,887 teachers from 18 countries in the Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS). Socially desirable responding (with a positive and a negative impression management factor) and 17 core constructs related to the teaching profession were measured with Likert scales; extreme and midpoint response styles were derived from these measures. Using factor-analysis, a general response style was extracted with socially desirable and extreme response styles as positive indicators and midpoint response style as a negative indicator. This general response style was more strongly correlated with constructs of personal involvement, such as teacher efficacy and job satisfaction, than constructs with less personal involvement, at both the individual and country level. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4787]
65.4920 HERWEG, Nicole; HUSS, Christian; ZOHLNHÖFER, Reimut —
This article suggests theoretical refinements to the multiple streams framework (MSF) that make it applicable to parliamentary systems and the decision-making stage of the policy process. Regarding the former, the important role of political parties in parliamentary democracies is highlighted. Party policy experts are expected to be members of the policy communities in the policy stream and to promote viable policy alternatives in their respective parties, while the party leadership is concerned with adopting policies in the political stream. With regard to the latter, the introduction of a second coupling process to analyze decision making more rigorously is suggested. The article provides operational definitions of the framework's key concepts when applied to parliamentary systems and derives a systematic set of falsifiable hypotheses for agenda-setting and decision-making in these systems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5171]
65.4921 HILL-CAWTHORNE, Lawrence —
This article offers a fresh examination of the distinction drawn in international humanitarian law (IHL) between international and non-international armed conflicts. In particular, it considers this issue from the under-explored perspective of the influence of international human rights law (IHRL). It is demonstrated how, over time, the effect of IHRL on this distinction in IHL has changed dramatically. Whereas traditionally IHRL encouraged the partial elimination of the distinction between types of armed conflict, more recently it has been invoked in debates in a manner that would preserve what remains of the distinction. By exploring this important issue, the article contributes to the ongoing debates regarding the future development of the law of non-international armed conflict. [R]
65.4922 HOBOLT, Sara B.; VRIES, Catherine E. de —
This study extends the literature on issue-evolution from the US context to multiparty systems. It argues that within multiparty competition not all parties in opposition have an incentive to change the issue basis of political competition. [Our] central propositions are: (1) political parties are more likely to become issue-entrepreneurs when they are losers on the dominant dimension of contestation. We focus on three components of political loss in multiparty systems relating to the office-seeking, voting-seeking, and policy-seeking objectives of parties. (2) Parties will choose which issue to promote on the basis of their internal cohesion and proximity to the mean voter on that same issue. We test these propositions by examining the evolution of the issue of European integration in 14 European party systems from 1984 to 2006. [R, abr.]
65.4923 HOCHSCHILD, Jennifer —
Dahl's greatness as a political scientist rested on three qualities: the analytic clarity of his definitions of democracy, his insistence on studying complex ideas such as “power” in a systematic empirical manner, and his commitment to a moral or normative underpinning for one's scholarship. He was a deep egalitarian intellectually and interpersonally. However, many of Dahl's publications had a considerable blind spot; until late in life, he did not fully recognize how much racial hierarchy and discrimination undermined his and others' claims that the US has a reasonably well-functioning and robust democracy. This blind spot teaches us to be intellectually humble, to recognize the defects of even the strongest methodological strategies, and to recognize our own mistakes, as Dahl did. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Robert A. Dahl: an unended quest”, introduced, pp. 159–166, by David BALDWIN and Mark HAUGAARD. See also Abstr. 65.4786, 4960, 4999, 5001, 5010, 5113]
65.4924 HOCHSCHILD, Jennifer; EINSTEIN, Katherine Levine —
This article explores the dangers to the quality of democratic governance of those who are informed but disengaged and, especially, those who are engaged but use false “knowledge”. Poll data show the extent of Americans' misinformation about, or disengagement with, climate change. The main responsibility for these problems lies with politicians, who have partisan incentives to help the disengaged become active, but also partisan incentives to keep the misinformed politically involved. Activity in accord with false “knowledge” can slow needed responses to global warming and lead to concrete harm to individuals, communities and nations. [R]
65.4925 HOCHSTETLER, Kathryn; MILKOREIT, Manjana —
The BASIC countries (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China) play an increasingly prominent role in global climate negotiations. Climate governance spotlights burden-sharing arrangements, asking countries to take on potentially costly actions to resolve a global problem, even as the benefits are generally indivisible public goods. This article examines the BASIC countries' own Joint Statements and their individual and collective submissions to multilateral climate negotiations to identify the rationalist and principled arguments they have made about the climate burden-sharing requirements that developed countries, developing countries, and they themselves should face in global climate governance. It argues that their expectations for their own role are particularly unclear, with greater national action than international commitments to do so. [R]
65.4926 HOLLIBAUGH, Gary E., Jr. —
Much of the bureaucratic literature suggests that, when staffing the bureaucracy, executives want agents who are both responsive to their political needs and possess the competence needed to fulfill their directives. However, institutional barriers — such as the requirement for legislative confirmation — exist that may make pursuing a strategy of responsive competence difficult, if not impossible. Here, I examine a model of bureaucratic appointments that allows for informationally imperfect agencies. I show that when legislative assent is required, trade-offs between ideology and either patronage or agency performance — or both — are often required to ensure legislative confirmation. The same dynamics are not present for unilateral appointments. [R, abr.]
65.4927 HOLMES, Robert L. —
Although ethical pacifism is not a proper theory, it presupposes a moral theory and asks whether war is ever morally permissible in the modern world and answers that it is not. This article analyzes two versions of the just war theory: the standard just war theory (StanJWT) and the revisionist just war theory (RevJWT). Ethical pacifism consists of a moral judgment and StanJWT of a theory that presupposes a contrary judgment, so both approaches are fundamentally incongruent. On the contrary, because RevJWT does not presuppose a judgment that conflicts with pacifism, they could converge. The just war theory could provide a theoretical framework for pacifism to take account of the role of justice in war. [First article of a thematic issue on “The ethics of war and peace: new problems for just war theory”, edited by Ned DOBOS. See also Abstr. 65.4766, 4770, 4785, 4858, 4978, 5063, 5084]
65.4928 HOLTERMANN, Jakob V. H.; MADSEN, Mikael Rask —
International law remains in many ways a challenge to legal science. As in domestic law, the available options appear to be exhausted by either internal doctrinal approaches, or external approaches applying more general empirical methods from the social sciences. This article claims that, while these major positions obviously provide interesting insights, none of them manages to make international law intelligible in a broader sense. Instead, it argues for a European New Legal Realist approach to international law accommodating the so-called external and internal dimensions of law in a single more complex analysis which takes legal validity seriously but as a genuinely empirical object of study. This article identifies a distinctively European realist path, [inspired by] Weberian sociology of law and A. Ross's Scandinavian Legal Realism. [R, abr.]
65.4929 HOPKINS, Daniel J. —
Many developed democracies are experiencing high immigration, and public attitudes likely shape their policy responses. Prior studies of ethnocentrism and stereotyping make divergent predictions about anti-immigration attitudes. Some contend that culturally distinctive immigrants consistently generate increased opposition; others predict that natives' reactions depend on the particular cultural distinction and associated stereotypes. This article tests these hypotheses using realistic, videobased experiments with representative American samples. The results refute the expectation that more culturally distinctive immigrants necessarily induce anti-immigration views: exposure to Latino immigrants with darker skin tones or who speak Spanish does not increase restrictionist attitudes. Instead, the impact of out-group cues hinges on their content and related norms, as immigrants who speak accented English seem to counteract negative stereotypes related to immigrant assimilation. [R]
65.4930 HOROWITZ, Michael C. —
This article reviews the existing literature, mostly from political science, on suicide bombing. A prominent weapon in the toolkit of violent non-state actors for a generation, suicide bombing generates a significantly larger number of casualties per attack than other uses of force by terrorist groups, insurgents, and others. Scholars tend to agree that no single reason leads individuals to become suicide bombers. Moreover, groups use suicide bombing for strategic reasons — although whether suicide bombing campaigns make groups more likely to achieve their goals is unclear. Scholars continue to disagree about what drives groups to adopt or eschew suicide bombing, including the role of religion. [R, abr.]
65.4931 HORTALA-VALLVE, Rafael; MUELLER, Hannes —
We present a formal model of intra-party politics to explain candidate-selection within political parties. We think of parties as heterogeneous groups of individuals who aim to implement a set of policies but who differ in their priorities. When party heterogeneity is too great, parties are in danger of splitting into smaller yet more homogeneous political groups. In this context, we argue that primaries can have a unifying role if the party elite cannot commit to policy concessions. Our model shows how three factors interact to create incentives for the adoption of primary elections, namely (1) the alignment in the preferred policies of various factions within a party, (2) the relative weight of each of these factions and (3) the electoral system. [R, abr.]
65.4932 HOULE, Christian —
Does inequality between ethnic groups destabilize democracies? While the literature largely agrees that inequality harms democracies, previous studies typically focus on the overall level of inequality in a society, leaving unanswered questions about the effect of inequality between ethnic groups. This article argues that inequality between ethnic groups harms the consolidation of democracy but that its effect is strongest when inequality within groups is low. Using group- and country-level data from more than seventy-one democracies and 241 ethnic groups worldwide, the author conducts the first cross-national test to date of the effect of ethnic inequality on transitions away from democracy. Results provide support for the hypothesis: when within-ethnic-group inequality (WGI) is low, between-ethnic-group inequality (BGI) harms democracy, but when WGI is high, BGI has no discernable effect. [R]
65.4933 HOWLETT, Michael; McCONNELL, Allan; PERL, Anthony —
Use of metaphors is a staple feature of how we understand policy processes — none more so than the use of “policy stages”I“cycles” and “multiple streams”. This article explores and advances the opportunities for combining both and applying them to the policy-formation and decision-making stages of policy-making. It examines possible three-, four- and five-stream models. It argues that a five-stream confluence model provides the highest analytical value because it retains the simplicity of metaphors (combining elements of two of the most prominent models in policy studies) while also helping capture some of the more complex and subtle aspects of policy processes, including policy styles and nested systems of governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5171]
65.4934 HOWSE, Robert —
As an account of the practice of philosophers up to at least the end of the 18th c., Melzer's book is a great success: he brings out an enormous body of historical evidence that older philosophers concealed or withheld the extent of their political, social, and religious unorthodoxy to avoid persecution. Echoing a theme of Strauss, Melzer also postulates that philosophers engaged in methods of concealment or even dissimulation to protect society against potentially harmful truths or to prevent the irresponsible misuse or application of their ideas. He argues that such methods might also be justified as forms of “pedagogy”. These latter claims, however, are not supported by the kind of evidence that makes Melzer's argument about the relationship of persecution to esotericism persuasive. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4935 HUGHES, Caroline; ÖJENDAL, Joakim; SCHIERENBECK, Isabell —
This introduction to a thematic issue on “The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding: the liberal peace challenged” presents how views on “the local turn” in peace-building has evolved into a significant discourse. Currently, it has “its moment” and is widely used by theorists and practitioners alike, by normative localists as well as by liberal policy-makers, albeit for different reasons and with differing intensions. We suggest that international interventions for the purpose of peace-building cannot be justified a priori, but requires resonance at the “receiving end”, which the local dimension potentially offers. It is however an elusive and contested concept that requires thorough scrutiny and critical assessment. Here, a collection of conceptual and empirical articles is contextualized and introduced, painting a broad state-of-the-art of the pros and cons of the local turn. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding: the liberal peace challenged”, edited by the authors. See also Hanna LEONARDSSON and Gustav RUDD, “The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding: a literature review of effective and emancipatory local peace-building”, pp. 825–839; Roger MAC GINTY, “Where is the local? Critical localism and peace-building”, pp. 840–856; Thania PAFFENHOLZ, “Unpacking the local turn in peace-building: a critical assessment towards an agenda for future research”, pp. 857–874; Stefanie KAP-PLER, “The dynamic local: delocalization and (re-)localization in the search for peace-building identity”, pp. 875–889; Sandra POGODDA and Oliver P. RICHMOND, “Palestinian unity and everyday state formation: subaltern ‘ungovernmentality’ versus elite interests”, pp. 890–907; Caroline HUGHES, “Poor people's politics in East Timor”, pp. 908–928; Joakim ÖJENDAL and Sivhouch OU, “The ‘local turn’ saving liberal peace-building? Unpacking virtual peace in Cambodia”, pp. 929–949; Malin HASSELSKOG and Isabell SCHIERENBECK, “National policy in local practice: the case of Rwanda”, pp. 950–966; Anna K. JARSTAD and Kristine HÖGLUND, “Local violence and politics in KwaZulu-Natal: perceptions of agency in a post-conflict society”, pp. 967–984; Christian ARANDEL, Derrick W. BRINKERHOFF and Marissa M. BELL, “Reducing fragility through strengthening local governance in Guinea”, pp. 985–1006; Goran HYDEN, “Rethinking justice and institutions in African peacebuilding”, pp. 1007–1022; Isabell SCHIERENBECK, “Beyond the local turn divide: lessons learnt, relearnt and unlearnt”, pp. 1023–1032]
65.4936 HUGHES, Melanie M.; KROOK, Mona Lena; PAXTON, Pamela —
The rapid global spread of quotas for women transformed the composition of legislatures worldwide. Yet we lack a solid understanding of the forces driving quota-diffusion. We consider how global pressure from the international women's movement affects national gender-quota adoption. In the first quantitative analysis of this question on a global scale, we use event-history techniques to examine global, transnational, and national influences on quota adoption in 149 countries between 1989 and 2008. Contributing to work on international norm-diffusion, we find a crucial role for women's activism, but uncover a negative interaction between increased global pressures and domestic ties to women's transnational organizing. We suggest global pressure to adopt quotas may be weakened by the diverse agendas of women's activist organizations, by perceived threats to male elites posed by women's agitation, or both. [R, abr.]
65.4937 HUNEEUS, Alexandra —
This article argues that human rights law — which mediates between claims about universal human nature, on the one hand, and hard-fought political battles, on the other — is in particular need of a richer exchange between jurisprudential approaches and social science theory and methods. Using the example of the Inter-American Human Rights System, the article calls for more human rights scholarship with a new realist sensibility. It demonstrates in what ways legal and social science scholarship on human rights law both stand to improve through sustained, thoughtful exchange. [R]
65.4938 HUSTED, Emil —
This paper discusses and problematizes the conventional view on political participation as something primarily involving voting and formal party membership. It departs from the assumption that the bulk of academic literature on democracy has been overly preoccupied with conventional channels for political participation, and that this myopic view has turned a blind eye towards important enactments of democratic engagement. Building on the discourse theory of E. Laclau and Ch. Mouffe, it thus proposes a conceptualization of “alternative” political participation as something involving counter-hegemonic articulations that challenge the current constitution of society. The paper proposes a typological sketch of the organization of alternative political participation, to provide a framework for exploring the many ways in which alternative political participation is currently being enacted. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5119]
65.4939 HYDE, Susan D. —
At conferences, at seminars, and on political science blogs, the potential utility of experimental methods for IR research continues to be a hotly contested topic. Given the recent rise in creative applications of experimental methods, now is a useful moment to reflect more generally on the potential value of experiments to study international affairs, how these inherently micro-level methods can shed light on bigger-picture questions, what has been learned already, what goals are probably out of reach, and how various research agendas in IR might productively incorporate experiments. [R]
65.4940 HYRÉN, Johan —
Contemporary discourse theorists in the tradition following E. Laclau and Ch. Mouffe are often heavily influenced by the work of the French psychoanalytical theorist J. Lacan (1901–1981). Hence, if one is to really understand and engage with this tradition, one must also to get a grip on Lacan. Lacan's work is polymorph but it is mostly his general theory of the subject and how this relates to ethics that has proven to be most important and influential. This text gives a clear and in-depth introduction to these aspects of Lacan's theory. [R]
65.4941 IVANOV, Petr M. —
The third millennium caught mankind unawares: problems of global transformation of the modern world, huge problems of a planetary scale appeared. Solutions require new fundamental approaches to construction of a harmonious scientific and methodological framework of a world order in the 21st c. The world appeared before us as global. However, unsystematic, wild and arbitrary globalization, not based on management, can develop into process dangerous to the world community. The author proves that there is a controllable way of development of human civilization — unlike S. Huntington's statement that the world is due for inevitable collisions of civilizations. This work offers the new concept of a sustainable development, a cornerstone of which is directing globalization processes into controllable course, and by doing so — overcoming of the accruing conflicts. [R, abr.]
65.4942 JÄCKLE, Sebastian; BAUMANN, Marcel M. —
Building on a literature review, we examine the thesis of brutalization within the framework of the “new terrorism” and test it empirically and analytically. We operationalize the brutalization of terrorism in eight different ways and examine these indicators over time from 1970 to 2011 on a worldwide scale as well as for different regions using data from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). We show that there is only little empirical evidence for a general brutalization of terrorism taking place all around the globe since the early 1990s. Yet, particularly in the years after 9/11, a rising brutality could be observed in certain regions. This should nevertheless not be regarded as an indication for a novel kind of terrorism. [R, abr.]
65.4943 JACOBS, Jane; GEORGE, Henry, eds. —
Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. Articles by Walter RYBECK, “Curing slums: the Jane Jacobs way and the Henry George way”, pp. 481–494; Sanford IKEDA, “Jane Jacobs on Henry George: progress or poverty?”, pp 495–509; William S. PEIRCE, “Henry George and Jane Jacobs on the sources of economic growth”, pp. 510–530; David ELLERMAN, “The DNA of enterprise: Jane Jacobs and Henry George on innovation and development through spin-offs”, pp. 531–549; Franklin OBENG-ODOOM, “The social, spatial, and economic roots of urban inequality in Africa: contextualizing Jane Jacobs and Henry George”, pp. 550–586; David BOYLE, “Henry George, Jane Jacobs, and free trade”, pp. 587–599; Jason Leslie COMBS, “Using Jane Jacobs and Henry George to tame gentrification”, pp. 600–630.
65.4944 JACOBSON, Gary C. —
A review of the evidence leaves no doubt election campaigns do matter in a variety of important ways. The serious questions concern when, where, why, how, for what, and for whom they matter. This essay reviews a selection of high-quality studies that address these questions, focusing on several distinct lines of research that have been particularly productive in recent years: on the effects of events and advertising in presidential elections; on the effects of campaign spending in elections for down-ballot offices; on the effects of mobilization campaigns on voting turnout; on campaign influences on the vote choice (with special attention to the effects of negative campaigns); and on the nature of persuadable voters. It also offers some suggestions of areas where additional research should be productive. [R]
65.4945 JANICKIJ, Oleg N. —
The article [examines] humanitarian catastrophe as a form of all-embracing risk society, its specific social order and ways of life, its uncertainty and turbulent character, a barrier role of modern bureaucracy in mitigation of the catastrophe's consequences, and the limits of rehabilitation of affected population and ecosystems. Major features are identified and analyzed. [R, abr.]
65.4946 JEANGÈNE VILMER, Jean-Baptiste —
A number of factors lead to the ongoing questioning of human rights in the world. These include the advancement of authoritarian regimes, the moral weakening of the West, and the crisis in international institutions, among others. It seems, however, that human rights' alleged decline is more of a growth crisis. Traditional criticism fails to explain the reconsideration that began in 2000 and that, instead of focusing on specific aspects of human rights, announces their ‘end’. Liberal democracy and the respect for human rights provide better quality response to populations' aspirations. It is therefore necessary to transform human rights from a display into a determinant criterion when it comes to French foreign policy. [R, transl.]
65.4947 JEWKES, Michael —
Many real-world multinational federal states seem to be engulfed in an almost permanent state of crisis due to a lack of “togetherness” between federal partners. This has led, in cases such as Belgium and Spain, to near existential crises in which the longevity of the federation, as well as its ability to provide fundamental goods and services to its citizens, is called into question. This paper develops a greater understanding of the concept of “federal togetherness” by unraveling its fundamental nature, the role that it plays in the multinational state, and the root causes of its evasiveness in many empirical cases. [R, abr.]
65.4948 JILLIONS, Andrew —
Diplomatic assurances are promises which purport to manage the tension between the need for national security and the human rights obligations not to send individuals to countries where they would be at risk of torture. This article [examines] how and why diplomatic assurances have become a part of policy efforts to make counterterrorism human rights compliant and as part of a wider strategy for drawing a line under the damaging legacy of the “war on terror”. This positive gloss on the use of diplomatic assurances is, however, in contrast to the worries motivating human rights advocates which center on the implications for the global anti-torture regime. [Another] concern centers on whether the past architects of the war on terror can be trusted to progressively develop the rules and norms governing this domain. [R]
65.4949 JUBB, Robert —
This article investigates how political theorists and philosophers should understand egalitarian political demands in light of the increasingly important realist critique of much of contemporary political theory and philosophy. It suggests, first, that what M. O'Neill has called non-intrinsic egalitarianism is, in one form at least, a potentially realistic egalitarian political project and, second, that realists may be compelled to impose an egalitarian threshold on state claims to legitimacy [in] certain circumstances. Non-intrinsic egalitarianism can meet realism's methodological requirements because it does not have to assume an unavailable moral consensus since it can focus on widely acknowledged bads rather than contentious claims about the good. Without at least a threshold set of egalitarian commitments, a political order seems unable to be transparent to many of its worse-off members under a plausible construal of contemporary conditions. [R, abr.]
65.4950 JUSIĆ, Mirna; STOJANOVIĆ, Nenad —
This article explores the arguments used in parliamentary debates, in 2008, to justify the adoption of reserved seats for national minorities in local parliaments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Content-analyses of two parliamentary debates at the state level and nine municipal assembly sessions reveal two dominant frames: an “obligation frame” and a “constituent peoples frame”. The former refers to the adoption of reserved seats for minorities as an international and legal obligation, while the latter challenges this institution, emphasizing the rights of the three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs) to be guaranteed reserved seats in addition to, or in place of, national minorities. Interestingly, the frame based on an idea of justice and suggesting the right of minorities to political representation is absent from parliamentary debates. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6241]
65.4951 KAISER, Robert —
We argue that an event that occurred in 2007 catalyzed cyberwar's actualization as a new policy object, and has continued to affect the discursive practices materializing cyberwar since 2007. After a brief genealogy of cyberwar imaginings prior to 2007, the article interrogates how the 2007 events catalyzed cyberwar's materialization, and the discursive practices that have worked performatively to stabilize and institutionalize a knowledge-power assemblage named cyberwar as a new policy object. In particular, it traces the ways in which the site and situation of cyberwar's birth have affected the emerging apparatuses of cybersecurity, how the event enabled Estonian cybersecurity specialists and political and military elites as “catalyzing agents and shimmering points” in the emerging cyberwar resonance machine. [R, abr.]
65.4952 KALANDRAKIS, Tasos —
I develop a theory of the emergence of minority and majority governments in multiparty parliamentary systems. I study a general bargaining environment with a policy space of arbitrary finite dimension, any number of political parties, and a general class of preferences over the government agreement space. I find that only majority governments form in the absence of significant political disagreement. However, I show that, except for knife-edge situations, minority government are formed with positive probability when parties represented in parliament are sufficiently ideologically polarized. [R]
65.4953 KANTHAK, Kristin; WOON, Jonathan —
To study gender differences in candidate emergence, we conduct a laboratory experiment in which we control the incentives potential candidates face, manipulate features of the electoral environment, and measure beliefs and preferences. We find that men and women are equally likely to volunteer when the representative is chosen randomly, but that women are less likely to become candidates when the representative is chosen by an election. This difference does not arise from disparities in abilities, risk aversion, or beliefs, but rather from the specific competitive and strategic context of campaigns and elections. Thus, we find evidence that women are “election-averse”, whereas men are not. Election-aversion persists with variations in the electoral environment, disappearing only when campaigns are both costless and completely truthful. [R]
65.4954 KARLSSON, David —
Local autonomy and national equality are conflicting political values. Finding the balance between autonomy and equality is a difficult challenge for local leaders in multi-level government systems everywhere. This article [seeks] factors that explain the attitudes of local representatives in these matters. The results show that left-right ideology, party interest and local economic interest all have substantial effects on the representatives' attitudes. Representatives on the right are generally more positive to local autonomy and more critical to equalization compared to representatives on the left, but the ideological stance of rightwing representatives depends on the economic strength of their municipality. Left-wing representatives are less affected by local economic interests. Representatives of all colors are more positive to increasing local autonomy when they are part of a local ruling majority. [R, abr.]
65.4955 KASARA, Kimuli; SURYANARAYAN, Pavithra —
In some places, the relationship between [vote]-turnout and socioeconomic status is reversed. We argue that the potential tax exposure of the rich explains the positive relationship between income and voting in some places and not others. Where the rich anticipate taxation, they have a greater incentive to participate in politics, and politicians are more likely to use fiscal policy to gain support. We explore two factors affecting the tax exposure of the rich — the political salience of redistribution in party politics and the state's extractive capacity. Using survey data from developed and developing countries, we demonstrate that the rich turn out to vote at higher rates when the political preferences of the rich and poor diverge and where bureaucratic capacity is high. [R, abr.]
65.4956 KAWAHARA, Setsuko —
Self-determination [as a] concept is multi-faceted and contains a significant degree of ambiguity, leading to a tendency of each actor to interpret and utilize it for their own interests. Who is the “self”: people, nation or state? What are the subject and scope of the determination? How can the determination be attained, and under what conditions? These are crucial questions for international security, as many armed conflicts are fought under the manifestation of self-determination. One of the recent examples is the annexation of Crimea by Russia, which has caused serious concern in the international community. This article analyzes how self-determination has been perceived and applied, focusing on strategic interests. [R, abr.]
65.4957 KEANE, John —
The rise of despotism shows that contemporary democracies, especially when their market foundations collapse, are quite easily tempted to commit “democide”. Indeed, the “new despotism” is becoming a real, global alternative to democracy as we have known it in recent decades. It can be described as a new 21st-c. type of politics, in which governments, using a democratic rhetoric and election victories, notoriously attenuate individual liberties and the separation of powers through rigid control over the media, the judicial power and the economy, as well as armed repression of their opponents. China is the paradigm of this trend but it can also be found in countries such as Russia, Egypt, Vietnam, Turkmenistan, Belarus and the countries of the Arabian Peninsula.
65.4958 KEANEY, Michael —
Globalization has been treated as a homogenizing, even Americanizing, process. Its complex nature means that its effects can be observed at various levels of analysis: economic, political, social, cultural and legal. The books under review here tackle different aspects of globalization, with the overarching theme of US hegemony and how that has been employed in the reconfiguration of the global order. Two titles deal specifically with British decline, albeit without a perspective informed by political economy, the absence of which is argued to weaken their respective analyses. The analytical purchase provided by Marxist political economy is also highlighted. [R]
65.4959 KEELE, Luke —
Many areas of political science focus on causal questions. Evidence from statistical analyses is often used to make the case for causal relationships. While statistical analyses can help establish causal relationships, it can also provide strong evidence of causality where none exists. I provide an overview of the statistics of causal inference. Instead of focusing on specific statistical methods, such as matching, I focus more on the assumptions needed to give statistical estimates a causal interpretation. Such assumptions are often referred to as identification assumptions, and these assumptions are critical to any statistical analysis about causal effects. I outline a wide range of identification assumptions and highlight the design-based approach to causal inference. I conclude with an overview of statistical methods that are frequently used for causal inference. [R]
65.4960 KEOHANE, Nannerl O. —
R. Dahl's writings contain a number of intriguing passages about leadership. The relevant sections appear in several of his key writings, including the Preface to Democratic Theory, Who Governs?, Modern Political Analysis, After the Revolution, and Democracy and its Critics. In these works, Dahl's conception of leadership evolves from an emphasis on “control” to “influence”, and finally broadens to include “competence” and “expertise”. These sections are episodic and disconnected from one work to another; they repay close attention, nonetheless. This essay identifies these promising themes and sketches out some directions that a political theory of democratic leadership based on Dahl's insights might take. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4923]
65.4961 KHOKHLOV, Igor' I. —
I discuss certain motivation aspects of the lower- and medium-level members of terrorist networks. Since the 1990s, and especially after 9/11 [2001], the studies of terrorism became more and more relevant. However, despite the ample analysis, scholars often miss a key element of terrorism: the motivation of rank-and-file members of terrorist organizations that makes them give up their ambitions within the limits of universally accepted social behavior and [turn to] terrorism. Unlike the traditional criminal path chosen for lucrative reasons, participation in terrorist activities cannot be explained the same way. [R, abr.]
65.4962 KIM Moonhawk; LEBLANG, David —
Does language choice attract FDI, and if so, how? We argue that language — a dynamic instrument for reducing transaction costs — can influence investors' decision to allocate capital. Potential host countries attract investments by coordinating their domestic language policies — especially those in education — to match the language of the potential FDI investor. We subject our argument to three different tests: (1) a cross-sectional sample of all global Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development investments that employs a newly constructed language-in-education measurement; (2) a newly assembled time-series cross-sectional data set of all Chinese FDI abroad; and (3) a detailed case study that uses process tracing to explain Chinese FDI in Indonesia. The results from these tests demonstrate a significant and robust relationship between language and FDI. [R]
65.4963 KLARE, Michael T. —
The role of energy in driving climate change is well understood. Far less understood, however, is the reciprocal effect of climate change on energy. Not all of these effects can be foreseen, but many are beginning to be perceptible. This essay looks at some of these perceptible effects, focusing on the relationship between climate change and the supply and demand for fossil fuels and renewable energies. It argues that while climate change may enhance energy production in some respects, its overall impact is likely to be negative unless far greater efforts are made to enhance the resilience of existing energy systems and shift reliance from fossil fuels to renewables. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.4964 KLATT, Matthias —
Conflicts of competences represent a serious challenge to global constitutionalism and institutional cosmopolitanism. This article argues from a participant's perspective, following a normative-analytical approach. It develops new taxonomy of competence conflicts. It defends a flexible legal solution to competence conflicts that is inspired by the idea of practical institutional concordance and provides a middle way between strict legal solutions and political appeals for dialogue. Legal authority beyond the state and competence admit of degrees and variability, depending on the legal and factual circumstances of the case at issue. This understanding is enabled by interpreting competences as formal principles. Drawing on research by Alexy and Kumm the details of balancing competences as a distinct legal method are elaborated, using a triadic scale and various factors for determining the concrete weight of a competence. [R, abr.]
65.4965 KNAGGÅRD, Åsa —
J. Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) constitutes a powerful tool for understanding the policy process, and more specifically, agenda-setting, through three separate streams: problems, policies and politics. This article argues that the MSF would benefit from further development of the problem stream. It introduces a clearer conception of agency into the problem stream by suggesting the inclusion of the problem-broker — a role in which actors frame conditions as public problems and work to make policy-makers accept these frames. The problem-broker makes use of knowledge, values and emotions in the framing of problems. The use of these three elements is seen as a prerequisite for successful problem-brokering — that is, for establishing a frame in the policy sphere. The inclusion of the problem-broker into the MSF strengthens the analytical separation between streams. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5171]
65.4966 KNIGHT, Carl —
Critics of luck egalitarianism have claimed that, far from providing a justification for the public insurance functions of a welfare state as its proponents claim, the view objectionably abandons those who are deemed responsible for their dire straits. This article considers seven arguments that can be made in response to this “abandonment objection”. Four of these arguments are found wanting, with a recurrent problem being their reliance on a dubious sufficientarian or quasi-sufficientarian commitment to provide a threshold of goods unconditionally. Three arguments succeed, showing that luck egalitarians have good reasons for assisting “negligent victims” on account of changes that may occur in an individual between the time of their choice and their subsequent disadvantage, bad option luck, and doubts about free will and responsibility. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Insurance, equality and the welfare state”, edited and introduced, pp. 111–118, by Nils HOLTUG and Xavier LANDES. See also Abstr. 65.4774, 4982, 4990, 5154, 5344]
65.4967 KNUTSEN, Carl Henrik; NYGÅRD, Håvard Mokleiv —
Mixing democratic and autocratic characteristics need not destabilize regimes, as three highly plausible alternative explanations of this correlation remain unaccounted for: (1) semi-democracies emerge under conditions of political instability and social turmoil; (2) other regime characteristics explain duration; and (3) extant democracy measures do not register all regime changes. We elaborate on and test for these explanations, but find strikingly robust evidence that semi-democracies are inherently less durable than both democracies and autocracies. “Semi-democracies are particularly unstable political regimes” should thus be considered a rare stylized fact of comparative politics. The analysis yields several other interesting results. [R, abr.]
65.4968 KOO Jeong-Woo; KIM Youl-Lee; KIM Dae-ook —
This article presents a new approach in international development cooperation, the public-private partnership (PPP). Our alternative model of PPP lies in the principle of shared value, and aims to reduce poverty and promote development in developing countries. We first theorize or justify the four major principles of the CSV model of PPP: (1) utilizing companies' core skills, (2) creating new values, (3) corresponding to the Country Partnership Strategy (CPS), and (4) collaborating across various stakeholders. Second, we categorize the available global models of PPP into the US led corporate social responsibility (CSR) model and the European model of fund-raising. Third, we analyze the implemented PPP projects in South Korea using the newly suggested framework. Fourth, we reflect on both global and domestic examples of PPP with promising elements of the new model. [R, abr.]
65.4969 KRASIN, Yurij A. —
People's increased concern for interpretation of ideology and for its concrete problems is due to the desire to comprehend the essence and meaning of the deepest transformation which human civilization is undergoing and which can be determined as “big reform of society”. Mankind's socio-historical experience changes the contents and the functions of ideology as a specific form of social consciousness in which the senses of the society's vital activity are sublimated. The article outlines a new vision of ideology which would answer the modern reality undergoing transformations. [R, abr.]
65.4970 KRASNOV, Mihail A. —
There are several reasons why the status of head of state that has become inherent to presidents and monarchs alike may lead to the manifestation of an authoritarian gene. A closer look at the different points of view on the nature and origin of the concept demonstrates that scientists tend to disagree and give a very inconsistent picture of what “head of state” actually means. Such theoretical discrepancy is naturally reflected in both public and legal practice, which in turn leads towards authoritarianism. A critique of the widespread view of the head of state as an arbitrator and coordinator as well as a source of unity in public power helps identify possible ways of neutralizing intrinsic danger. [R, abr.]
65.4971 KREPON, Michael —
Stability has been the holy grail of deterrence strategists since the outset of the US-Soviet nuclear-arms competition. This prize has been elusive because nuclear weapons are not stabilizing. [R]
65.4972 KRISHNA, Sankaran —
The global middle class is frequently seen as a guarantor of democracy and its consumerism the basis for the next wave of growth in the world economy. This article questions both premises and suggests that middle classes are frequently the creation of state projects based on selective inclusions and exclusions, and their desired futures constitute a real threat to planetary sustainability at this point in time. [R]
65.4973 KRISTENSEN, Peter Marcus —
This paper interrogates the conditions for scholars in emerging powers to speak back to the mainstream IR discipline. It argues (1) that “theory speak” is rare from scholars based in periphery countries perceived to be “emerging powers”. Despite increasing efforts to create a “home-grown” theoretical discourse in China, India and Brazil, few articles in mainstream journals present novel theoretical frameworks or arguments framed as non-Western/Southern theory or even as a “Chinese school” or “Brazilian concepts”. (2) Scholars from emerging powers tend to speak as “native informants” about their own country, not about general aspects of “the international”. (3) Some scholars even speak as “quasiofficials” — that is, they speak for their country. [R, abr.]
65.4974 KROENIG, Matthew —
The leading state in the international system for the past four hundred years has always been among its most democratic. America's political institutions will prove to be its enduring edge in its economic and military competition with Beijing. [R]
65.4975 KUTAY, Acar —
This paper discusses the normative implications of a political vision that integrates civil society into new governance mechanisms, pragmatic governance in particular, by virtue of the funding of civil society organizations. This vision has led to a marked increase in both funding for civil society and in the assignment to civil society organizations of governance tasks normally performed by the public sector. However, some of the crucial aspects of these normative, ontological perspectives are either counter-factual or limited by at least two major factors: (1) the prevailing technocratic style of policy-making used in pragmatic governance, and (2) the proliferation of managerialism, i.e., the idea that any kind of social organization must be administered by managers and that the public and civil society sectors should use of corporate/business sector professional management techniques and tools. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5119]
65.4976 LACEY, Joseph —
Central to Ph. Van Parijs' recent text, Linguistic Justice for Europe and for the World [Oxford, 2011], are claims that the emergence of English as a global lingua franca is (1) inevitable, (2) necessary for transnational justice and (3) to be accelerated. After first outlining the reasoning behind these claims, this article then argues that there are good reasons to doubt that English will inevitably become a global lingua franca; the absence of a lingua franca is not an insurmountable obstacle to the achievement of transnational justice; and there is little justification for artificially accelerating the universalization of English. [R]
65.4977 LACINA, Bethany —
Center versus periphery distributional conflict is the standard explanation for separatist war. However, many separatists face strong opposition from other groups in their area. The likelihood of separatist war depends on the center's political relationships with competing groups in the periphery. This article demonstrates two patterns in separatist war-onset worldwide at the ethnic group level. Groups with a political advantage in the capital relative to their regional neighbors are less likely to have grievances about local political and economic institutions and have a lower probability of separatist war. On the other hand, ethnic groups that share territory with the most powerful ethnic group in their country are deterred from separatist violence. Given the importance of within-periphery rivalries to separatist war, policy interventions designed to resolve center/periphery resource conflict may be ineffective against violence. [R, abr.]
65.4978 LACKEY, Douglas P. —
Pacifists say that the proper ethical response to violence is nonviolence. Just war theorists say that bad violence should be defeated by good violence. Both approaches are untenable as moral theories: cases can be found in which each theory makes recommendations that go against deeply held moral intuitions of reflective people. Confronted with the ethical problems of war and peace, the intelligent and ethical decision-maker must decide when to be a pacifist and when to be a warrior for justice. If we describe the actions of pacifists as expressing soft power and the actions of just warriors as expressing hard power, the correct choice between soft power and hard power can be called smart power. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.4979 LAEGAARD, Sune —
I use a specific prominent example of a multiculturalist discussion — Tariq Modood's argument about “moderate secularism” — as a test case and distinguish between different senses of contextualism. I discuss whether the claim that political theory is contextual in each sense is novel and interesting, and whether contextualism is a distinct feature of political theory of multiculturalism. I argue that the forms of contextualism which concern the scope and methodology of political theory are sensible, but not novel or distinctive of multiculturalism. I then discuss the more controversial forms of contextualism, which I call political and theoretical contextualism. Finally, I apply the distinctions to Modood's argument. I argue that it is not a form of theoretical contextualism and that theoretical contextualism would in fact undermine arguments for multiculturalist policies of accommodation. [R, abr.]
65.4980 LAKATOS, Zoltán —
This article argues that R. Inglehart's three most influential instruments measuring cultural values — the Postmaterialism Index, the self-expression survival, and the secular-traditional measures — obfuscate the complexity of the value space at the individual level. To overcome the limitations of his instruments, I present an alternative method in the form of multiple correspondence analysis (MCA), a geometric approach to data-analysis. MCA separates out those axes of cultural values — religiosity, authoritarianism, and materialism — that Inglehart's scales treat as part of broader cultural dimensions. The assessment of the configuration observed in MCA against dimensions identified with principal component-analysis and factor-analysis shows that the MCA solution is more consistent conceptually. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4787]
65.4981 LANDA, Dimitri; DUELL, Dominik —
In a laboratory experiment, we explore the effects of group identities on the principal-agent relationship between voters and representatives. In an adverse-selection framework with observable effort, voters can choose to condition their re-election choices on representatives' effort alone, beliefs about representatives' competence, or both of those jointly. We show that inducing social identities increases the weight of representatives' effort in voters' reelection decisions. Further, when voters and representatives share a social identity, representatives tend to invest less effort and their effort is independent of their competence. In contrast, “out-group” representatives compensate for lower competence with higher effort and reduce effort when voters are likely to perceive them as competent. [R, abr.]
65.4982 LANDES, Xavier; NÉRON, Pierre-Yves —
We argue that while insurance, intrinsically and idealistically, may diverge from a redistributive scheme, it is nevertheless difficult to deny that insurance has nothing to do with equality. More precisely, we argue that insurance may be understood as an egalitarian tool if our understanding of equality is broadened to include relational equality. Our paper briefly recaps the debates surrounding public insurance as a redistributive tool, advancing the idea that public insurance may be a relational egalitarian tool. It then presents a number of relational arguments in favor of the involvement of the state in the provision of specific forms of insurance, arguments that have been overlooked given the domination of luck egalitarian approaches in these debates. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4966]
65.4983 LANE, David —
With the fall of the USSR, the virtues of “liberal democracy” have become major claims of Western hegemonic nations. A democratic status is necessary for states to be considered a legitimate component of the modern world. Building democracy is the counterpart to the move to the market and private ownership in the transformation of the state socialist societies. However, though there is general approval of things democratic, its nature is subject to wide and often contradictory meaning. I consider the different meanings given to “democracy” — [especially] electoral democracy. I examine the performance of electoral democracies in promoting human well-being. I consider studies measuring the relationship between democracy, on the one hand, and economic growth, equality, happiness and peace, on the other. [R, abr.]
65.4984 LANG, Andrew —
I suggest that one of the central characteristics of New Legal Realism is the productive tension between empiricist and pragmatist theories of knowledge which lies at its core. New Realist work uses empirical knowledge of the world as the basis on which to design, interpret, apply, and criticize the law. [And] it explicitly draws attention to the social and political contingency of any claims to empirical knowledge of the world, including its own. Consequently, much scholarship in the New Legal Realist vein continually enacts creative syntheses of different philosophies of truth. I argue that the ambivalence of the legal realists' vision has left us with a complicated form of mixed legal-scientific governance which has proved remarkably and surprisingly resilient in the face of late 20th c. critiques of scientific objectivity. [R, abr.]
65.4985 LASLEY, Trace; THYNE, Clayton —
Child soldiers remain a stark reminder of the suffering caused by civil wars. This paper explores the long-term calculations that rebel leaders employ when deciding whether or not to use child soldiers. A norm against the use of child soldiers has been strongly stated by the international community. Given their need to attract international support to achieve their goal of state recognition, we argue that separatist rebellions are unlikely to use child soldiers because they are constrained by these norms. We test our expectation on a newly collected dataset of child-soldier use from 1998 to 2008. Our analyses find considerable support that separatists are more likely to follow accepted norms and refrain from using underage troops. [R, abr.]
65.4986 LAWLER, Peter Augustine —
I consider the relationship between Christianity and the decline/fall of esotericism. Melzer is right that the withering of esotericism is the post-Christian intention and effect of modern thought. One result is that it's hard to know what dangerous or self-destructive opinion is hidden these days. My own view is that it's impossible to restore the classical distinction between esoteric philosophy and exoteric law, partly because that distinction is based on premises about human nature that we no longer, with good reason, regard as true. Still, Melzer is right, as was Allan Bloom, that one replacement for the healthy moral life protected by esotericism is a flat-souled withdrawal into inauthenticity or refusing to be moved by the terrible truths we think we can't help but know. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.4987 LeDUC, Lawrence —
The theoretical concepts of deliberative democracy and the institutions and processes associated with direct democracy often pull in different directions, despite their surface similarity. A deliberative model emphasizes the importance of voice whereas referendums prioritize votes. A deliberative model would involve citizens at every stage of the political process, whereas a referendum typically brings them in only at the very end. I examine four specific areas in which the conduct of referendums often tends to inhibit deliberation, and consider ways in which the quality of deliberation within existing rules and practices might be improved. Together, the cases considered here suggest some ways in which the familiar institutions of initiative and referendum could be retooled to approximate a more deliberative form of direct democracy. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “New directions in referendums, politics and campaigns”, edited and introduced by Theresa REIDY and Jane SUITER. See also Abstr. 65.4803, 4906, 5388, 5544, 5593, 5600, 5702, 5737, 5760, 6109]
65.4988 LEFEVERE, Jonas; TRESCH, Anke; WALGRAVE, Stefaan —
Campaigns raise public interest in politics and allow parties to convey their messages to voters. However, voters' exposure and attention during campaigns are biased towards parties and candidates they like. This hinders parties' ability to reach new voters. This paper theorizes and empirically tests a simple way in which parties can break partisan selective attention: owning an issue. When parties own issues that are important for a voter, that voter is more likely to notice them. Using survey data collected prior to the 2009 Belgian regional elections, we show that this effect exists independent of partisan preferences and while controlling for the absolute visibility of a party in the media. This indicates that issue-ownership has an independent impact on voters' attention to campaigns. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4813]
65.4989 LEHOUCQ, Fabrice; KOLEV, Kiril —
This paper assesses the hypothesis that election quality is worse under plurality voting systems than under proportional representation (PR). We use a two-pronged research design that permits us to harness the advantages of most-similar and most-different approaches to limit problems of endogeneity that afflict hypothesis testing in comparative politics. We use a subnational database of more than 1,300 accusations of electoral fraud from Costa Rica (1901–1948) that uniquely varies formulae among (provincial) electoral districts. Our statistical models reveal that plurality leads to more ballot rigging than proportional systems. We also demonstrate that plurality voting systems are associated with inferior election quality in the Quality of Elections Database (QED), which covers 170 countries between 1975 and 2004. [R, abr.]
65.4990 LEHTONEN, Turo-Kimmo; LIUKKO, Jyri —
The article presents two main arguments. First, we claim that in contemporary societies, insurance enacts peculiar kinds of solidarities as well as inequality and exclusion. Especially important in this respect are life, health, disability and old age pension insurance, both in compulsory and voluntary forms. Second, the article maintains that the ideas of solidarity, inequality and exclusion are transformed by the machinery of insurance. In other words, the concrete ways in which insurance relations are practically arranged have an effect on the ways in which the related moral and political concepts are perceived. We elaborate on three different forms of insurance solidarity, which we call chance, risk and income solidarity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4966]
65.4991 LENDVAI, Paul —
Nostalgia for the image of the “strong man” in politics is increasing in a time marked by the escalation of violence in the relations with Russia and the terror in the Middle East. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, this longing for a strong leader is particularly evident in the cases of Russia (V. Putin), Hungary (V. Orbán) and Turkey (R.T. Erdogan). Despite not being comparable to the totalitarianisms of the 20th c, they diverge profoundly from democratic regimes, as proved by the lack of independent justice, control over the media or ubiquitous secret services and police. In Christian Democrat countries, the wistful yearning for a charismatic leadership is also becoming a reality.
65.4992 LEVY, Biran —
In The Tyranny of Experts [New York, 2014], B. Easterly uses his trademark blend of insight and relentlessness to detail two big and important ideas: that underlying the prescriptions of all too many development practitioners is the hidden presumption of governance by well-intentioned autocrats; and that, by contrast, free societies offer the opportunity for people, societies and economies to thrive. But the book's argumentation and substance are at odds with much recent scholarship on how institutions evolve in the course of development: countries diverge from one another in the patterns of leads and lags through which public sector capability and the rule of law strengthen. In some settings state-building leads; in others, a strengthened rule of law comes first. Both sequences are fraught with risk and the potential for unintended consequences. [R, abr.]
65.4993 LEWIS-BECK, Michael S.; BÉLANGER, Éric —
We compare the recent methodological profile of political science work in France and the US, applying a standardized content-analysis of the research methods to leading political science journals in both countries over time periods of equal length. We find that, compared with the US, qualitative work clearly dominates quantitative work in France, and there has been no apparent change over time in that regard during the period under investigation (1998–2013). We also find that French political science research does not offer a strong supply of mixed methods. Finally, and contrary to what is observed in the US, when French political scientists do use quantitative methods, they seem reticent about using ordinary least squares (OLS) or more sophisticated statistical methods. [R, abr.]
65.4994 LIDÉN, Gustav —
The use of information and communication technologies in democratic processes, often summarized by the term e-democracy, has seldom been analyzed from a global perspective. Although the UN E-Participation Index provides one of the few examples of an international measurement of e-democracy, it has been thoroughly criticized; at the same time, however, a number of studies have broadened our understanding of the global determinants of e-democracy by using this very index. I consider (1) whether the UN E-Participation Index is a valid measurement of e-democracy and (2) whether any alternative measurements of e-democracy present themselves. It would seem that the index, despite its flaws, is not necessarily as problematic as is assumed, although there are observations that violate essential theoretical assumptions and so reduce its validity. [R, abr.]
65.4995 LINDEN-RETEK, Paul P. —
This article confronts the contemporary condition in which cosmopolitan law is increasingly a source of detachment, confusion, and alienation. Taking the EU's twin crises of democratic legitimacy and social solidarity as its starting point, the article offers a critique of existing approaches to supranational constitutionalism that are insufficiently responsive to this disenchantment. The article presents perspectives from philosophy and legal theory that might promisingly recast, in this new cosmopolitan frame, our thinking about law as a mode of social integration. Drawing on S. Benhabib's “democratic iterations” and its roots in the work of J. Derrida and R. Cover, the article elaborates these concepts: “cosmopolitan promise-making”, a diachronic form of cosmopolitan political agency; and “cosmopolitan legal narrative”, a set of plural, evolving constitutional interpretations open to mutual engagement over time. [R, abr.]
65.4996 LINETZKY, Aleksandr I. —
I argue that standard patterns of human interaction could occur spontaneously without influence of any social institution due to certain evolutionary reasons. Such standard patterns of human interaction may exist without being reflected in human consciousness. To study such latent standard patterns of human interaction we have designed a new technical tool — “latent institutions”. Then, we discover the two standard patterns of human interaction deemed to be produced evolutionary and occurred spontaneously and which supposed to have a great political meaning. Both patterns determine aggressive human behavior in political interactions. [R, abr.]
65.4997 LOCKWOOD, Matthew —
Over the last decade, pressure to reduce subsidies for energy (especially fossil fuels) in developing countries has mounted, but reform is politically controversial. The debate on reform is dominated by a liberal narrative that employs an understanding of energy subsidies as political rent, based on public choice theory. I argue that this approach takes too static and limited a view of rent, and that engagement with theories of the state in the development process suggests a more dynamic view. The degree of centralization of political power is also argued to be a key factor in the use and reform of subsidy. This application of the framework is then illustrated in the case of Indonesia. Finally, implications for reform strategies are drawn out. [R]
65.4998 LOWERY, David, et al. —
Since political scientists were introduced to the concept of “the scope and bias of the pressure system” by E.E. Schattschneider, we have grappled with the lack of a standard against which to assess bias. Scholars have in mind at least implicit images of the unknown state of an unbiased interest system. We uncover these implicit images in this analysis both for their own intrinsic interest and perhaps as a foundation for more progressive research on biases in interest representation. Ten scholars who have done considerable work on the politics of interest representation were asked to provide a brief description of what he or she would see as an unbiased interest system. After presenting each, we summarize the themes that emerged and discuss possible avenues for empirical research on bias. [R, abr.]
65.4999 LUKES, Steven —
Two questions about Dahl's evolving view of power are addressed. Have critics failed to distinguish his broad concept of power from the operational measures required for its study? It is argued that his classic study Who Governs? [New Haven, 1961] was driven by a concept of power on whose narrowness they rightly focused because it excluded important questions about power relations and mechanisms. Second, how satisfactory is his final conceptualization of power? This, it is argued, is still too narrow. It conflates power and influence, failing to see the importance of its dispositional character. It advances too narrow a view of its origins and its impact. And it fails to acknowledge the virtues of relating the concept of power to that of “interests”. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4923]
65.5000 LUPU, Yonatan —
Do national legislatures constitute a mechanism by which commitments to international human rights treaties can be made credible? Treaty ratification can activate domestic mechanisms that make repression more costly, and the legislative opposition can enhance these mechanisms. Legislative veto-players raise the cost of formalistic repressive strategies by declining to consent to legislation. Executives can still choose to rely on more costly, extralegal strategies, but these could result in severe penalties for the leader and require the leader to expend resources to hide. Especially in treaty member-states, legislatures can use other powers to also increase the cost of extralegal violations, which can further reduce repression. By using an empirical strategy that addresses the selection effects in treaty commitment decisions, I show that positive effects of human rights treaties increase when there are more legislative veto-players. [R]
65.5001 MacKINNON, Catharine A. —
This tribute to the life work of R.A. Dahl briefly analyzes the place of women, and issues raised by the status and treatment of women, in the sweep of his iconic contributions to democratic theory. The article traces his inclusion of women from the beginning to the end of his writings on politics in democracies and, in a more critical vein, casts light on some central concepts in his work that the insights and information of feminist scholarship would deepen, modify, or question. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4923]
65.5002 MAGEE, Christopher S. P.; DOCES, John A. —
The supposed growth benefits of autocracies are estimated using datasets in which growth rates rely heavily on data reported by each government. Governments have incentives to exaggerate their economic growth figures, however, and authoritarian regimes may have fewer limitations than democracies on their ability to do so. This paper argues that growth data submitted to international agencies are overstated by authoritarian regimes compared to democracies. If true, it calls into question the estimated relationship between government type and economic growth found in the literature. To measure the degree to which each government's official growth statistics are overstated, the economic growth rates reported in the World Bank's World Development Indicators are compared to a new measure of economic growth based on satellite imaging of nighttime lights. [R, abr.]
65.5003 MALAKHOV, Vladimir S. —
This paper focuses on [immigrants] as social subjects in terms of their incorporation into the receiving countries' social institutions. [They] shape a new electorate, become members of the existing political parties and create new ones; integrate into the existing structures of civil society (especially NGOs); and form organizations of their own. Trying to imagine how the descendants of migrant laborers may become social agents in the Russian context, I refer to the experience of Western European countries: mainly the UK, France and the Netherlands. I explore the conditions that brought about the transformation of the newcomers from an “invisible” group into a visible and active component of public life, taking into consideration the forms of their political participation. [R, abr.]
65.5004 MARGULIES, William —
Nagel and Wlezien's “vacant center” theory suggests that parties close to the center tend to do better when a political system is highly polarized, creating an empty space in the political market. Cross-nationally, this does not seem to be true when overall system polarization is used as the independent variable: indeed, there seems to be a slight negative relationship. The farther apart conservative and social democratic parties are, however, the better that liberal parties tend to do. This parallels Nagel and Wlezien's findings for Great Britain specifically. [R]
65.5005 MARINOV, Nikolay; NOMIKOS, William G.; ROBBINS, Josh —
How do approaching elections affect the security policy states conduct? We build on classic political economy arguments and theorize that one problem likely faced by democratic policy-makers near elections is that of time-inconsistency. The time-inconsistency problem arises when the costs and benefits of policy are not realized at the same time. We develop an application of the argument to the case of allied troop contributions to Operation Enduring Freedom and the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan. In that case, we argue that the expectation should be one of fewer troops committed close to elections. The exogenous timing of elections allows us to identify the effects of approaching elections on troop levels. Our finding of significantly lower troop contributions near elections is arguably the first identified effect of electoral proximity on security policy. [R]
65.5006 MARKLUND, Carl —
This paper looks at how Swedish political scientist R. Kjellén (1864–1922) conceived of the relationship between nature and culture, between material and immaterial power as well as the role of soft power, geopolitical imaginary and competitive identity in off-setting potentially unfavorable geopolitical conditions for small and medium-sized states. It is argued that with regard to small states, Kjellén did not maintain a consistent separation between “soft” cultural resources of power and “hard” laws of nature. Rather, he placed the mutually constitutive tension between geography (nature) and politics (culture) at the center of his politico-scientific analysis, arguing that active “biopolitics” could supplement geopolitics. [R, abr.]
65.5007 MATSUMOTO, Futoshi —
This article treats the critical value of the Westphalian order based on a sovereign state system by distinguishing three challenges we face at this juncture: namely Daesh, Russia, and China and suggests ways to fight Daesh from a strategic point of view. [R]
65.5008 MAY, Christopher —
This review article explores how individuals are involved in global politics, and asks whether such involvement can only be easily understood when mediated through NGOs or whether there are opportunities for recognizing direct (global) political engagement differently. It investigates whether the political agency of individuals is meaningful in global politics, and whether analyses that might foreground such engagement can balance more structuralist approaches as well as those that suggest that only collective action (organized through NGOs) can be effective on the global political stage. One might anecdotally see a role for individuals at crucial (global) political junctures, but what opportunities might there be for making a more strident argument for the role of the individual in global politics? In different ways, the five books explored offer different paths to such recognition. [R, abr.]
65.5009 MAYER, Michael —
The expansive use of armed unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAV), or “drones”, by the US over the past decade has occurred within a particular strategic context characterized by irregular warfare operations in permissive environments. Ongoing strategic, ethical and moral debates regarding specific uses of drones may well be overtaken by a new generation of armed combat drones able to survive and operate in contested airspace with design elements such as stealth and greater levels of machine autonomy. These design parameters, and the likely strategic context within which second generation UCAVs will be deployed, suggest a fundamentally different set of missions from those performed by the current generation of drones. [R, abr.]
65.5010 MAYHEW, David R. —
What were the ingredients of Dahl's genius as a political scientist? First, he asked good questions. Those were ordinarily bold, broad questions central to political theory that appear at the openings of his works and orient them. Second, he was resourceful in creating or tailoring holistic concepts such as “democracy” and “power”, as well as compositional categories such as “cumulative” vs. “noncumulative” resources, or “participation” and “contestation” as routes to democratization. Third, he evangelized for hypothesistesting and reliance on data-sets as the future of political science, and he acted on this advice. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4923]
65.5011 MAZGELUTE, Rūta —
This article analyzes and compares the concept of power in elite and pluralist theories, particularly the work of R. Michels and that of the pluralists Ch. Lindblom and E. Woodhouse, with the aim of considering how power is interpreted within these theories. While elite theories emphasize the central role of the elite in shaping political change, pluralist theories oppose elite theories and do not attribute such a significant role to the elite. A comparison of elite and pluralist views on the issue of power consolidation, however, shows a basic assumption underlying the two bodies of work: for both, power is concentrated in the hands of the ruling elite, which is stable and which is slowly renewed with new members. [R, abr.]
65.5012 MAZZOCCHI, Paul —
We need to probe how utopia dislodges and challenges democracy, only to wind up needing democracy to dislodge and challenge itself in return, and vice versa. In exploring the dialectic of democracy and utopia, this article excavates and constellates three constitutive moments in M. Abensour's thought: the political, the democratic, and the utopian. [R]
65.5013 McDONAGH, Ken; HENG Yee-Kuang —
The concept of risk has become increasingly prominent in discussions of security. This article examines three risk-management regimes: 18th c. maritime insurance in which the state had minimal roles; the second, whereby the state shoulders the role of managing the Soviet nuclear threat; the third of the early 21st c. whereby the state takes on a regulatory role but subcontracts to private actors. We argue that these three “regimes” mirror changes in the underlying political economy and statehood. Unearthing this relationship between different risk-management regimes and transformations in statehood and political economy allows for more nuanced understandings of contemporary risk management as being embedded within broader dynamics of power and ideological configurations of state-society-capital relations, rather than merely as a sterile, technical exercise. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4912]
65.5014 McLEAN, Dylan S. —
This article looks to the founding fragment analytical tradition in search of an explanation for America's unique relationship with guns, reviewing key aspects of gun-control policy and gun-related culture in the US and four other Anglo-American societies: Australia, Canada, England, and New Zealand. The discussion that follows argues that only contributors to the fragment tradition that identify considerable differentiation between the US and Canada can plausibly explain the former's relationship with guns. Finally, the conclusion argues that it was the American Revolution's amplification of the effects of ideological fragmentation from Europe that best explains the American gun exception. [R]
65.5015 McLOUGHLIN, Claire —
The relationship between a state's performance in delivering services and its degree of legitimacy is nonlinear. Specifically, this relationship is conditioned by expectations of what the state should provide, subjective assessments of impartiality and distributive justice, the relational aspects of provision, how easy it is to attribute (credit or blame) performance to the state, and the characteristics of the service. This questions the dominant institutional model, which reduces the role of services in (re)building state legitimacy to an instrumental one. A more rounded account of the significance of service-delivery for state legitimacy would look beyond the material to the ideational and relational significance of services, and engage with the normative criteria by which citizens judge them. [R, abr.]
65.5016 MICHEL, David; PASSARELLI, Ricky —
Many of the world's most critical transboundary waterways are facing unprecedented economic and environmental pressures. The combined impacts of population growth, climate change, and wasteful or ineffective water management are particularly concerning in several geopolitically important areas in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, which are likely to emerge as critical nodes of regional and global security in the coming years. But as heightened competition for shared water resources raises the potential for conflict between and within countries, it is also increasing opportunities for cooperative hydro-diplomacy efforts. A thorough understanding of how the confluence of environmental and human pressures shapes the security and livelihoods of populations within these basins is key to improving cross-border collaboration and mitigating regional tensions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.5017 MIETTINEN, Topi; POUTVAARA, Panu —
Anti-corruption laws forbid selling public job nominations. Even if bribing is ruled out, those interested in the nominations may invest in good relationships with the nominators. This provides a legal way to influence the decision. Such networking is costly, however. Thus, rent-seeking results in excessive networking. We present a simple model featuring such effects and show that efficiency may be improved if political parties interfere with the nominations. Political parties may reduce wasteful networking, thanks to exclusive membership contracts. Parties can require that politicians belonging to the party promote the nomination of other party members, thus, reducing incentives to cultivate inter-party connections. [R]
65.5018 MILES, Matthew R. —
The dominant view assumes that people vote to influence election outcomes. As such, most assume that campaign contact, election competitiveness, and the probability of one's voting influencing the outcome of an election are the primary forces motivating voter participation. However, some people may view elections as a referendum on system performance and may participate in elections regardless of the electoral outcome. Voting is one means for the public to express their consent to be governed. If so, we should expect higher voter participation in systems that generate public approbation. This article uses a national survey experiment, a cross-national panel of thirty-five advanced democracies, and aggregate voter-turnout data to demonstrate that people in systems that control corruption, govern effectively, and have fair judicial processes are more likely to vote. [R, abr.]
65.5019 MILLER, Michael K. —
This article overviews the history of autocratic elections since 1815 and then tests how a country's experience with autocratic elections influences both democratization and democratic survival. To comprehensively capture this history, the study employs original measures of R. Dahl's electoral dimensions of contestation and participation. First, it shows that autocratic elections have been common for centuries, but that their character has changed dramatically over time. Whereas high contestation almost always preceded high participation prior to 1940, the opposite occurs in modern regimes. Second, it demonstrates that a country's history of contestation predicts both democratization and democratic survival, whereas participation is positive for survival but generally negative for democratization. Thus, democracies are more likely to survive if they experience autocratic elections prior to democratizing, which has implications for democracy-promotion and future political development. [R]
65.5020 MIN Byoung Won —
The paper [examines] the theoretical mechanism of transnational social movements and their impacts on political authority. This leads to the introduction of the micro-level mechanism of transnational social movements, which shows political individuals' subjugation and resistance to state authority. Details over the origins of movements through the bottom-up way of political power as well as that of the top-down one. In particular, the paper argues that the level of satisfaction over the demands by ordinary people has become the most significant source of political authority. [R, abr.]
65.5021 MITZEN, Jennifer —
I propose that grand strategy is best understood as a case of collective intentionality, a concept that amends the rationalist framework in a way that makes it possible to clarify an analytic pathway from grand strategy to state behavior. Crucial to this pathway are legitimation processes found in forums, and I argue that grand strategies can pull state behavior when they are tied to forums. Focusing on the interstate case, I develop a causal mechanism from the forum, to ways of talking, to commitment-consistent behavior. I illustrate the argument with an example from the Concert of Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4894]
65.5022 MO, Cecilia Hyunjung —
How much does a voter's attitude towards female versus male leadership manifest itself at the ballot box and when does information regarding candidate qualifications or the lack thereof matter in this relationship? I conduct an in-depth survey, which includes a vote-choice experiment randomizing the sex of the more qualified candidate, a novel gender and leadership Implicit Association Test, and a measure of explicit gender attitudes to explore this question. I find that the propensity to pick a female candidate increases as explicit and implicit attitudes against female leadership decrease, suggesting that traditional explicit measures underestimate the effects of gender attitudes and miss a key dimension of people's preferences. Gender attitudes in the electoral process remain consequential, but have grown subtler, which is missed when only assessing people's self-reported explicit attitudes. [R, abr.]
65.5023 MOE, Terry M. —
The author maintains that vested interests need to be brought to the center of the theory of political institutions. He sets out some basic theoretical building blocks that bear on their behavior, power, and institutional consequences. He then applies these general arguments to the case of American education reform. [R]
65.5024 MOGENSEN, Kirsten —
National leaders struggle to communicate in ways that are perceived as trustworthy by citizens of other nations because trust is linked to efficiency, business opportunities, and political influence. Four recent public diplomacy activities are analyzed from a trust-building perspective: Iranian President H. Rouhani's letter in The Washington Post, The British Council's strategy for trust-building in China, Russian President V. Putin's letter in The New York Times, and the US's trust-building effort in Turkey. The analyses are based on already publicized descriptions of public diplomacy activities, public polls, and scholarly literature. Public diplomacy ideas discussed include lightshow, hand-on cooperation, win-win projects, and the creation of frameworks for self-expression. A central concept is international trust as described by Brewer, Gross, Aday, and Willnat. [R, abr.]
65.5025 MONTANARI, Arianna —
The crisis of the nation-state implies the fall of the liberal economic model and individualism. It is a radical ideological renewal that has mobilized the population, despite the general apolitical tendencies. In response to massive privatizations and the imbalance in public finances, citizens reclaim a new philosophy in the management of public heritage. Never before had a generation participated so actively in collective events and decisions. The crisis of political parties and representative institutions has been rebalanced with participative mobilizations and a digital revolution. This mobilization capacity is much higher than that of 1968. [See Abstr. 65.6233]
65.5026 MONTBRIAL, Thierry de —
The events of winter 2010–2011, which were oddly qualified as “Arab Spring”, began with an incident in Turkey, then caused the fall of Ben Ali in Tunisia followed by that of H. Mubarak in Egypt, and set off similar forces in Libya and Syria. As a result of these events, a lot was said about diplomats' incompetence and forecasters' blindness. A series of misunderstandings due to the naïveté that characterizes most of the discourse about the future makes it necessary to reflect upon forecasting. It is therefore necessary to address the question through the lens of Blaise Pascal's distinction between the spirit of geometry and the spirit of refinement.
65.5027 MOON Chungshik —
Why do some autocratic governments do better than others in attracting FDI? The received wisdom holds that democracies enjoy advantages over autocracies when it comes to attracting FDI. But there exist autocratic countries that attract substantial amounts of FDI. For example, during the last two decades, about half of the top 20 non-OECD host countries are nondemocratic. Focusing on the role of commitment institutions by which host countries can commit their protection of foreign assets, I argue that autocrats with long time horizons can provide stronger institutions to protect property rights. This allows them to attract more FDI. Using an error-correction model (EDM) covering autocratic countries from 1970 to 2008, I find evidence that strongly supports my argument. [R, abr.]
65.5028 MOSLEY, Layna; SINGER, David A. —
We analyze the literature on the nexus between the international economy and labor with a focus on workers on both the receiving and originating ends of global finance. Beginning with workers as inputs in multinational production, we explore the roles of economic openness, factor endowments, government policy, and unionization as drivers of workers' rights. We then shift to workers as migrant labor and explore the impact of migrants' own cross-border financial transfers — also known as remittances — on political outcomes in their home countries. Our overview not only highlights tremendous progress in explaining the agency and vulnerability of labor in the global economy but also reveals significant weaknesses in recent research, especially a mismatch between micro-level theorizing and macro-level data analysis. [R, abr.]
65.5029 MUELLER, Dennis C. —
Since World War II, a large literature has arisen that uses the methodology of economics to examine the behavior of governments and the actors in them. Some scholars refer to their research as public choice, some as social choice, and still others as political economy. This article discusses the distinctions among these three terms. It concludes that all of the research falling under these three headings has much in common, and that people who refer to their work as public choice or political economy are essentially employing identical methodologies. Contributions to public choice, narrowly defined, are more often positive and empirical analyses of government behavior than those in social choice, narrowly defined. [R]
65.5030 MUSTILLO, Thomas; SPRINGER, John A. —
We propose relational data-modeling as a tool for replacing the ad hoc and uncoordinated approaches commonly used throughout the social sciences to gather, store, and disseminate data. We demonstrate relational data-modeling using global electoral and political institutional data. We define a relational data-model as a map of concepts, their attributes, and the relationships between concepts developed using a formal language and according to a set of rules. To demonstrate the methodology, we design a simple relational data-model of six concepts: countries, parties, elections, districts, institutions, and election results. Furthermore, we introduce a data-model to solve the particularly vexing issue of party discontinuity (party splits, mergers, and alliances). We show how the solution facilitates computational tasks, such as the calculation of core measures of political phenomena (e.g., electoral volatility). [R, abr.]
65.5031 NARAIN, Sunita —
While climate change is already producing devastating effects, climate negotiations so far have been largely unsuccessful. Although each country must make an effort, richer countries have a moral obligation to le ad by example since they carry more responsibility for the amount of CO2 currently present in the atmosphere, and because the countries in the south also have the right to develop. In other words, the notion of fairness should be at the heart of the Paris conference. [R]
65.5032 NASU, Hitoshi —
With the increased awareness of national security concerns associated with unauthorized disclosure of State secrets, the legal protection of State secrets on national security grounds has assumed renewed significance, while raising ever growing concerns about its impact on freedom of information. Between these competing policy concerns lies a discrete area of law that defines and protects State secrets from unauthorized communication or disclosure. This article [examines] State practice concerning State secrets-protection on national security grounds across different countries, and examines common challenges to the delimitation of national security grounds for State secrets protection in light of the changing national security environment. [R]
65.5033 NEGRI, Michele —
This article analyzes the evolution of the system of professional roles and of the inter-organizational division of labor. Diffusion is opposed to the reinforcement of specialist roles or concentration and has several levels (individual, associative, organizational and institutional). This concept can be applied in multiple sociology fields, such as the analysis of change (e.g. institutional and associative) and in crucial aspects of the political agenda (e.g. urban security). When applied correctly, it can be an antidote for excessive concentration (which represents a specialized and competent population, but very corporative) and for excessive fragmentation of political participation. [See Abstr. 65.6233]
65.5034 NEKLESSA, Aleksandr I. —
Each individual human inhabitant of the Earth is just the least possible unit of the social universe which is nowadays in the course of historic transit to a new, unstable, perhaps permanently mobile condition. The world arrangement established in the epoch of Modernity, is in crisis, and its foundation, i.e., the national state, is inalterably losing its past actuality. Humanity, abiding its fate in the situation of struggle for the future, produces innovational forms of political organization of society: the world regulating organs, countries-systems, various subsidiary autonomies and separatist formations (quasi-sovereign states), geo-economic [units], states-corporations, hardly formalized politically influential communities (anthropo-social structures) etc. In the dispersed trans-frontier milieu, the factor of socio-cultural gravitation is gaining ever-growing importance. [R, abr.]
65.5035 NEWMAN, Benjamin J., et al. —
The bulk of the public opinion research on immigration identifies the factors leading to opposition to immigration. In contrast, we focus on a previously unexplored factor yielding support for immigration: humanitarianism. Relying upon secondary analysis of national public opinion survey data and an original survey experiment, we demonstrate that humanitarian concern significantly decreases support for restrictive immigration policy. Results from our survey experiment demonstrate that in an information environment evoking both threat and countervailing humanitarian concern regarding immigration, the latter can and does override the former. Last, our results point to the importance of individual differences in empathy in moderating the effects of both threat and humanitarian inducements. [R]
65.5036 NIELSEN, Richard A.; SIMMONS, Beth A. —
Among the explanations for state ratification of human rights treaties, few are more common and widely accepted than the conjecture that states are rewarded for ratification by other states. These rewards are expected to come in the form of tangible benefits — foreign aid, trade, and investment — and intangible benefits such as praise, acceptance, and legitimacy. Surprisingly, these explanations for ratification have never been tested empirically. We summarize and clarify the theoretical underpinnings of “reward-for-ratification” theories and test these propositions empirically by looking for increased international aid, economic agreements, and public praise and recognition following ratification of four prominent human rights treaties. We find almost no evidence that states can expect increased tangible or intangible rewards after ratification. [R, abr.]
65.5037 NIEMAN, Mark David —
The strategic nature of political interactions has long captured the attention of political scientists. A traditional statistical approach to modeling strategic interactions involves multi-stage estimation. The application of such multi-stage approaches, however, imposes rather strict demands on data availability: data on the dependent variable must be available for each strategic actor at each stage of the interaction. Limited or no data make such approaches difficult or impossible to implement. Political science data, however, especially in the fields of international relations and comparative politics, are not always structured in a manner that is conducive to these approaches. I derive an estimator that probabilistically estimates unobserved actor choices related to earlier stages of strategic interactions. I demonstrate the advantages of the estimator over traditional and split-population binary estimators both using Monte Carlo simulations and a substantive example of the strategic rebel-government interaction associated with civil wars. [R, abr.]
65.5038 NISNEVIČ, Julij A. —
The article analyzes the results of an investigation of the influence of the human factor on the spread of corruption relations in public power. I hypothesize [that] the extent to which corruption is spread is determined by: (1) the institutional quality of the public sphere and (2) individual qualities of the officials realizing the public power and, concretely, [whether] or not [they are] predisposed to corruption relations. In order to analyze the influence of public officials' individual qualities on the extent to which corruption is spread, [I use a] socio-anthropological approach. I demonstrate that corruption erosion of public power is definitely connected with personal motivation of those who desire to take up political and administrative posts. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4768]
65.5039 NOESSELT, Nele —
After decades of policy-learning and adoption of “Western” theories of international politics, the Chinese academic community has (re-)turned to the construction of a “Chinese” theory framework. This article examines the recent academic debates on theory with “Chinese characteristics” and sheds light on their historical and philosophical foundations. It argues that the search for a “Chinese” paradigm of international relations theory is part of China's quest for national identity and global status. As can be concluded from the analysis of these debates, “Chinese” theories of international politics are expected to fulfill two general functions — to safeguard China's national interests and to legitimize the one-party system. [R]
65.5040 NOOTENS, Geneviève —
The core promise of the modern concept of constituent power is to make the people-as-the-governed active participants in the shaping and ruling of political regimes. Its development was related to the consolidation of the modern state. Current circumstances, though, raise the issue of the possibility of a non-state based concept of constituent power, and of appropriate constituencies. The article argues that dominant views have made the people-as-the-governed capacity to act dependent upon state sovereignty, whereas the latter actually was informed by theses antithetical to popular sovereignty. In order to show how a non-state based concept of constituent power may be articulated, the article builds on a critique of M. Loughlin's attempt to capture the structure of beliefs that frames the idea of the state and the function of constituent power within that structure. [R, abr.]
65.5041 NORWICH, Liora —
Given that ethnic movements in democracies often exhibit similar grievances and claims, what explains variations in their patterns of ethnic mobilization? Specifically, why do some ethnic movements turn to violence while others remain non-violent, and why do some demonstrate relative sustainability over long historic periods while others experience temporary flare-ups followed by long periods of demobilization? Utilizing new research in contentious politics, this study advances a dynamic approach to the examination of ethnic mobilization, arguing that variations in mobilization patterns are best analyzed according to the extent of a movement's institutionalization. Illustrating the utility of this analytical framework with an in-depth analysis of the case of the Francophone Québécois, this article develops the concept of a spectrum of institutional ethnonationalism in order to explain diverse mobilization patterns. [R]
65.5042 NOVAK, Miroslav —
This text refutes the conventional wisdom that M. Duverger's classification of pluralistic party systems is simplistic because it recognizes only [two-party] and multiparty as categories. It indicates that: (1) by 1951, Duverger had already introduced a more sophisticated typology of pluralistic party systems, one which resembled the later one by Sartori; (2) Duverger authored the concept of the “paradox of the center”, that is no less counter-intuitive [than] Sartori's; (3) like Sartori, Duverger puts emphasis on the functioning of party systems; Sartori, however, dissociated himself from Duverger and propagated the belief that his approach is fundamentally different from Duverger's; (4) it is necessary to revise the simplistic understanding of the development of political science and to recognize Duverger's contribution to the theory of party systems as fundamental. [R]
65.5043 NYHAN, Brendan; REIFLER, Jason —
Misinformation can be very difficult to correct and may have lasting effects even after it is discredited. One reason for this persistence is the manner in which people make causal inferences based on available information about a given event or outcome. As a result, false information may continue to influence beliefs and attitudes even after being debunked if it is not replaced by an alternate causal explanation. We test this hypothesis using an experimental paradigm adapted from the psychology literature on the continued influence effect and find that a causal explanation for an unexplained event is significantly more effective than a denial even when the denial is backed by unusually strong evidence. This result has significant implications for how to most effectively counter misinformation about controversial political events and outcomes. [R]
65.5044 O'KANE, Rosemary H. T. —
Revolutions, revolts and protest movements are viewed in the study of politics as belonging together because they take place outside political institutions and, through collective action, involve mobilization against established practices and the values lying behind them. As the wide variety of cases covered in the four books reviewed show, however, the differences between these revolutionary and protest actions are also striking. These books show that, if carefully chosen, a great deal can be learned from the detailed study of cases about protest movements mobilizing both within and across borders and that it furthers our understanding of social movements. Highly valuable lessons on the role of violence in politics are also learned from the studies of revolts and revolutions. [R, abr.]
65.5045 O'MAHONEY, Joseph —
This paper provides a unifying framework that delineates different types of knowledge claims regarding reason attribution. There are three possible methodological responses: (1) assume a possible reason and explain behavior in terms of that reason; (2) avoid the direct attribution of reason to individuals and locate explanatory leverage at an analytical level beyond the individual actor reason; and (3) use empirical evidence to adjudicate between possible reasons. Excessive skepticism of evidence of reasons lessens our understanding of the causes of action. When using empirical evidence, contrary to existing arguments, the paper shows that private settings do not systematically favor the true revelation of reasons. The paper also proposes a general principle, consilience, that allows evaluation of empirical claims of reason attribution that subsumes several existing methodological considerations. [R, abr.]
65.5046 ORENSTEIN, Mitchell A. —
Europe is again a divided continent. When it comes to governance, political economy, or values, two contrasting poles have emerged: one Western, liberal, and democratic, another Eastern, statist, and autocratic. The dividing line between them has become ever sharper, threatening to separate Europe into two distinct worlds. This new divide in Europe arises from a clash between two geopolitical concepts for the continent: One is the Western project of a “Europe whole and free”, an enlarging zone of economic cooperation, political interdependency, and democratic values. The other is the Russian project of a “Eurasian Union” to rival the EU. This article shows how these two sides of Europe have grown further apart in their conceptions of the European space, their values, governance, and economic models. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6165]
65.5047 OSBORNE, Stephen P.; FLEMIG, Sarah-Sophie —
Public policy seeks innovation as a solution to society's big problems, yet it almost always fails to address one key component of innovation: risk. Furthermore, risk-management in public policy predominately focuses on the minimization or even avoidance of risk, no matter its nature. This article focuses on the nexus between risk and social innovation specifically in public policy. It acknowledges the special context of decision-making in public policy and proposes two differentiations that are necessary for a holistic model of risk-management in public policy innovation: (1) the differentiation between cases of risk and uncertainty; and (2) between hard and soft risk-management approaches. Concluding, the paper presents a framework that can inform public policy-makers and practitioners alike regarding risk-management and its effect on social innovation. [R]
65.5048 OTTMANN, Martin; VÜLLERS, Johannes —
We present a new global dataset on the promises and practices of power-sharing between the government of a state and former rebels in post-conflict countries. The collected data capture if, when and how power-sharing institutions have been promised and/or put into place, and whether they have subsequently been modified or abolished. The dataset encompasses every peace agreement signed after the cessation of a civil conflict in the years between 1989 and 2006, and covers a five-year period after the signature of each of these agreements (unless violence recurred earlier). [R, abr.]
65.5049 OWENS, Mackubin Thomas —
While force planners must think about what the future security environment might look like, what technologies might be available, and how future forces might leverage these emerging technologies to meet the challenges of a future security environment, they must always be cognizant of domestic structural factors. The author argues that a force planner must always be guided by a coherent strategic logic. Structural factors can never be eliminated but a strong strategic rationale can minimize them. [R]
65.5050 PAMMETT, Jon H. —
The International Social Survey Program (ISSP) conducted surveys in 32 countries for the 2010 environmental module, which followed ISSP environmental surveys in 2000 and 1993. Questions about people's faith in science in all three surveys allow an examination of trends in both faith in science and the relationships between these beliefs and attitudes toward the environment and environmental action. Science is positively regarded on the whole, but people are hesitant about the ability of science to solve environmental problems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5578]
65.5051 PAPAGEORGIOU, Achillefs; AUTTO, Hannu —
One of the key questions in studies of voting behavior is how voters rank or form preferences between parties. We study how the set of alternatives provided by the party system affects voters' preference formation. More specifically, we study whether the proximity of a political party in the conventional left-right dimension is a better predictor of a voter's preference when parties offer distinct positions than when parties' positions are close to each other. Using the data provided by the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, we find convincing evidence that supports the argument that proximity is more salient in polarized party systems compared with party systems where polarization is low. [R]
65.5052 PARIS, Roland —
Most of the literature on foreign-imposed regime-change assumes that interveners make such decisions based on rational calculations of expected utility. This article, by contrast, contends that interveners are predisposed to promote political arrangements that correspond to their own governance “schemas”, or taken-for-granted assumptions about the nature of political authority. These patterns are examined in relation to the US-led regime-change invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. In both cases, the interveners appeared to be guided — and partially blinded — by their own governance schemas. Yet, if schemas have these effects, they should also be visible in cases where interveners held very different assumptions about governance and the “state” than those held by US officials in Afghanistan and Iraq. [R, abr.]
65.5053 PATTISON, James —
This article considers the issue of who should rebuild after war. Many leading advocates of the relevance of jus post bellum for Just War Theory adhere to the “Belligerents Rebuild Thesis”, which holds that those who have been involved with the fighting — such as the victor, just belligerent, unjust aggressor or humanitarian intervener — should be tasked with the responsibility to rebuild. By contrast, this article argues that there is a collective, international duty to rebuild that should be assigned primarily according to the agent's ability to rebuild — and not necessarily to the belligerents. The article also claims that, in contrast to the prevailing view, considerations of jus post bellum do not play any moral role in the justifiability of a war. [R, abr.]
65.5054 PERSSON, Mikael —
What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behavior it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate. [R]
65.5055 PETERSOHN, Ulrich —
Over the past two decades, governments have increasingly contracted private military and security companies (PMSCs) to support military operations in conflicts. However, many observers have argued that such companies are “greedy market actors” or “reckless mercenaries” and their level of performance very poor. A minority has defended them as security professionals. If market competition is present, the level of performance is high and positive contributions to the client's military operation can be expected. However, neither PMSC opponents nor proponents can account for the variance in the level of performance in three crucial cases — Sierra Leone, Iraq, and Afghanistan. This article argues that different market structures explain this variance. At least three ideal configurations exist: collaborative, competitive, and rival structures. These structures influence the level of performance. [R, abr.]
65.5056 PHILP, Mark; DÁVID-BARRETT, Elizabeth —
This article explores how realism in political theory can inform our understanding of political corruption. Whereas political moralists see corruption as a problem of implementation, which does not undermine their values, realists see corruption as posing a more fundamental problem, challenging the very nature of politics and undermining the attempt to establish and exercise authority in the ordering of conflict and the allocation of resources. Recent realist work has sought to characterize a discrete type of “institutional” corruption, and to construct political corruption as the antithesis of good governance or impartiality. Other work has focused on the micro level, drawing on new insights from psychology and experimental economics to analyze individual decisions and motivations to behave corruptly. This article challenges scholars to build future research upon a richer understanding of the realities of political life. [R, abr.]
65.5057 PITKIN, Hanna; ROSENBLUM, Nancy —
Hanna Pitkin is the winner of the 2003 Skytte Prize in Political Science “for her groundbreaking theoretical work, predominantly on the problem of representation”. In this interview, she discusses with N.L. Rosenblum her work on representation, Machiavelli's republicanism and the study of gender, early conceptual analysis in political theory, political advocacy and organization, and the personal: her childhood and early influences, and the course of her academic career. [R, abr.]
65.5058 PITLIK, Hans; KOUBA, Ludek —
The paper considers “trust” as an empirical determinant of individual support for government intervention. The central notion is that the influence of generalized trust on policy attitudes is conditional on confidence in both state actors and major companies. The starting point is the idea that individuals who generally distrust other persons have a stronger taste for the regulation of economic activities, while people with high interpersonal trust are in favor of less stringent regulatory control. Yet, people who do not trust unknown others also tend to mistrust government and private companies. If mistrust in state actors dominates, we should not necessarily expect stronger interventionist preferences. We estimate the determinants of interventionist attitudes using data from the World Values Survey/European Values Study for approximately 130,000 individuals in forty OECD- and EU-countries. [R]
65.5059 PLÜMPER, Thomas; NEUMAYER, Eric —
We revisit the well-established theory of free-riding in military alliances. Existing empirical evidence infers free-riding from the larger military expenditures per GDP of countries of larger GDP. Yet, larger countries have broader military and geostrategic interests that result in larger defense burdens, thus creating an identification problem for existing tests of free-riding behavior. We therefore develop alternative predictions that ignore differences in the level of military spending and instead relate to growth in spending over time. Using NATO as test case, we estimate country-specific response functions of the smaller alliance members to growth in US military spending on the one hand and to growth of Soviet spending (if in excess of US growth) on the other, covering the period 1956–1988. [R, abr.]
65.5060 PONTUSSON, Jonas, ed. —
Editor's introduction. Contributions by Nicholas CARNES; Martin GILENS; Noam LUPU; Armen HAKHVERDIAN; Andrea PILOTTI; Anouk LLOREN, Jan ROSSET and Reto WÜEST; Jane MANSBRIDGE.
65.5061 POPRAWE, Marie —
This paper shows the relationship between corruption and migration. In particular, countries with much corruption are shown to encourage emigration and discourage immigration because they provide worse and unpredictable economic conditions, more insecurity, and a lower quality of life. This hypothesis is confirmed empirically with a cross-sectional dataset with bilateral migration data covering 230 countries. Well-known implications of the gravity model are confirmed here: larger populations, a common language and a common border increase migration, while distance between two countries decreases migration. Furthermore, education, GDP per capita, inflation in the destination country, as well as corruption and education in the origin country can robustly explain migration. Corruption thus appears to be a push factor of migration. [R]
65.5062 PORTER, Patrick —
A common assumption in the West is that distance and space are no longer key considerations in strategy and politics. “Over there”, the argument goes, can quickly and dangerously become “over here”. Yet this is a dangerous fallacy that distorts Western strategy. A proper consideration of the role of distance should not lead to disengagement or isolation, but rather to a more selective and considered — and thus more flexible — foreign and security policy. [R]
65.5063 PRIMORATZ, Igor —
There are several arguments that could support unjust warriors or significantly mitigate our moral condemnation of what they do. However, none of these arguments is convincing. Unjust warriors have no sweeping excuse for their actions and their ineffectiveness is not enough to let them off the hook either. They deserve very harsh moral condemnation as participants in mass murder, but targeting them with deadly violence is a complicated issue that divides pacifists and adherents of just war theory. While pacifists condemn their killing, the latter affirm that there is no good reason to renounce the condemnation of unjust warriors, whose killing is morally justified in certain circumstances. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.5064 PUDDINGTON, Arch —
In a year marked by escalating terrorism, the use of more brutal repression by authoritarian regimes, and Russia's annexation of a neighboring country's territory, the state of freedom worsened significantly in nearly every part of the world. [R]
65.5065 PUŠKAREVA, Galina V. —
In accordance with the methodological principles of the sociology of knowledge, the construction of political reality may be considered a process of general political knowledge-formation. Politics gains reality properties for an individual as soon as he learns concepts and symbols, used in the society's culture to identify the specific sphere of political relations. This provides grounds to interpret political reality as symbolic and intersubjective, that is, existing only due to human ability to create jointly shared systems of knowledge about authoritative relations in the society by means of signs and symbolic constructions. The paper analyzes cognitive mechanisms creating commonly shared beliefs, values and ideas of political institutional orders. The paper explores the impact of these cognitive mechanisms in shaping and constructing political reality. [R]
65.5066 RALPH, Jason; GALLAGHER, Adrian —
The political contestation surrounding the 2011 Libyan crisis and its influence on the 2011–2013 Syrian crisis involved criticism leveled at the coalition led by the so-called Permanent-3 for the way they implemented the protection-of-civilians mandate, as well as for the referral of the Libyan situation to the International Criminal Court. How the P3 respond to these developments will be driven in part by how this “legitimacy fault line” is interpreted. This article first gives an interpretation that is informed by the work of contemporary English School scholars and the political theorists they draw on; and second, it provides the context in which specific policy recommendations may guide the response of the P3 states. [R, abr.]
65.5067 RAMON-FERNANDES, Vítor —
The intention is to challenge the common perception that Raymond Aron is a realist author. Indeed, despite the author's close affinities with classical realism Aron's thinking displays a Kantian dimension and an idealist thinking concerned with moral issues and with a certain notion of freedom that set him apart form realism. The argument is that within the realm of international relations the thinking of Raymond Aron is best seen as resulting from the existing tension between realism and liberalism, starting from a position close to classical realism that evolved towards what is considered to be the via media in International Relations. [R]
65.5068 REEVES, Anthony R. —
The paper addresses the nature of duties grounded in human rights. I contend that rather than being protections against harm, per se, human rights largely shield against risk impositions to protected interests. “Risk imposition” is a normative idea requiring explication, but understanding dutiful action in its terms enables human rights to provide prospective policy guidance, hold institutions accountable, operate in non-ideal circumstances, embody impartiality among persons, and define the moral status of agencies in international relations. Slightly differently, I indicate a general understanding of dutiful action that permits human rights to see to the tasks of an institutional morality. [R]
65.5069 REIDEL, Laura —
This article argues that constructivist literature on norm diffusion could benefit from using a multilevel governance perspective. The case study is a retreat from the multicultural approach to governing state-minority relations in liberal democratic states, focusing on Canada and the Netherlands. It argues that, although actors at the national level may be retreating from the norms underlying this multicultural approach, this is not true of the sub-state and supra-state levels. Instead, in both countries, there is evidence of work at these levels to maintain these norms. [R]
65.5070 REITER, Dan —
This article considers whether political science should abandon the subfields of American politics, comparative politics, and IR, for new subfields of conflict, political economy, institutions, and behavior. It lays out the arguments in favor of abandoning IR, describing scholarly trends that cross conventional subfield lines and are pushing to dissolve IR. Next, it argues that the costs of abandoning IR exceed the benefits, as new subfield divisions would remove some artificial walls but create new ones. Abandoning IR might undermine objective theory-testing, would disadvantage the study of international system and structure, and would undermine the ability of political science to inform foreign policy debates. The article recommends that the field keep IR and its current subfield boundaries but that the walls between subfields should be kept low and porous. [R, abr.]
65.5071 REPETTO, Robert; EASTON, Robert —
Uncertainty over the consequences of unprecedented global warming is central to environmental insecurity. Global warming threatens to exacerbate all other ecological stresses and menaces human populations and economies. Despite scientific efforts, great uncertainties still pervade crucial aspects of the climate-change process and its consequences. Yet integrated assessment models widely used to analyze climate policy options, such as the Nordhaus DICE model, establish that model outputs are highly sensitive to plausible alternative parameter values. This paper further explores uncertainties by substituting probability distributions for pre-determined values of key parameters in the DICE model. It then draws randomly from these probability distributions to implement a Monte Carlo analysis of policy outcomes, generating hundreds of policy simulations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.5072 REYCHLER, Luc —
Time is the most precious resource we have. It is irreversible and nonrenewable. It makes the difference, more than ever, between the best and worst scenarios of climate change, energy competition, economic development, poverty, and security. Despite this, an incredible amount of time is wasted, especially the time of others and of nature. These latter resources are needed to prevent violence, build sustainable security, and ensure the well-being of all. Therefore, it is high time to radically change the way we deal with time and to develop a more adaptive “temporament”. This article defines time, surveys temporal deficiencies, and presents the parameters of a more responsible way of dealing with time in conflict transformation. [R]
65.5073 RHODEN, T. F. —
This article argues that much of the work on democratization and democratic consolidation is obscured by a conceptual fog, when some of this confusion could be ameliorated by parsing out components that are obviously liberal in nature. An admission of the importance of liberalization and liberal consolidation as distinctly different in form and measurement from democratization and democratic consolidation are the first steps to better research on the varieties of causation that constitute and propel the dissolution of more authoritarian regimes towards more liberal democratic regimes. Acknowledging that the liberal in liberal democracy is unpopular for some, and that liberal democracy does not necessarily mean American liberal democracy, go a long way to freeing these terms from ethnocentric misconceptions, as well as cementing analytical clarification. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5077]
65.5074 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
Neoliberalism assumes that inequality creates productive competition and no risk of conflict where a viable state and social contract exists. From a critical position, inequality in a range of different forms (local to global in scale) weakens the links between civil society, solidarity, social justice, human rights and democracy. These positions have different implications for peace and order. State institutions are designed to make processes of consensual regulation permanent for the good of society. While continuing material inequality is inevitable, if the state and international community cannot mitigate its impact on security, rights and representation, in order to distribute a range of peace dividends, citizens rapidly begin to question the point of the state and undermine its legitimacy. Struggles over power, material resources and identity are thus untreated. [R, abr.]
65.5075 RICHMOND, Oliver P.; MAC GINTY, Roger —
This article [evaluates] the critique of the liberal peace and identify what it has and has not achieved. It also asks “where do we go from here?” It surveys an agenda for future research and rebuts some recent literature that has attempted to shut down the liberal peace debate. It [reviews] the bases of the critique of the liberal peace. It then outlines the “achievements” of the debate and examines the failings and oversights of the original critique. Questions are raised about the epistemology and terms of the debate, and of the ability of critical intellectual projects to break through the material power held by mainstream intellectual and policy actors. The article asks “where next for the critique of the liberal peace?” [R, abr.]
65.5076 RILINGER, Georg —
Immanent critique is often considered the methodological core of the Frankfurt School. What is seldom examined, however, is that this has repercussions for the way the school can approach the analysis of social problems. Using alienation as an example research that utilizes the qualitative method for reconstructing narrative identities can meet the standards that derive from the school's methodological core. [R]
65.5077 RISSE, Thomas; BABAYAN, Nelli —
This special issue examines Western efforts at democracy-promotion, reactions by illiberal challengers and regional powers, and political and societal conditions in target states. We argue that Western powers are not unequivocally committed to the promotion of democracy and human rights, while non-democratic regional powers cannot simply be described as “autocracy supporters”. This article introduces the special issue. Illiberal regional powers are likely to respond to Western efforts at democracy-promotion in third countries if they perceive challenges to their geostrategic interests in the region or to the survival of their regime. Second, Western democracy-promoters react to countervailing policies by illiberal regimes if they prioritize democracy and human rights goals over stability and security goals. Third, the effects on the ground mostly depend on the domestic configuration of forces. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a special issue on “Democracy promotion and the challenges of illiberal regional powers”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 65.5073, 5565, 5964, 5980, 5995, 6002, 6015, 6020, 6156]
65.5078 ROBERTS, Andrew —
The republican concept of domination provides the foundation of a broad and coherent account of the value of privacy — one that encompasses circumstances in which the subject (1) suffers interference as a result of the loss, (2) is aware that he has suffered a loss of privacy, but suffers no subsequent interference and (3) is unaware that he has suffered any loss of privacy, and suffers no subsequent interference. Liberal accounts explain the value of privacy in the first two circumstances by pointing to the possible effect of the loss on the autonomy of the subject, but because they focus on autonomy are unable to explain why privacy is valuable where an agent is unaware of the loss. The republican account provided here explains why loss is harmful in all three circumstances. [R, abr.]
65.5079 RØD, Espen Geelmuyden; WEIDMANN, Nils B. —
The reported role of social media in recent popular uprisings against Arab autocrats has fueled the notion of “liberation technology”: that information and communication technology (ICT) facilitates organization of antigovernment movements in autocracies. Less optimistic observers, on the other hand, contend that ICT is a tool of repression in the hands of autocrats, imposing further restrictions on political and social liberties. We investigate whether the liberation- or the repression-technology perspective can better explain empirically observed patterns. First, we look at which autocracies are more likely to adopt and expand the internet. Second, we study the effects of the internet on changes towards democracy. This analysis reveals no effect of the internet on political institutions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5574]
65.5080 ROOS, Christof; LAUBE, Lena —
Liberal cosmopolitanism provides a set of norms that calls for the openness of borders. Freedom of movement, equality in opportunity and hospitality define a liberal framework for a state's ruling over the access of foreigners to the territory. However, in states' execution of border and immigration control these normative ideals seem not to apply. Accounts of border and immigration policy and discourse document a bias towards exclusion, restriction and securitization. It looks as if this normative political theory has no bearing on the real world. This is the starting point for an exploration into the public discourse on liberal cosmopolitan norms and the border. [R, abr.]
65.5081 ROSS, Michael L. —
Since 2001, hundreds of academic studies have examined the “political resource curse”, meaning the claim that natural resource wealth tends to adversely affect a country's governance. There is now robust evidence that one type of mineral wealth, petroleum, has at least three harmful effects: It tends to make authoritarian regimes more durable, to increase certain types of corruption, and to help trigger violent conflict in low- and middle-income countries. Scholars have also made progress toward understanding the mechanisms that lead to these outcomes and the conditions that make them more likely. This essay reviews the evidence behind these claims, the debates over their validity, and some of the unresolved puzzles for future research. [R]
65.5082 ROSTBØLL, Christian F. —
This article lays out and defends a non-instrumental freedom argument for democracy. More specifically, my suggestion is that the debate between the equality argument for democracy and the epistemic argument for democracy wrongly ignores the freedom side of democracy. [R]
65.5083 RUEDA, Miguel R. —
How do politicians buy votes in secret ballot elections? I present a model of vote-buying in which a broker sustains bribed voters' compliance by conditioning future bribes on whether her candidate's votes reach an optimally set threshold. Unlike previous explanations of compliance, the threshold mechanism does not require brokers to observe individual voters' political preferences or even vote totals of the bribed voters. I show that when there is uncertainty about voters' preferences, compliance can be sustained as long as electoral results of small groups are available. If preferences are observed however, vote-buying is not deterred by higher aggregation of electoral results. Using survey data from Nigeria, I provide evidence consistent with the model's results. [R, abr.]
65.5084 RYAN, Cheyney —
The term “pacifism” comes from the Latin “peace-making”. It was coined around a century ago during a heyday of war glorification when many mainstream political leaders saw war as an intrinsically good thing. Initially, a “pacifist” was just someone who rejected this idea, but the term has experienced a great evolution over the decades. Today it is possible to distinguish two main types of pacifism that have different implications: personal and political. It is especially the second that is seemingly in contradiction with the right of self-defense, which has, itself, been the object of a (confusing) global institutionalization since the 20th c. [See Abstr. 65.4927]
65.5085 SABL, Andrew —
Empirical political scientists and normative political theorists both seek to assess the quality of democracy. But they apply to this task very different criteria and assumptions. Empiricists (in particular those who study American politics) often assume that a — perhaps the — key indicator of democratic quality is responsiveness, the degree to which policy outcomes reflect public opinion. They often cite “democratic theory” as endorsing this criterion. Normative theorists, however, all but universally reject responsiveness, proposing instead very different criteria of democratic quality. I document a divide between two research cultures; trace some of its causes; and suggest some ways of overcoming it so that scholars on each side may benefit from the insights of the other. [R, abr.]
65.5086 SACCÀ, Flaminia —
The disconnection between politics and civil society, indignation among citizens and the increasing “personification” (exaltation of a leader) of political parties have led to the success of B. Grillo's movement-party. This tendency to “personification” — or even “presidentialization” — of parties is partially due to the actions of the media and could already be observed in the figure of the former Prime Minister, S. Berlusconi, who used different arguments from those of the head of the Five Star Movement, but had a very similar approach. Their political success does not correspond to a more efficient and democratic political program, but rather to the charisma and popularity of a party leader. [See Abstr. 65.6233]
65.5087 SAIEGH, Sebastián M. —
I use joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties, and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. The findings reveal that ideology is a significant determinant of vote-choice in Latin America. They also suggest that the success of leftist leaders at the polls reflects the views of the voters sustaining their victories. The location of parties and leaders reveals three distinctive clusters: at the left of the political spectrum, at the center, and on the right. Also, legislators in Brazil, Mexico, and Peru tend to be more “leftists” than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not significant enough to substantiate the view that a disconnect between voters and politicians lies behind the success of leftist presidents in these countries. [R, abr.]
65.5088 SAJURIA, Javier, et al. —
We test R. Putnam's claim that online interactions are unable to foster social capital by examining the formation of bridging and bonding social capital in online networks. Using Burt's concepts [Brokerage and Closure: An Introduction to Social Capital, New York, 2005] of closure and brokerage as indicators, we observe networks formed through online interactions and test them against several theoretical models. We test Putnam's claim using Twitter data from three events: the Occupy Movement in 2011, the IF Campaign in 2013, and the Chilean Presidential Election of the same year. Our results provide the first evidence that online networks are able to produce the structural features of social capital. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5567]
65.5089 SCHINKEL, Willem —
This paper assesses P. Bourdieu's sociology based on a reading of his posthumously published lectures, Sur l'État. It argues that the state was a foundational element in Bourdieu's rendition of the symbolic order of everyday life. As such, the state becomes equally pivotal in Bourdieu's sociology, the applicability of which rests on the existence of the state, which stabilizes the social fields and their symbolic action that constitute the object of sociology. The state, which Bourdieu considers a “meta”-ordering principle in social life, ensures that sociology has a well-ordered object of study, vis-à-vis which it can posit itself as “meta-meta”. The state thus functions as an epistemic guarantee in Bourdieu's sociology. [R, abr.]
65.5090 SCHLICHTE, Klaus —
With reference to older contributions within the discipline of IR, this article suggests a dialectical perspective for the theorization of resistance. It argues in four historical sketches that resistance and “liberation” have not led to less rule but rather to its intensification. This is shown for the early modern state in Europe, for forms of colonial domination, for the era of organized capitalism and for forms of domination in postcolonial states. The expansion of government and its contradictions become visible by going beyond the institutionalist perspective, encompassing social carriers and changing forms of subjectivity. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4793]
65.5091 SCHOLZ, Sally J. —
I offer a reading S. Ruddick's account of feminist solidarity as grounded in her reconceptualization of “work” in order to suggest that she provides a framework for transnational feminist solidarity that offers an important augmentation to other contemporary theories of transnational feminist solidarity. Feminist solidarity, according to Ruddick, forms through struggles to work. But what she means by work has not been fully appreciated in the literature on Ruddick. Scholars who focus solely on maternal thinking or even the work of mothering obscure the fact that such work is just her prime example of the reconceptualized notion of work she develops. I unpack her notion of work and show how it functions in a theoretical account of transnational feminist solidarity and feminist resistance movements. [R]
65.5092 SCHULTZ, Kenneth A. —
Research on the relationship between territorial disputes, militarized conflict, and economic integration occurs at the intersection of two large research programs in IR: one linking territorial disputes to violence, and another exploring the effects of conflict on trade and vice-versa. Although we know that territorial disputes fuel conflict and that conflict dampens trade, we know less about whether the prospects of economic gains contribute to the settlement of disputes and subsequent compliance with those settlements. I argue that research could profitably adopt an emerging view of borders as institutions that not only distribute territory but also allow cooperation and the production of joint gains. This review identifies gaps in the literature on the resolution of territorial disputes and helps to reframe a persistent methodological challenge in this area: missing and noisy data on trade flows. [R, abr.]
65.5093 SCHWARTZBERG, Melissa —
Epistemic democracy defends the capacity of “the many” to make correct decisions and seeks to justify democracy by reference to this ability. Epistemic democrats marshal substantial evidence from the history of political thought and a set of models to support their claims. The essay assesses this evidence and argues in favor of more empirical testing. It also cautions against using the contextually limited evidence of wise decisions as a basis for justifying democratic decision-making. Instead, the article sketches a “deflationary model” that relies on neither an independent standard of correctness nor the more ambitious assertions of the reliability of the mechanisms. That model, termed judgment democracy, retains epistemic democracy's attractive respect for individual judgments and concern with institutional design, while eschewing its least plausible features. [R]
65.5094 SCUZZARELLO, Sarah —
This article contributes to understanding how collective identification as well as institutional factors affects migrants' democratic engagement. In particular, it analyzes variations in patterns of voting behavior at local elections among migrants living in two municipalities: Malmö (Sweden) and Ealing (London, UK). Empirically, the article compares the responses of Somalis and Poles (N: 68) with regard to (1) their democratic participation in the society of residence and (2) their perceived identification with their in-group and with Sweden and the UK, respectively. Using narrative analysis to understand the impact of collective identification and of the political context on migrants' voting behavior, the article shows that favorable institutional and discursive structures of opportunities can formally enable migrants to engage democratically with the society they live in. [R, abr.]
65.5095 SHAFFER, Gregory —
The New Legal Realist approach asks how actors use and apply law in order to understand how law obtains meaning, is practiced, and changes over time. The article addresses the jurisprudential roots of the New Legal Realism, its core attributes, and six important components in the current transnational context. In the pragmatist tradition, the New Legal Realism is both empirical and problem-centered, attending to both context and legal normativity. What is new is the rise of transnational activity that gives rise to an enlarged scope of transnational problem-solving through international law in radically new ways across areas of law, and the growth of empirical study of these phenomena. The article addresses the potential risks of the New Legal Realist approach in terms of scientism and relativism, and it responds to them. [R, abr.]
65.5096 SHAPIRO, Jacob N. —
Recent work has shown that the introduction of mobile communications can substantially alter the course of conflict. In Afghanistan and India, targeting mobile communications is a central part of the insurgent campaigns. In Iraq, insurgents instead threatened providers who did not do enough to maintain mobile phone networks. Competing effects of mobile communications make it easier [either] for anti-government actors to coordinate collective action, thereby increasing violence, [or] for pro-government civilians to collaborate with security forces allowing them to more effectively suppress rebels, thereby decreasing violence. We analyze a formal model of insurgent action in which changes in the communications environment alter both (1) the ability of rebels to impose costs on civilians who cooperate with the government and (2) the information flow to government forces seeking to suppress rebellion with military action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5574]
65.5097 SHAW, Richard; EICHBAUM, Chris, eds. —
Editors' introduction. Articles by Charis RICE, Ian SOMERVILLE and John WILSON, “Democratic communication and the role of special advisers in Northern Ireland's consociational government”, pp. 4–14; Athanassios GOUGLAS, “Greek ministerial advisers: policy managers, not experts?”, pp. 15–27; Susanna PSHIZOVA, “Behind the backs of public politicians and administration: political advisers in Russian politics”, pp. 28–36; Bernadette CONNAUGHTON, “Navigating the borderlines of politics and administration: reflections on the role of ministerial advisers”, pp. 37–45; Maria MALEY, “The policy work of Australian political staff”, pp. 46–55; Jonathan CRAFT, “Revisiting the gospel: appointed political staffs and core executive policy coordination”, pp. 56–65; Richard SHAW and Chris EICHBAUM, “Following the yellow brick road: theorizing the third element in executive government”, pp. 66–74.
65.5098 SHOMER, Yael —
Cameral procedures define the modus operandi of a parliament. This article examines how the electoral environment affects parliaments' rules of procedures and legislators' rights. It argues that when the electoral environment motivates legislators to act individualistically governments are incentivized to restrict cameral procedures to curtail legislators' behavior. Materializing such incentives depends on the government's ability to pass restrictive procedural changes. To test the assertion, four decades (1967–2007) of amendments to the Israeli Knesset's rules of procedure were examined and support provided for co-variation of the electoral environment and restrictive Knesset's procedures. The analysis then details the factors that enabled Israeli governments to pass such restrictive measures. Indeed, governments seem to use the rules of procedure strategically in their attempt to improve their control and curtail legislators' behavior. [R] [See Abstr. 65.5450]
65.5099 SINGH, Shane P. —
By altering the turnout decision calculus, compulsory voting should alter the character of the voting population. Employing survey data across countries and Swiss cantons, I examine how the turnout decision calculus varies across voluntary and compulsory voting systems. Results indicate that many of the demographic, socio-economic and political factors known to correlate with turnout play a relatively weak role in motivating electoral participation where voting is mandatory. Thus, voting populations should be more reflective of the entire electorate in countries with compulsory voting. I discuss the potential implications of my findings. [R]
65.5100 SINGH, Shane P.; DUNN, Kris —
We argue that threatening stimuli affect political participation levels among non-authoritarians more than among authoritarians. Focusing on socio-ethnic diversity, which is known to be particularly threatening to authoritarians and to relate negatively to political participation in the general public, analyses of individual- and macro-level data from 53 countries is presented which supports this thesis. Participation levels among authoritarians are largely static, regardless of a country's level of socio-ethnic heterogeneity, while non-authoritarians participate considerably less in countries with relatively high levels of socio-ethnic heterogeneity. This suggests that authoritarians participate to a proportionately greater degree in the most diverse countries. [R]
65.5101 SMITH, Jeff —
Evidence regarding the influence of campaign donations and lobbying efforts on legislative behavior is mixed. Much research — not to mention conventional wisdom — suggests that well-funded interest groups exploit their resource advantage by making campaign contributions and deploying lobbyists to gain informational advantages and influence legislation. Using contribution data, information about interest group support for legislation, and a rare data-set — constituent contacts to six state legislative offices — this paper examines how interest group donations and constituent activism influence outcomes. Although the amount of money contributed by groups supporting or opposing a bill did not affect its prospects, constituent contacts had a substantial impact. Political expenditures by business firms appear primarily to sustain an entrenched class of lobbyists and consultants. [R]
65.5102 SMITH, Rogers M. —
The potential of political science to contribute to debates over public issues has long been hindered by tensions in the discipline's goals of achieving scientific rigor while also serving America's democracy. Those tensions have been exacerbated by recent trends in American higher education working to separate research and teaching activities and to rely more on external donors to finance both. Collectively, these trends suggest that political science faces growing pressures to steer away from unpopular topics in both research and teaching, and to abandon the traditional teacher/scholar model of academic careers. It is advisable for the discipline both to seek more actively to promote engagement between different forms of political science scholarship in order to achieve cumulative knowledge that is pertinent to important political issues, and to preserve and strengthen its commitments to effective teaching about politics. [R]
65.5103 SMITH, Trevor —
This article makes the case first for the concept of a participatory and agonistic political realm as developed by Hannah Arendt and then considers how it may operate in the context of the internet. Issues of appearance, bodies, publicity, and the durability of the internet are found not to be an impediment to online politics, but instead can actually be potential sites for reinvigorating the notion of the political realm in an online context. [R]
65.5104 SOLHJELL, Randi —
IR feminists have to a large extent challenged male-dominated and masculine-oriented security policy thinking. UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) has played an important role in our recognizing and including women's and men's roles and contributions on issues relating to peace and security. However, there is a gap between the feminist IR contribution and international security policy and practice. Based on experience in the field, this article exemplifies the gender discourses in a peace operation in the DRC Congo. The prevailing discourses are about women who need protection and women as potential peace-makers, a more sellable idea to the UN Security Council and the militarized peace operations. I argue that the UN largely has a “malestreamed” approach to gender perspectives in the core areas of UN operations, namely in militarized protection and state-building. [R]
65.5105 SORENS, Jason; RUGER, William —
How does globalization, especially FDI, influence the risk of intrastate conflict? While several prominent studies have found that globalization reduces the probability of civil war, we use new data and methods to approach the question. In particular, we test for the possibility that FDI is endogenous to conflict risk and appropriately use inward foreign investment stock rather than net inflow to measure an economy's exposure to international capital markets. We find no evidence that foreign investment affects civil conflict, suggesting that governments' fundamental security interests trump the economic losses they can expect to suffer from failing to compromise with potential rebel groups. [R]
65.5106 SORGE, Marco M. —
When are strategic appointments useful in curbing policy bias from expost negotiation between state agencies and special interest groups? A. Bertelli and S.E. Feldmann [“Strategic appointments”, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 17(1), Jan. 2007: 19–38; Abstr. 57.2974] provide an insightful analysis of the issue within a full information model of presidential appointments. This paper examines whether and how their findings extend to a world of policy uncertainty and asymmetric information, which rationalizes delegation in the first place. We establish that the occurrence of policy-relevant equilibrium lobbying crucially relies on interest groups' leverage over the appointment game between higher-level institutions. [R, abr.]
65.5107 SOUZA, Roger-Mark de —
Demographic trends are important among the range of factors that motivate or deter political instability. Young people are a country's key human resource and the embodiment of future potential for development. However, when individual insecurity combines with changing demographics, governance challenges, and other socio-economic conditions, state security can also be threatened. Youth bulges, increasing urbanization, and violations of women's rights, as with natural resource scarcities, can exacerbate or mitigate the direct factors that may trigger a conflict. This article examines the ways in which demographic trends influence security considerations, highlighting some key considerations in light of the reality of climate change and drawing policy implications for the security, humanitarian, and development communities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.5108 SPADARO, Antonino —
The principle of self-determination has several facets. This concept cannot be analyzed separately from freedom, social formations, or the people's claims, whether internal (self-governance) or external (national identity). Additionally, in order to reach the much-needed constitutional balance, it is necessary to combine self-determination with the two fundamental aspects of contemporary constitutionalism: the “heterocentric” or “altruist” aspect on the one side, and the “individualist” or “libertarian” on the other. Although it is a difficult task because legal orders tend to lean towards one of both, a first step could and should be the establishment of a “hierarchy” of subjective legal positions.
65.5109 SPANDLER, Kilian —
This article contributes to the theorizing of institutional change. Specifically, it asks how dynamics in the “deep structure” of international society correspond to changes in more specific institutions as embodied by regimes and international organizations. It takes up the distinction of primary and secondary institutions in international society advocated by scholars of the English School. It argues that, while the differentiation offers analytical potential, the School has largely failed to study secondary institutions such as international organizations and regimes as autonomous objects of analysis, seeing them as mere materializations of primary institutions. Engaging with the concepts of structuration and path dependence will allow scholars working in an English School framework to explore more deeply the relation between the two kinds of institutions, and as a consequence devise more elaborate theories of institutional change. [R, abr.]
65.5111 STEFFEK, Jens —
I refute the widespread view that output legitimacy is just a synonym for organizational effectiveness or efficiency. I argue instead that output legitimacy has an important democratic dimension. The touchstone of “democratic output legitimacy” is the extent to which systems of governance produce results that cater to the public interest. Accordingly, the democratic output legitimacy of IOs can be understood in terms of their ability to safeguard the global public interest. This ability hinges upon their capacity to keep powerful factions in check, protect human rights, and safeguard a high epistemic quality of decisions. I engage with the problem of technocratic paternalism, which is imminent when decision-making based on assumed citizen interests escapes confrontation with articulated citizen interests. [R, abr.]
65.5112 STEINWAND, Martin C. —
Donor proliferation and the fragmentation of aid-delivery is an important problem besetting foreign aid policy. Increased donor coordination is widely seen as a fix to this problem. This article explores theoretically and empirically the collective action problems and incentives that donors face when coordinating their actions, based on the distinction between private and public goods properties of aid. I introduce the concept of lead donorship, develop a measure that accounts for the exclusive and long-lasting ties between a lead donor and a recipient country, and show that lead donorship is in long-term decline. I test my theory combining spatial autoregressive (SAR) models, nonparametric model discrimination techniques, and data on aid delivery channels. [R, abr.]
65.5113 STINEBRICKNER, Bruce —
In Modern Political Analysis (MPA) [Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1963], Dahl presents what he saw as the essentials of politics and political science. Spanning four decades of Dahl's scholarly career, the six editions of MPA address (1) the nature of politics; (2) “influence”, the constituent element of politics and MPA's term for what political scientists often call “power”; and (3) similarities and differences among political systems. Seven “forms of influence” — power, coercion, force, persuasion, manipulation, inducement, and authority — are distinguished and analyzed. In exploring similarities and differences among the world's political systems, MPA presents an overview of Dahl's insights on democracy and polyarchy. The six MPA editions also provide an opportunity to observe how Dahl's thinking about the essentials of his discipline evolved over forty years. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4923]
65.5114 STOCKEMER, Daniel —
The literature on political participation lacks a baseline model of electoral turnout. Various studies, which employ different sample sizes, time periods, cases and operationalizations of relevant independent variables, produce contradictory results. To shed light on these diverse findings, I evaluate whether different levels of development trigger different turnout functions. Not only do I find that highly developed countries have the highest levels of citizen participation in elections, but my results also illustrate that the turnout functions in high-income and low/medium-income countries are quite dissimilar. Compulsory voting and decisive elections have a different impact in the two universes of cases. [R]
65.5115 STOETZER, Lukas F.; ZITTLAU, Steffen —
In most multidimensional spatial models, the systematic component of agent-utility functions is specified as additive separable. We argue that this assumption is too restrictive, at least in the context of spatial voting in mass elections. Here, assuming separability would stipulate that voters do not care about how policy platforms combine positions on multiple policy dimensions. We present a statistical implementation of Davis, Hinich, and Ordeshook's (1970) Weighted Euclidean Distance model that allows for the estimation of the direction and magnitude of non-separability from vote choice data. We demonstrate in a Monte-Carlo experiment that conventional separable model specifications yield biased and/or unreliable estimates of the effect of policy distances on vote choice probabilities in the presence of non-separable preferences. In three empirical applications, we find voter preferences on economic and socio-cultural issues to be non-separable. [R, abr.]
65.5116 STOUTENBOROUGH, James W.; BROMLEY-TRUJILLO, Rebecca; VEDLITZ, Arnold —
The use of scientific information in the policy-making process is prevalent in today's society, and political figures frequently consult scientists and experts when considering complex issues like climate change. While policy-process literature concerning agenda-setting and policy networks, such as epistemic communities and advocacy coalitions, considers the role of scientists in policy-making, very little work has provided insight into the relative influence and perceived relationships between scientists and policy-makers. The ability of scientists and policy-makers to work together has important implications for policy outcomes. We explore individual scientist's perceptions of the collective influence the scientific community has on policy-making, in addition to perceptions of relationships between scientists and policy-makers. We suggest that a number of factors are relevant including trust, contact, attitudes, specialization and demographics. [R, abr.]
65.5117 STRANDBERG, Kim —
Democratic theorists often envision public deliberation as being essential to the working of democracy. Several scholars have also highlighted a potential for realizing such deliberations on the internet. Consequentially, an emerging array of experiments in online deliberation has now been developed to achieve online discussions, which would be beneficial for democracy. However, few studies have yet attempted to compare the outcomes of online mini-publics to online citizens' discussions in general. This article, thus, concerns an online experiment carried out in 2013 with the purpose of examining whether, and under which conditions, forums designed according to deliberative principles produce better “democratic outcomes” — such as coherence of opinions, increased efficacy, trust, and propensity for civic participation — than online citizens' discussions, which are “left to their own devices”. [R, abr.]
65.5118 SULLIVAN, Patricia L.; KARRETH, Johannes —
Previous studies of internal armed conflict outcomes have found evidence that rebel-biased military intervention increases the likelihood of rebel victory, but little indication that pro-government interventions improve the odds of government victory. Our argument, grounded in a theory of the utility and limitations of military force in civil wars, anticipates that armed intervention increases the probability of victory for the supported side only when that belligerent's primary challenge is a lack of conventional war-fighting capacity. Empirical analyses of internal armed conflicts from 1945 to 2010 support these expectations. [R, abr.]
65.5119 SVENSSON, Palle —
Democracy and political participation are closely related, but both the understanding of them and their relationship is disputed. Two conceptions of democracy — “democratic revisionism” and “participatory democracy” — compete for attention. I show how the first conception of democracy as elite competition developed after World War II. I explain how participatory democracy developed as a critique of the first conception. I also show how the desirability and the functions of political participation are perceived differently according to the two conceptions of democracy. Various forms of political participation are discussed, and I show how the concept of participation in political science and sociology has been developed to include an increasing number of activities. On this basis, the extent and social distribution of various forms of political participation in Denmark are examined. [R, abr.] [First article on “Alternative political participation”, edited and introduced by Signe Blaabjerg CHRISTOFFERSEN, Ditte Maria Brasso SØRENSEN and Emil HUSTED. See also Abstr. 65.4806, 4938, 4975]
65.5120 SYLWESTER, Kevin —
Countries face governing challenges at their inception, albeit not of the same degree or type. Challenges such as creating governing structures and forming one nation from disparate groups can create uncertainty and so lower economic growth. Does democracy exacerbate or lessen such problems? This paper considers an empirical specification where the effect of democracy upon economic growth is allowed to vary over time. I find that democracy is more greatly associated with economic growth in newer countries. This suggests that democracy helps to mitigate governing challenges that can lower economic growth. [R]
65.5121 TAVITS, Margit; POTTER, Joshua D. —
How do parties decide which issues to emphasize during electoral competition? We argue that the answer to this question depends on how parties of the left and of the right respond to economic inequality. Increasing inequality shifts the proportion of the population falling into lower socio-economic categories, thereby increasing the size of the electoral constituency that is receptive toward leftist parties' redistributive economic appeals. In the face of rising inequality, then, leftist parties will emphasize economic issues in their manifestos. By contrast, the nonredistributive economic policies often espoused by rightist parties will not appeal to this burgeoning constituency. Rather, rightist parties will opt to emphasize values-based issues, especially in those cases where “social demand” in the electorate for values-based representation is high. We find support for these relationships. [R, abr.]
65.5122 TAYLOR, Brad R. —
Critics of the expressive account of voting have argued that it is inconsistent with strategic voting. Since there is strong evidence that people vote strategically, this has been taken to show that many voters are at least partially instrumentally motivated. This paper argues that strategic voting in the relevant sense is consistent with entirely expressive political motivation. Building on an earlier suggestion by G. Brennan, I model voters as expressively valuing ideological position as well as the strategic pursuit of expressively-defined preferences. This model predicts strategic voting without instrumental preferences entering the voter's calculus at all. I also suggest that expressive preferences for strategic behavior can be usefully analyzed in terms of dispositional choice. [R]
65.5123 THAGAPSOEV, Hažismel' G. —
The paper examines the processes and the mechanisms of the formation of social space and social time in a civilizational context. The author proposes a model assessing the development of social space — time from preindustrial societies, where it was determined predominantly by the implications nature and geography had for societal development and by the specific characteristics of local cultures — and industrial society, where the diffusion of industrial technologies, material artifacts and forms of social regulation became the main trend influencing this development — through to today, when the multiplication of identities forming new social spaces and the communicative, project-oriented and virtual transformative activities of the individual and small groups are gaining priority importance. [R]
65.5124 THIÉBAULT, Jean-Louis —
French political science has faced many obstacles. The most significant were the influence of neighboring disciplines such as law, sociology and history; the centralization of recruitment at the national level; the small number of research centers; the small number of teachers and researchers; the expatriation of young researchers to the US and Canada; the loss of influence in certain areas; the absence of research in some sectors, including international political economy; the nature of political science journals; the small number of “think tanks”; the lack of international openness; the weak presence of French researchers in international congresses and the language barrier; and the absence of a true translation policy of fundamental works of Anglo-Saxon or Hispanic political science by publishing houses or university presses. [R, abr.]
65.5125 THOMPSON, Norma —
A. Melzer's irrefutable point is that what has been labeled “esotericism” in a condemnatory way is in fact the multilayered reality of written expression evident in all cultures across all history. There is virtually no text that does not call for some degree of interpretation, and any act of interpretation will turn up additional meanings “between the lines”. Philosophy Between the Lines [Chicago, 2014] is in a class by itself, but it has one very familiar echo: A. Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind (1987). Against all expectations, the common thread between the two books is more Tocqueville than Leo Strauss. Bloom was attacked as an elitist absolutist at the same time that he was put down as a vulgar populist. That same confluence of elitism and populism reappears in Philosophy Between the Lines. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.5126 THRANDARDOTTIR, Erla —
This paper examines the legitimacy of NGOs in the context of international politics. Legitimacy is increasingly associated with NGOs in the role of political actors on a global stage. However, conceptualization of NGO legitimacy is unclear in the literature. The paper proposes four legitimacy models to clarify how their legitimacy is theorized: the market model, the social change model, the new institutionalism model, and the critical model. The models represent four different schools of thought on NGO legitimacy, each with a different understanding of NGOs' role in the international system. Each model is discussed based on the theoretical premises they adapt, the legitimacy criteria and the arguments this generates, and the conclusions they make about the legitimate role of NGOs at the international level. [R, abr.]
65.5127 TJALVE, Vibeke Schou; WILLIAMS, Michael C. —
Born in reaction against the empty liberal rhetoric of interwar liberalism and espousing a robust materialism and rigorous rationalism, realism often seems the obstacle that rhetoric's focus on language, narrative, and social construction must inevitably confront and the challenge around which debates must again inevitably revolve. This article challenges this vision of the relationship between rhetoric and realism. Returning to the birth of IR in the immediate post-war era, we demonstrate that early realists perceived rhetoric as central to action in domestic as well as international politics and that it was particularly important in the US. This realist rhetoric is marked by an engagement with grand politics, with the relationship between rhetoric, political identity, social mobilization, political leadership, and foreign policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4894]
65.5128 TOMASHEVSKIY, Andrey; KONO, Daniel Yuichi —
Credit rating agencies such as Moody's and Standard & Poor's have considerable influence in the global economy. Nonetheless, we know little about the factors that affect these ratings, particularly factors under government control. We argue that participation in preferential trade arrangements (PTAs) can significantly improve national credit ratings by “locking in” liberal trade policies at home and abroad. This both ensures a stable stream of export revenues and represents a commitment to market-friendly policies of which the rating agencies approve. We test and find support for this hypothesis with an analysis of intra-PTA trade and credit ratings in 100 countries from 1971 to 2008. Our results point to the growing importance of private actors in international governance, as well as to the interrelated nature of trade and financial regimes. [R, abr.]
65.5129 TOMLIN, Patrick —
Children are expensive to raise. Ensuring that they are raised in such a way that they are able to lead a minimally decent life costs time and money, and lots of both. Who is responsible for bearing the costs of the things that children are undoubtedly owed? To the extent that there is a debate, two main views can be identified. The Parents Pay view says that parents, responsible for the existence of the costs, must foot the bill. The Society Pays view says that a next generation is a benefit to all, and so to allow parents to foot the bill alone is the worst kind of free-riding. I introduce a third potentially liable party currently missing from the debate: children themselves. [R, abr.]
65.5130 TOSHKOV, Dimiter —
This text reports the results of an evaluation of the performance of multilevel regression modeling and post-stratication (MRP) in reconstructing state-level estimates from federal-level data. The evaluation makes use of Eurobarometer data and relies on the fact that Eurobarometer provides representative survey data for each EU state to further explore the performance of MRP. I repeatedly draw subsets of the entire Eurobarometer sample, then I compute adjusted country means using MRP with census data, and I compare the resulting estimates to the true country means from the full sample. I do that for ten survey items from various Eurobarometer waves. The results show that MRP is generally successful in producing estimates that are highly correlated with the true values (mean of 0.90). [R, abr.]
65.5131 TRAGER, Robert F. —
Despite the difficulty of communicating with adversaries, scholars have described a variety of signaling mechanisms that relate to bilateral negotiations between states. This article demonstrates that when more than two states are involved, states have additional, costless means of communicating their intentions. In particular, statements of a third party to a dispute on behalf of a “protégé” are credible because of the effect these statements have on the protégé's conduct. Protégés that are emboldened by support will sometimes be more likely to take actions that risk conflict, causing the third party to be more likely to have to intervene. This form of signaling requires that the interests of the third party and protégé be sufficiently aligned and that the third party be powerful enough, but also not too powerful. [R, abr.]
65.5132 TRAVERSA, Federico —
The statistical relationship between economic development and duration of democracy is one of the strongest in political science. Nevertheless, the theoretical mechanisms underlying this statistical link have been debated for decades. A. Przeworski has proposed the simplest explanation, by indicating that wealth itself increases the probability of sustaining democracy, economic development and democratic stability are thus directly related. This paper discusses whether the assumptions of Przeworski's influential model [“Democracy as an equilibrium”, Public Choice, 123(3–4), 2005: 253–273; Abstr. 56.1619] are plausible, and extends the analysis to a setting in which: (1) absolute per capita income varies; (2) people have preference for democracy independently of income; and (3) consumption is subject to diminishing marginal utility. The analysis demonstrates that the mechanics proposed by Przeworski are particularly recursive. [R, abr.]
65.5133 TREBILCOCK, Michael; ROSENSTOCK, Michael —
Seeking to address inefficient and costly infrastructure delivery, governments over the past two decades have turned to public-private partnerships (PPPs) to build and operate infrastructure. The key characteristic of PPPs is the outsourcing and “bundling” of project-delivery components, structured to incentivize the builder-operator to incorporate long-term operating cost considerations in the design and construction phases of a project and reduce coordination costs. This article reviews the benefits and drawbacks of PPPs and the experience to date, focusing in particular on developing economies. We argue that institutional capacity is a key determinant of PPP success and in mitigating potentially welfare-reducing contract renegotiations evident in the Latin American experience. [R, abr.]
65.5134 TROY, Jodok —
This paper analyzes how the legacy of the [UN] Secretary-General D. Hammarskjöld and the scholar H. Morgenthau can be better understood under the maxim of “speaking truth to power”. It illustrates that this is not only a maxim but a virtue. Both aspects are nowadays often missed in realist scholarship and the administration of the Secretary-General. How to understand Morgenthau and Hammarskjöld under normative maxims thus not only illustrates another aspect of understanding peace and conflictual international politics. It also explores practical political questions as how to administrate the Secretary General's agency. [R]
65.5135 TROY, Jodok —
For René Girard, mimetic rivalry is the main cause of violence. Mimetic theory addresses the problem of anarchy as it is outlined in basic texts of Realism, also acknowledging the conflicting potential of desire. The article argues for deepening the discussion between the mimetic theory of the French philosopher, anthropologist, and literary theorist Girard and the tradition of 20th c. Realism as exemplified by H. Morgenthau, who frequently stressed in his concept of “the political” the importance of the human desire for power. For Girard, the problem of conflicting desire is solved by the scapegoat mechanism, the canalization of mimetic violence. Nevertheless, IR theory reveals that identity is formed prior to the construction of the Other. Girard's insights can enrich thinking about the terms Self, Other, and identity, particularly in the 20th c. Realist tradition. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.5136 UNDERHILL, Geoffrey R. D. —
This article focuses on two cases of transnational financial governance that confirm that ideas and material interests are closely aligned in the construction of regulatory institutions at the international level: the Basel-II/III international capital adequacy standards and the IOSCO-based regulatory processes that underpin cross-border securities markets. The article first establishes that the pre-crisis system of financial regulation and supervision left public authorities dependent on private-sector expertise and information-provision such that policy idea-sets became increasingly aligned with private sector preferences. Second, this market-based system of financial governance provided benefits to precisely those whose advocacy underpinned its emergence while facilitating neither financial stability nor resolving the weaknesses of national-level governance in a context of cross-border integration. Last, it remains unclear if either pre-crisis alternatives or the lessons of the crisis itself have been applied properly to the reforms. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4784]
65.5137 VACANO, Diego von —
The article examines the emergence and implications of comparative political theory (CPT). It distinguishes theorizing based on travel and observation from that based on contemplation. Tracing the rise of the term CPT to 1997, it explains the academic, geopolitical, and cultural transformations that gave rise to some earlier work in the field. The acceleration of globalization also led to the rapid appearance of new intercultural and transnational approaches to political theory that move beyond the West. The article analyzes the methodological variety and alternatives within CPT work, arguing that we ought to take a broad, ecumenical approach to non-Western and cross-cultural theorizing rather than posit one method as best. It presents two broad categories of CPT, one normative and another interpretive. [R, abr.]
65.5138 VACHUDOVA, Milada Anna —
This article explores how the study of post-communism has transformed comparative politics by adding a substantial role for external actors to existing theories of democratization. The big, overarching finding is dramatic: external actors can, under certain conditions, tip the balance in favor of democracy by offering strong rewards to elites, conditional on complying with tough requirements. External actors can also influence the performance of the state — and how the state treats its citizens. The main causal player is the EU. This simple finding is consequential for all three major strands of democratization theory. The article explores how the leverage of the EU has shaped the trajectories of political change in the new and credible future EU members in East Central and South Eastern Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6165]
65.5139 VAHA, Milla Emilia —
This article considers the phenomenon of “state-extinction”: a situation in which a state faces a very real and imminent threat of literal disappearance from the surface of the Earth. By looking at the case of sinking small island states, this article explores the role and meaning of territory to statehood, while advancing the idea that rather than as a claim-right to territory, the situation of sinking island states should be understood through a state-right to exist as a state — an internationally recognized political authority — in the system of states. If and when this is the case, states under the threat of physical state-extinction may have claims towards international community to continuing existence as political entities without necessarily having a right to new territory. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Rethinking states in international politics”, introduced by Antonio FRANCESCHET. See also Abstr. 65.4879, 5186, 5187]
65.5140 VAN HAM, Carolien —
Holding elections has become a global norm. Unfortunately, the integrity of elections varies strongly, ranging from “free and fair” elections with genuine contestation to “façade” elections marred by manipulation and fraud. Electoral integrity is notoriously difficult to measure, and hence taking stock of the available data is important. This article compares cross-national data-sets measuring electoral integrity. The first part evaluates how the different data-sets (1) conceptualize electoral integrity, (2) move from concepts to indicators, and (3) move from indicators to data. The second part analyzes how different data-sets code the same elections, explains the sources of disagreement about electoral integrity. The sample analyzed comprises 746 elections in 95 third- and fourth-wave regimes from 1974 until 2009. [R, abr.]
65.5141 VAN INGEN, Erik; BEKKERS, René —
According to a popular version of social capital theory, civic engagement should produce generalized trust among citizens. We put this theory to the test by examining the causal connection between civic engagement and generalized trust using multiple methods and multiple (prospective) panel datasets. We found participants to be more trusting. This was most likely caused by selection effects: the causal effects of civic engagement on trust were very small or nonsignificant. In the cases where small causal effects were found, they turned out not to last. We found no differences across types of organizations and only minor variations across countries. [R]
65.5142 VANBERG, Georg —
In many democratic polities, constitutional courts significantly shape the political landscape. Yet, how they are able to do so is a puzzle: With limited resources at their disposal, and no direct powers of enforcement, judges must rely on the willingness of executives and legislators to comply with their decisions and to respect judicial authority. This essay surveys recent literature that has explored the conditions that sustain judicial authority. I contrast explanations that highlight the benefits that independent courts can provide to other policy-makers (“endogenous explanations”) with explanations that emphasize the constraints that keep executives and legislators from undermining the judiciary (“exogenous explanations”). I explore the role of strategic judicial behavior in maintaining and expanding judicial power. [R]
65.5143 VASIL'EVA, Varvara M. —
I develop a new conceptual approach to corruption studies and effectiveness of anti-corruption regulations of public service. Based on the study of effective models of conflict-of-interest regulation, I assume that there is a “missing factor” in the modern corruption studies: a “corruption market”, particularly, its size, type and nature. Conflict-of-interest regulations aim at controlling key channels of corruption behavior, and corruption market in its turn determines prevailing channels of existing corruption behavior. The nature of corruption market depends on the side, setting the final price of corruption deal. A new conceptual model of corruption market evolution is introduced. [R, abr.]
65.5144 VATTER, Miguel —
This essay addresses the claim that behind the use of esoteric writing lies an opposition between philosophy and politics. I suggest that esoteric writing, on the reading of it proposed by A. Melzer, would reveal philosophy to be engaged in its own form of politics, making esoteric writing analogous to the doctrine of “secrets of state”. Similarly, my comments question the claim that behind esoteric writing there needs to be an opposition between philosophy and religion; I here highlight the idea of esotericism found in Goethe, an idea that might support an “Oriental” understanding of “ancient theology” in which religion does not oppose philosophy. Finally, I propose that we should distinguish between truthful and sophistical uses of esoteric writing. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.5145 VINJAMURI, Leslie; SNYDER, Jack —
The tension between law and politics places transitional justice under cross-pressures. The impetus to hold perpetrators legally accountable for atrocities and major rights violations has emerged in part from the expectation that subjecting political behavior to the apolitical judgment of law will exert a civilizing effect. As demands for accountability have risen, politics has played a central role at every step. The past decade has seen a flourishing of research in empirical political science on the relationship between law and politics in post-conflict and post-authoritarian justice. This research explains the turn to individual legal accountability and the development of norms and institutions for accountability. Research has stressed the role of politics in shaping the implementation of trials and other modes of accountability, [and] examined the consequences of these modes of accountability. [R, abr.]
65.5146 VOLLER, Yaniv —
This article provides a thorough analysis into the manner in which non-recognition can serve as a catalyst for democratic transitions. It identifies the crisis of legitimacy that results from non-recognition as a key factor in this process, arguing that this crisis often leads to extensive interaction between the unrecognized states and the international community, subsequently making the leaderships of unrecognized states more vulnerable to scrutiny and thus creating opportunity structures for transnational advocacy networks. To support this argument, this article examines the democratic transition in the Kurdistan Regional Government since its emergence as an unrecognized state in 1991. This transition, it asserts, cannot be understood without relating to the KRG's status as an unrecognized state and its pursuit of international legitimacy. [R, abr.]
65.5147 VOLLMER, Bastian A. —
This article examines the Trialog “Energy Transition” at the Humbolt-VAadrina School of Governance and tests it for deliberation. Using the discourse quality index (DQI), the quality of the discourse evolving in the Trialog, i.e. the level of deliberation, is measured and evaluated. Transcribed proceedings of the Trialog generated a large text corpus from which a dataset was selected: the particularly contested theme of market vs. regulation. The level of deliberation in the arena of discussion Trialog “Energy Transition” was evaluated as very high. The article attests that the level of deliberation was higher than in other arenas of discussion such as the national parliaments of Germany and Switzerland. [R]
65.5148 WALGRAVE, Stefaan; TRESCH, Anke; LEFEVERE, Jonas —
Issue-ownership means that some parties are considered by the public at large as being more able to deal with, or more attentive to, certain issues. The theory has been used to explain both party behavior — parties are expected to focus on owned issues — and voter behavior — when a voter considers a party to own an issue, this affects the odds of voting for that party. This article first reviews the studies conducted in the past decade-and-a-half. Second, it takes stock of the current conceptualization and argues that issue-ownership is a multidimensional concept. Thereafter it discusses how this multidimensionality affects both the role of issue-ownership in voter and in party behavior. Finally, it outlines a number of shortcomings of the extant literature and discusses potential avenues for future research. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4813]
65.5149 WALLING, Carrie Booth —
Though increasingly legitimate, humanitarian intervention by the UN Security Council is selective and rare. This article illustrates how the increasing legitimacy of human rights norms is changing the meaning of state sovereignty and the purpose of military force at the UN. By examining Security Council discourse during debates about Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, Sierra Leone, Darfur, and Libya, the article delineates the conditions under which discourse creates new opportunities for the Security Council to authorize, engage in, and support humanitarian intervention. [R]
65.5150 WATKINS, David; LEMIEUX, Scott —
Many democratic and jurisprudential theorists have too often uncritically accepted A. Bickel's notion of “the countermajoritarian difficulty” when considering the relationship between judicial review and democracy. This framework is both theoretically and empirically unsustainable. Democracy is not wholly synonymous with majoritarianism, and judicial review is not inherently countermajoritarian in the first place. Since all modern democratic political systems contain veto points, the relevant and unexplored question is what qualities might make a veto point relatively democratic. Proceeding on the assumption that democracy's primary normative value is found in its opposition to domination by both state and private actors, we make a preliminary effort to delineate what qualities a democratic veto point might have, identifying five criteria, and evaluate judicial review using these criteria. [R, abr.]
65.5151 WEBB, Matthew J. —
A range of theories have sought to explain and predict secession with varying degrees of success. Arguing that a disproportionate focus upon the seceding group as the unit of analysis has frustrated the development of a comprehensive theoretical framework that is universally valid, this article highlights the role of predecessor institutions of governance and the failure of states to successfully incorporate these as an important, but neglected, causal factor in the study of secession. The inclusion of pre-state institutions of governance and processes of state formation not only results in a more complete, and therefore accurate, explanatory account of secession, but also explains why some regions have been more prone to secession than others. [R]
65.5152 WEIDMANN, Nils B. —
Theories of conflict-diffusion have long argued that domestic conflict spreads from one country to others. One set of mechanisms explaining this relies on material flows across borders that incite violence in neighboring countries. Another set of mechanisms, however, relies on informational flows. Information about ongoing violence elsewhere triggers strategic learning and demonstration effects in subnational conflict actors which may increase the likelihood that these actors ultimately resort to violence. While the first set of mechanisms can be — and has been — assessed using spatial proximity to define connections between countries, this article provides a test of the second mechanism by analyzing communication flows. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.5574]
65.5153 WEINBERG, Joe; BAKKER, Ryan —
We are concerned with the factors that make civil conflict more or less likely when food prices are elevated. We borrow from the extant literature on civil conflict as well as agriculture economics in order to analyze this phenomenon and help explain the variation among different countries. By merging these two research programs, we hope to make a contribution to each. We utilize a domestic-level measure of food prices rather than the world market price in order to more accurately represent national-level economic conditions. Our results show a positive and significant relationship between food prices and outbreak of social unrest and conflict across a wide range of countries. [R, abr.]
65.5154 WEINSTOCK, Daniel —
Researchers who have emphasized the “social determinants of health” provide an insight that, when generalized, point us in a direction that theorists of distributive justice should follow, that of attending not just to the intrinsic value of intermediate goods, but also to their causal contributions to realizing the values that theories of distributive justice make central. “Platforms”, which represent principle-driven attempts at designing compassable policies that attend both to the causal and to the intrinsic value of intermediate goods, should be given more importance within theories of distributive justice if such theories are to be policy-relevant, for they connect the ultimate values of these theories to the practices of state institutions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4966]
65.5155 WEISIGER, Alex; YARHI-MILO, Keren —
Policy-makers and political scientists have long believed that states must make policy with an eye to maintaining a good reputation, especially a good reputation for resolve. Recent work, however, has argued that reputations for resolve do not form, and hence that past actions do not influence observers' behavior in subsequent interactions. This conclusion is theoretically problematic and unsupported by the evidence offered by reputation critics. In particular, juxtaposing reputation for resolve to power and interests is misleading when past actions influence observers' beliefs about interests, while the common approach of looking at crisis decision making misses the impact of reputation on general deterrence. We thus derive hypotheses about conflict-onset from both the arguments of reputation critics and the logic of more standard reputation arguments, which we put to statistical test. [R, abr.]
65.5156 WEISS, Roslyn —
A. Melzer in Philosophy Between the Lines [Chicago, 2014] eloquently and illuminatingly describes the various forms of esotericism and their ends. Yet he also contends that it is not until the modern period that philosophers concern themselves with the intellectual and moral advancement of ordinary people. Philosophers of earlier periods, Melzer argues, defend philosophers from their opponents, protect the mass of men from dangerous and destabilizing truths, and subtly draw potential philosophers to philosophy. This essay shows that there are at least some pre-modern philosophers — Socrates and Maimonides among them — whose aim is no less to divest non-philosophers and even opponents of philosophy of deleterious untruths than it is to shield them from harmful truths. Such philosophers unselfishly put themselves at risk of being misjudged, reviled, or worse. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.5157 WERZ, Michael; HOFFMAN, Max —
Climate change will increasingly threaten humanity's shared interests and collective security across the globe, but particularly in the least developed countries. Cumulative effects of climate change and associated migration have serious implications for stability in nations lacking sufficient financial and human resources or good governance to adequately respond to them. Although there is a need for greater understanding of the causes of migration as well as its resulting economic and political instability, a growing body of evidence already links climate change, migration, and conflict in ways that could undermine governments and stability in key regions. Mitigating and adapting to the overlapping effects of climate change, migration, and conflict demands mobilization of resources by the international community on a scale normally reserved for issues of war and peace. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4861]
65.5158 WILLIS, Gordon B. —
Cross-cultural cognitive interviewing (CCCI) has increasingly been practiced across a range of cultures, languages, and countries, in an effort to establish cross-cultural equivalence of survey questions and other materials, to detect sources of difficulties in answering survey questions for particular subgroups, and to detect problems related to translation from source to target languages. [However], there has been little effort to reconcile discrepant views, approaches, and findings. The current synthesis reviews 32 CCCI studies located in peer-reviewed journals and books, along with key unpublished sources, to characterize these investigations in terms of their purpose, procedures, and findings. Based on a number of trends in this emergent field, conclusions are made concerning appropriate methods for cognitive testing of cross-cultural instruments, and recommendations are made for future practices that will serve to advance the CCCI field. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4787]
65.5159 WOBIG, Jacob —
Many regional inter-governmental organizations have adopted agreements committing all member states to maintain democratic governments, and specifying punishments [for] member states that revert to authoritarianism. These treaties have a surprisingly high enforcement rate — nearly all states subject to them that have experienced governmental succession by coup have been suspended by the relevant IGO(s). However, relatively little is known about whether these treaties are deterring coups. This article offers an original theory of how these international agreements could deter coups d'état, focusing on the way that a predictably adverse international reaction complicates the incentives of potential coup participants. An analysis of the likelihood of coups for the period of 1991–2008 shows that states subject to democracy were on average less likely to experience coups, but that this finding was not statistically significant in most models. [R, abr.]
65.5160 WOLFGRAM, Mark A. —
Collective memory research examines how the process of individual memory formation is a social and collective experience, rather than one that is wholly psychological and individual. This article develops a general model for the process of collective memory-formation, which I can then use in my ongoing empirical research into how several different authoritarian and democratic societies with Eastern and Western cultural traditions have dealt with their violent histories. The cases include Germany (East and West), japan, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Spain. I develop a general model of collective memory-formation while drawing upon these five cases to illustrate different points. While democratic societies have a greater potential for dealing more fully with their difficult histories, it is far from guaranteed that they will do so. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Symbolic nation-building and collective identities in post-Yugoslav states”, edited and introduced by Vjeran PAVLAKOVIC. See also Abstr. 65.5589, 5717, 5768, 6166, 6191]
65.5161 WOOD, Reed M.; SULLIVAN, Christopher —
Humanitarian assistance is intended to ameliorate the human costs of war by providing relief to vulnerable populations. Yet the introduction of aid resources into conflict zones may influence subsequent violence patterns and expose intended recipients to new risks. Here we investigate the potential negative externalities associated with humanitarian aid. We argue that aid can create incentives for armed actors to intentionally target civilians for violence. Aid encourages rebel violence by providing opportunities for looting and presenting challenges to rebel authority. It potentially encourages state violence where it augments rebel capabilities or provides rebels a resource base. We evaluate both arguments using spatially disaggregated data on aid and conflict violence for a sample of nearly two dozen post-Cold War African countries. [R, abr.]
65.5162 WOODLY, Deva —
This article examines the puzzle of why there has been so little organizing of the unemployed and the precariously employed since the beginning of the Great Recession in 2008. I argue that this paucity of organization is, in part, the result of the sedimentation of a neoliberal commonsense, or a particularly dominant colloquial interpretation of American individualism, which makes it difficult to perceive structural relation — not only in the case of economic politics, but generally speaking. I propose that using Youngian seriality as a lens can help us see structural relation more lucidly without reducing all structural relation to class relations or making essentialist claims about who we may be as persons or about the objective nature or static organization of structures themselves. [R, abr.]
65.5163 WOODS, Neal D. —
A broad range of procedural mechanisms designed to promote public involvement in regulatory decision-making have been instituted at all levels of government. Depending upon the literature one consults, one could conclude that these procedures (1) enhance regulatory stringency by fostering access by previously underrepresented groups, (2) reduce regulatory stringency by institutionalizing access by regulated industries, (3) could either increase or decrease stringency depending on the relative strength of organized interests in the agency's external environment, or (4) have no effect. This study investigates whether mechanisms designed to promote public involvement in administrative rule-making affect the stringency of US state environmental regulation. [R, abr.]
65.5164 WOON, Jonathan; COOK, Ian Palmer —
Spatial theories of lawmaking predict that legislative productivity is increasing in the number of status quo policies that lie outside the gridlock interval, but because locations of status quo policies are difficult to measure, previous empirical tests of gridlock theories rely on an auxiliary assumption that the distribution of status quo points is fixed and uniform. This assumption is at odds with the theories being tested, as it ignores the history dependence of lawmaking. We provide an alternative method for testing competing theories by estimating structural models that explicitly account for temporal dependence in a theoretically consistent way. Our analysis suggests that legislative productivity depends both on parties and supermajority pivots, and we find patterns of productivity consistent with a weaker, contingent form of party influence than found in previous work. [R, abr.]
65.5165 WURSTER, Stefan, et al. —
The multidimensional concept of “sustainable development” has become a central principle of national and international policy. A continuously discriminating range of sustainability instruments, meant to deal with this complex task, has emerged. To what extent these instruments are actually used in different countries is however still poorly understood. In particular, the differences between democracies and autocracies concerning selection and combination of these instruments as well as the role of state capacity remained unclear. Based on theoretical considerations, these questions are addressed by a macro-quantitative analysis using a new “Index of Sustainability Instruments” supplemented by qualitative case studies. The research shows that democracies tend to use more sustainability instruments, while for the introduction of more complex ones a high degree of state capacity is badly required. [R]
65.5166 WYDRA, Harald —
This article argues that quests for sacrality are creative forces in the formation of collective identities in the global age. Shifting the vantage point towards extraordinary politics of liminal globality, the first part captures borderline experiences where political reality is broken and markers of certainty dissolve. Taking the lead from mimetic theory, the second part looks at the ambivalent sources of the sacred. Symbols of peace, reconciliation and order originate in violence. The third part illustrates varieties of the global sacred by looking at the democratic imagination and the politics of humanitarian reason. Finally, the constitutive role of the sacred is examined for the background of cultural frames and with a view to the unconscious and non-agentive drivers of global processes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4810]
65.5167 YU Dan; YANG Yongwei —
The establishment of measurement equivalence/invariance (ME/I) across groups is a precondition to conducting any cross-group comparisons; otherwise, one could not know for sure whether the observed between-group difference is due to real differences among the constructs of interest or to differences in how they are measured. However, many multinational corporations (MNCs) actually measure and compare results of customer surveys across groups defined by countries, languages, or between Business-to-Business (B2B) and Business-to-Consumer (B2C) customers without first testing ME/I. We illustrate how to apply multiple statistical techniques to investigate ME/I, plus we evaluate both construct equivalence and differential item functioning (DIF). We hope that illustrating how such analyses can be done with relative ease may encourage more practitioners to perform ME/I as a routine practice rather than an exception. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.4787]
65.5168 ZAGLADIN, Nikita V. —
The article deals with the problem of inadequate forecasting ability of modern socio-political and socio-economic science, as well as with its inadequate ability to deal with global and regional crises. The author studies this problem in a conceptually wider context by analyzing the impact of cognitive paradigms on socio-political processes. Particular attention is paid to ideological aspects of development of Western civilization, as well as to civilizational approach to the world development. [R]
65.5169 ZAHARIADIS, Nikolaos —
What factors explain the persistence of emotion in public policy? Applying the multiple streams framework, I hypothesize that the more intense the fear and the longer it persists under high salience, task unfamiliarity and complexity, and inconsistent preferences, the less likely it is for policy to change. The study examines the Greek attempt to block international recognition of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (1990–1993) and finds the power to build coalitions through emotional arousal that in the short run helps reframe losses and paradoxically undermines political support in the long run. Illuminating the emotional endowment effect within the logic of appropriateness, the article concludes that policy is made under certain conditions on the basis of validating emotions. [R] [See Abstr. 65.5171]
65.5170 ZINOV'EVA, Elena S.; KAZANTSEV, Andrej A. —
This article discusses the evolution and basic tenets of complexity theory, approaches to world politics analysis established within its framework. The complexity research methodology focuses on actors and their values, interests and beliefs, as well as on the nature of interactions between them. In this regard, complexity theory is closely related to the modern constructivist IR theory. Today, the number of international actors is increasing, which increases the complexity of the world system. Therefore, analytical methodology should take into account the role of non-state actors as well as the high complexity of contemporary world politics, which is multi-layered and dynamic. In this respect, complexity theory is associated with contemporary neoliberalism. [R, abr.]
65.5171 ZOHLNHÖFER, Reimut; HERWEG, Nicole; RÜB, Friedbert —
This introduction to the forum section on the Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) developed by J.W. Kingdon argues that the conditions under which policy-making takes place today increasingly resemble the assumptions upon which Kingdon built his lens. At the same time, while the framework is extremely successful with regard to citations and has been applied in various contexts that often differ remarkably from those for which the framework was originally developed, a systematic theoretical debate about the Multiple Streams Framework is still lacking. It is the intention to spark such a debate with this forum section. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 65.4920, 4933, 4965, 5169]
65.5172 ZUBER, Christina Isabel —
This article clarifies the relationship between reserved seats filled through competitive elections, political parties, and substantive minority representation. It argues that the party affiliation of the minority representative moderates the impact of reserved seats on substantive representation since minority and party constituencies can cross-pressure a representative or, in the case of overlap, can allow her to cater to party and minority interests simultaneously. Drawing on empirical examples, the article first classifies party affiliations along the criterion of overlap between minority interests and party appeal into five categories: “coinciding ethnic” parties, “multi-ethnic” parties, “partial ethnic” parties, “other ethnic” parties, and “non-ethnic” parties. Hypotheses about how these affiliations affect a reserved-seat representative's willingness to act for the minority are later developed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6241]
65.5173 ZUCKERT, Catherine H.; ZUCKERT, Michael P. —
In Philosophy Between the Lines [Chicago, 2014] A. Melzer credits Leo Strauss with the rediscovery of esoteric writing. The purpose of esoteric writing, Strauss argued, was originally to defend an author from persecution by the authorities. We point out the extraordinary reversal that has occurred as a result of the application of that rediscovery to Strauss's own writings. Critics feel empowered to deny that Strauss meant what he wrote, especially in defense of liberal democracy. And, as Strauss observed, readings between the lines are impossible to prove — or disprove. [R] [See Abstr. 65.4883]
65.5174
Articles by Axel LEIJONHUFVUD, “Monetary muddles”, pp. 179–192; Walker F. TODD, “Money and banking: a constitutional perspective”, pp. 193–208; Edwin VIEIRA, Jr., “Gold and silver as constitutional alternative currencies”, pp. 209–232; Jerry L. JORDAN, “The role of gold in a market-based monetary system”, pp. 233–250; George SELGIN, “Law, legislation, and the gold standard”, pp. 251–272; Judy SHELTON, “Fix what broke: building an orderly and ethical international monetary system”, pp. 273–290; Nathan LEWIS, “Transitioning standards of value in fixed-value monetary systems”, pp. 291–304; James GRANT, “An agenda for monetary action”, pp. 305–314; Norbert J. MICHEL, “A roadmap to monetary policy reforms”, pp. 315–330; Gerald P. O'DRISCOLL Jr., “A private committee for monetary reform: process and substance”, pp. 331–346; Bennett T. McCALLUM, “The bircoin revolution”, pp. 347–356; Kevin DOWD and Martin HUTCHINSON, “Bitcoin will bite the dust”, pp. 357–382; Lawrence H. WHITE, “The market for cryptocurrencies”, pp. 383–402.
65.5175
Introduction by G. Patrick LYNCH. Articles by Hartmut KLIEMT, “The defensive state”, pp. 11–22; Pierre LEMIEUX, “The State and public choice”, pp. 23–32; André AZEVEDO ALVES, “No salvation through constitutions: Jasay versus Buchanan and Rawls”, pp. 33–46; Carlo Ludovico CORDASCO and Sebastiano BAVETTA, “Spontaneous order: origins, actual spontaneity, diversity”, pp. 47–60; David M. HART, “Broken windows and house-owning dogs: the French connection and the popularization of economics from Bastiat to Jasay”, pp. 61–84.