Abstract
67.3913 ABILOV, Shamkhal; ISAYEV, Ismayil —
This article analyzes findings on occupied territories, casualties, and damages of the war from economic, political, and social perspectives. The utmost brutality and atrocity of the overall conflict is memorized with Khojaly massacre committed against Azerbaijani civilians on 26 February 1992. Hence, the article unveils evidences through the scrutiny of secondary data from academic sources, publications, and news materials published by international media. The particular focus of the study is concentrated on to what extend special plan was prepared deliberately for ethnic cleansing in Khojaly during the Nagorno-Karabakh war. [R]
67.3914 AGIUS, Christine —
The controversy of the Danish cartoon crisis in 2006 overshadowed a similar one that took place in Sweden a year later. Both cases reveal differences worthy of investigation, namely for the complex tensions and convergences between the two states on questions of immigration, Nordic solidarity and national identity. This article explores the intersubjective discourses of identity that were threaded through the debates on the cartoon crises, looking to the overlapping discourses that have constructed ideas of identity in terms of ontological security, or security of the self. It argues that both cartoon crises represent a complex discursive performance of identity that speaks to a broader set of ontological security concerns which intersect at the international, regional and national levels. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2854]
67.3915 ALLEN, Matthew G. —
This article explores how scholarship on the politics of scale, as well as strands of the burgeoning island studies literature, might sharpen our understanding of the political economic and violent effects of extractive resource enclaves in Island Melanesia. I argue that just as Melanesian islands were produced as a scale of struggle in the context of the introduction of capitalist social relations under colonialism, so too have they emerged as a critical, albeit problematic, scale of struggle in contemporary contestations around extractive resource capitalism under the current round of globalization and accumulation by dispossession. I suggest that this politics of scale lens enriches our understanding of how “islandness” can be an important variable in social and political economic processes. [R, abr.]
67.3916 ALONSO, Rogelio —
The role of the media and political elites, as well as the political discourse of the PIRA and Sinn Féin, is analyzed in order to examine how the republican movement has tried to rewrite its past in an attempt to gain political and social legitimacy. Consequently, the myths reproduced by republicans to disguise their failures as historical compromises, reproducing a more benign interpretation of history which distorts the causes and consequences of terrorism, are critically assessed. The article focuses on the struggle for the legitimacy of the terrorist campaign and the propaganda system which, in the words of G. FitzGerald (Irish Prime Minister between 1981 and 1987), has managed to turn the republican movement into the “peace party” despite murdering thousands of human beings. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3917 ANDJBAR-DAEMI, Siavush R.; SADEGHI-BOROUJERDI, Eskandar; BANKO, Lauren —
This special issue not only presents empirical case studies of political parties in the MENA, but also addresses some of the underlying reasons for the persistence of political parties and demands for legal and constitutional reforms which would permit their institutionalization despite their apparent decline in the present. Another objective is that of addressing the broader question of the meaning of political parties for the region (such as what their roles have been in government, in the opposition, as part of communal structures, and in the daily lives of citizens), and how they continue to be relevant for the future of the MENA. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.3308, 3386, 3411, 3529, 3531, 3555, 3565, 3575]
67.3918 ARGENTIN, Gianluca; BARONE, Carolo —
In July 2015, the so-called Good School reform was approved. The reform was strongly promoted by Prime Minister M. Renzi, who has simplified the traditional processes of engagement with the teachers' unions. The aim is to empower school principals and teachers in a meritocratic framework, to overcome the lack of job stability for teachers by establishing new mechanisms of recruitment, and to open schools to extracurricular activities and vocational experiences. These important innovations sound more like announcements rather than concrete commitments. In fact, there is a gap between the communication dimension of the reform, which is very effective, and its actual design, which in many aspects is approximate. There is therefore a real risk that the future implementation of the Good School reform might be less substantive than originally perceived. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3342]
67.3919 ÅSLUND, Anders —
Today, there are three parts of the old Soviet bloc — one is democratic, another is wholly authoritarian, and a third “intermediate” group is caught between two worlds. This last should be the main focus of Western assistance. [R]
67.3920 BAHTA, Yonas T.; STRYDOM, Dirk B.; DONKOR, Emmanuel —
Sustainable agricultural development requires capital investment. However, farmers in Africa are constrained by inadequate access to microcredit. Therefore, this article examines the extent to which gender influences access to microcredit. The empirical results showed that women are less likely to be able to access microcredit, compared to men. The study also found that separate sets of factors including assets endowment, socio-economic, institutional, and technological factors significantly affected women's and men's access to microcredit. The article suggests that to promote sustainable agricultural development, gender differential should be critically considered in designing microcredit schemes that target farmers in Africa. [R]
67.3921 BAIDELDYNOV, Daulet L. —
The article is devoted to the political and legal analysis of integration processes in the post-Soviet states — Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus. It reviews the activities of the Customs Union and its economic and political expediency, as well as the creation and functioning of the Eurasian Economic Union. The author reveals the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the EAEC activities and proposed a number of legal, political and economic measures to improve it. The paper provides examples of internal economic and political contradictions of the Eurasian Economic Union and offers a legal mechanism to resolve them, and further regulation on the basis of creating a single legal space. [R]
67.3922 BANI SALAMEH, Mohammed Torki; EL-EDWAN, Khalid Issa —
This study identifies the attempts to form a Jordanian national identity from the establishment of the Jordanian state in 1921 to date. It reviews the efforts of the Jordanian state, which was subject to internal, external, political, social, economic, and cultural circumstances, and variables that led to change the Jordanian national identity to incorporate religious, national, regional, ethnic, and tribal aspects. The regime has been unable to address and resolve the issue of national identity; instead, it has tried several means to circumvent the problem of national identity. The identity card is a means that the regime has used to achieve its goals. These policies led to the state's failure to define, establish, and maintain a comprehensive national identity for its citizens. [R, abr.]
67.3923 BENCHERIF, Adib; CAMPANA, Aurélie —
This article analyzes the precarious alliances concluded between insurgent groups in the context of the conflict in Northern Mali that began in 2012. It develops a mechanism-based approach that intends to shed light on the processes of alliance formation and disintegration that are taking place at the meso- and micro-levels of analysis. It shows that the solidity and durability of alliances in a civil war context strongly depend on the interplay of three intra-organizational and inter-organizational mechanisms (brokerage, competition and shifting alliance), which contribute to the shaping of complex local power games. While ideological compatibility facilitates alignment and organizational collaboration, alliances are first and foremost cemented or fissured through the changing short- and mid-term personal interests of a variety of actors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3933]
67.3924 BJELAJAC, Željko —
In today's highly complex stage of development of society, there is a typical terrorist formation — the Islamic State — which has become the strongest, largest and richest terrorist organization in the world. Because of its ideology and goals, brutality and violence that implements, it generates a huge threat to regional and global security, generally speaking. Until a decade ago, this kind of epilogue to the expansion of Islamic extremism and terrorism was virtually unthinkable. The title of this paper suggests to all the controversy and intricacy of global Islamist trends, linking radical fundamentalism, the state in which the dominating Muslim population and the Islamic religion, and terrorism is above all a product of the strengthening of radical Islamic teachings — Wahhabism. [R, abr.]
67.3925 BOHLE, Dorothee; JACOBY, Wade —
This article embeds the small-state experiences in East Central Europe into the broader comparative political economy literature. These broader debates have developed three propositions — one about the need for liberal orthodoxy in small, vulnerable states, a second about special forms of comparative advantage such small states might develop, and the third about the capacities of small states to adapt through consultation and compensation. We demonstrate the strengths and weaknesses of each in East Central Europe, and we then analyze a key scope condition for small states' successful adaptation, namely the buffering function from the international system. Existing literature overemphasizes the impact of domestic strategies and downplays the contribution of the international system when accounting for small states' successes (and failures) in recovering after major shocks. [R, abr.]
67.3926 BOTTERILL, Kate, et al. —
This paper explores ethnic and religious minority youth perspectives of security and nationalism in Scotland during the independence campaign in 2014. We discuss how young people co-construct narratives of Scottish nationalism alongside minority ethnic and faith identities in order to feel secure. By critically combining literature from feminist geopolitics, IR and children's emotional geographies, we employ the concept of “onto-logical security”. The paper departs from state-centric approaches to security to explore the relational entanglements between geopolitical discourses and the ontological security of young people living through a moment of political change. We examine how everyday encounters with difference can reflect broader geopolitical narratives of security and insecurity, which subsequently trouble notions of “multicultural nationalism” in Scotland and demonstrate ways that youth “securitize the self”. [R, abr.]
67.3927 BRATTON, Michael —
This article examines the political crisis in Mali, 2012-2013, to test the impact of violent conflict on public attitudes to democracy. In post-conflict situations, democracy building depends on interim steps to restore trust among citizens and to address national reconciliation and transitional justice. According to the results of a custom-designed opinion survey, recent experiences of violence and displacement in Mali have undermined both interpersonal and interethnic trust as well as public confidence that elected governments can resolve national conflicts. While internal displacement is frequently accompanied by violence against property, violence against persons increases popular demand for a retributive brand of transitional justice. Nonetheless, the Malian experience suggests that citizens in post-conflict societies still yearn to live in a peaceful and unified country and have a preference for democracy. [R, abr.]
67.3928 BROSSIER, Marie —
This article studies the role of the Arabophone community in postcolonial social and political transformations. More specifically, it focuses on the case of the Arabisants in Senegal. Forged through the mobility between the two shores of the Sahara, they are willing to emerge as a more visible political force since the 2000s. This article sheds light on Arab-isants' endeavors to participate in various forms of political advocacy. It demonstrates that they intend to stand as the political entrepreneurs of the Muslim community, to challenge the hegemony of Sufi Brotherhoods, and consequently, to challenge the state's alliance with the Sufi orders. Arabisants emerge as counter-elite in the public and political debate in Senegal. [R] [See Abstr. 67.3933]
67.3929 BUG, Mathias; BUKOW, Sebastian U. —
Fundamental changes to security policy in European democracies raise the question of the acceptance of new security measures. This paper explains why new measures are accepted (or not). It combines three core elements that are typically analyzed separately in the literature: individual attitudes (especially trust), social context and cost/benefit balancing. Comparing Germany and the UK, the model is tested using data from two countries with different societal perceptions of two prototypical security measures: communications data retention and passenger name records. The analysis confirms that trust is crucial, but in a more complex way than usually argued. Trust in specific institutions and actors, related to the specific security measure, is decisive for acceptance. Furthermore, individual cost/benefit balancing is also important for acceptance. [R, abr.]
67.3930 BURRIER, Grant —
How has economic openness affected social spending? Are allocations influenced by the partisan preference of the executive branch? I test various hypotheses about the determinants of social spending in contemporary Latin America, using a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 17 countries in the period between 1978 and 2006. Contrary to the expectations of critics, I find that trade openness affects social spending positively and governments are compensating citizens exposed to greater economic uncertainty. In addition, I find that partisanship is an important predictor of social spending. Left-wing executives spend more money on social programs than their right-wing counterparts. This finding is particularly strong when left-wing executives have greater legislative support. In the final section, I re-examine my quantitative findings in a case study of Uruguay. [R]
67.3931 BUSH, Sarah Sunn; GAO, Eleanor —
Why do some political actors nominate women more than others in the Muslim world? This article argues that certain social groups have an instrumental demand for female candidates because they believe such candidates will enhance their electoral chances in the wake of gender quotas' adoption. Looking at Jordan, it hypothesizes that small tribes can make big gains by nominating women due to the design of the country's reserved seat quota. This argument complements existing perspectives on women's (under-)representation in the Muslim world, which emphasize the role of features of the culture, economy, or religion. The analysis of original data on Jordan's local elections and tribes supports the argument. The article's findings have implications for our understanding of women's representation, tribal politics, and authoritarian elections. [R]
67.3932 CALLANDER, Steven; CLARK, Tom S. —
Courts resolve individual disputes and create principles of law to justify their decisions and guide the resolution of future cases. Those tasks present informational challenges that affect the whole judicial process. Judges must simultaneously learn about (1) the particular facts and legal implications of any dispute; (2) discover the doctrine that appropriately resolves the dispute; and (3) attempt to articulate those rules in the context of a single case so that future courts may reason from past cases. We propose a model of judicial learning and decision-making in which there is a complicated relationship between facts and legal outcomes. The model has implications for the dynamics of common law development, the path-dependent nature of the law, and optimal case selection by supervisory courts. [R]
67.3933 CAMPANA, Aurélie; JOURDE, Cédric —
This special issue seeks to achieve two major objectives. First, it intends to transcend regional boundaries by bringing together specialists of different regions, the Middle East, North Africa, the Sahel and European countries on the Mediterranean. The second objective is to prioritize micro-level analyses and a bottom-up approach. Its contributors have a specific knowledge of the movements and groups they study and a fine-gained understanding of the political and social context in which they operate. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 67.3247, 3266, 3327, 3371, 3410, 3468, 3923, 3928, 4021]
67.3934 CASSESE, Erin C.; HOLMAN, Mirya R. —
Religious identity serves as a central cleavage in American politics. However, little attention has been granted to how gendered views of authority conveyed in religious doctrine shape political identities and attitudes. Using a nation-wide sample of adult Americans, we demonstrate that gendered notions of divine and human authority exert considerable influence on political thinking. In particular, belief in a masculine God and preferences for traditional gender roles strongly relate to political conservatism. Adherence to gendered notions of authority influences political identity and policy preferences, even when controlling for more conventional indicators of religiosity. Accounting for gendered beliefs about authority also partially explains well-documented gender gaps in American politics, providing insight into women's apparently contradictory tendencies toward both political liberalism and religiosity. [R, abr.]
67.3935 CÉLESTINE, Audrey; GIRARD, Violaine; GUYON, Stépha-nie, eds. —
Stéphanie GUYON, “Trajectoires post-coloniales de l'assimilation (Post-colonial trajectories of assimilation)”, pp. 9-28, Marie SALAÜN, “Citoyens en principe, indigènes en pratique? L'obligation scolaire et ses dilemmes à Tahiti sous la IIIe République (Citizens in principle, natives in practice? Compulsory education and its dilemmas in Tahiti under the Third Republic)”, pp. 29-52; Edenz MAURICE, “Le préfet face aux enseignants autonomistes en Guyane de 1946 au tournant des années 1960. Une inédite rencontre administrative en contexte post-colonial (The prefect face to face with autonomist teachers in French Guiana from 1946 to the turn of the 1960s. An unprecedented administrative encounter in a post-colonial context)”, pp. 53-79; Sylvain PATTIEU, “Un traitement spécifique des migrations d'outre-mer: le BUMIDOM (1963-1982) et ses ambiguïtés (The ambiguities of the BUMIDOM (1963-1982): a specific migration policy for the French Overseas departments)”, pp. 81-113; Myriam Hachimi ALAOUI, “Françaises et français de Mayotte. Un rapport inquiet à la nationalité (French citizens in Mayotte. An uneasy relation to French nationality)”, pp 115-138; Willy BEAUVALLET, Audrey CÉLESTINE, Aurélie ROGER, “L'État outre-mer: la construction sociale et institution-nelle d'une spécificité ultramarine (The social and institutional construction of ‘specificity’ regarding state action in the French Overseas Territories)”, pp. 139-161; Clémence LÉOBAL, “Des marches pour un loge-ment: demandeuses bushinenguées et administrations bakaa (Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni, Guyane) (Walking for public housing: maroon women facing the Bakaa Administration in Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni (French Guiana))”, pp. 163-192.
67.3936 CHEN Ling; NAUGHTON, Barry —
China's economic success derives from the co-evolution of the political and economic systems. There is no single “China model”. Rather, three successive generations of China model can be identified, corresponding to “growth equilibria” that emerged when policy responded effectively to specific economic challenges. The structure of interaction between economic and political is determined by the basic governance strategy of the Chinese Communist Party. [R] [See Abstr. 67.4030]
67.3937 CINDOGLU, Dilek; UNAL, Didem —
In the last decade, discourse on sexuality has proliferated more than ever in the political realm in Turkey. The discursive utilization of women's bodies and sexualities has appeared as the main tool to consolidate a conservative gender regime and the heterosexual family with children is promoted as the basic unit to reinforce hegemonic moral values and norms. This article disentangles the intricate patchwork in the Justice and Development Party's (JDP) gender politics, which is geared towards ensuring pervasive control of women's bodies and sexualities. It investigates the proliferation of the discourse on women's bodies and sexuali-ties in Turkish politics by delving into the constitutive factors of the JDP's hegemonic gender politics and examining the narrative lines in recent public debates on women's sexualities. [R, abr.]
67.3938 COMBES, M. L. deRaismes —
Since 9/11 [2001], the rise of Islamist extremism has [captured] the national imagination as the greatest threat facing the US. The 2013 Boston Marathon bombing added a new chapter to the War on Terror with the “introduction” of homegrown terrorists who wantonly kill innocent Americans. Yet, the narrative of the Tsarnaevs that emerged shortly after the attack crafted a far more ambiguous relationship to these threatening bodies. I look at how identity demarcation was used directly after the bombing as a form of securitization, paying particular attention to the role of the stranger. Contributing to both identity and ontological security theory, I argue that analyzing the discursive (re)presentation of the liminal and its mediation between inclusion and exclusion best captures the multifaceted nature of security, which includes both ontological and material well-being. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2854]
67.3939 CUHADAR, Esra, et al. —
Modern personality theory and contemporary sociological role theory view the effects of roles as interacting with agents' personalities. We investigate this question by comparing personality profiles of three Turkish leaders (T. Özal, S. Demirel, and A. Gül) during their tenure as prime minister and during their subsequent time as president. For Gül, we perform an additional comparison during his time as foreign minister. The personality profiles are in the form of quantitative scores generated from machine-coded content-analysis of leaders' words using the Leadership Trait Analysis method. We hypothesize that different leaders will be more susceptible to changing role contexts, depending on core personality traits, and that different traits are more likely to change with new roles. [R, abr.]
67.3940 CURATO, Nicole —
R. Duterte's supporters were not exempted from criticism. In the 2016 Philippine presidential race, they were pejoratively labeled Dutertards, which pathologized their fervent and unrelenting support for examining the logics that underpin Duterte's strong public support for the controversial candidate. This article interrogates such depictions by examining the logics that underpin Duterte's strong public support. I argue that part of Duterte's appeal hinges on “penal populism”, built on two political logics that reinforce each other: the politics of anxiety and the politics of hope. While the former foregrounds the language of crisis, danger and uncertainty, the latter reclaims democratic agency. The article examines the articulations of these logics among Duterte's supporters based on ethnographic fieldwork in disaster-affected communities where Duterte enjoyed decisive victories. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3388]
67.3941 DANILOVA, Elena —
This essay compares social inequality in Russia and China and how it is perceived by the urban population. The study from which evidence is drawn was conducted through a common methodology of representative surveys of the adult population in two big cities — Shanghai and St Petersburg. The investigation shows that although people in Russia and China have broadly egalitarian attitudes, there are significant differences in the way in which Russians and Chinese regard the current system of distribution. Attitudes to social inequality are much more complicated than a direct link with the objective social situation would suggest. Egalitarian attitudes are connected not only with the actual incomes but they are very powerfully affected by subjective assessments of the distributive system. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2782]
67.3942 DeLISLE, Jacques —
The Xi Jinping era version of a China model of development continues law's reform-era roles of generally market-oriented development (under newly challenging conditions), checking development-challenging threats (amid increased concerns over corruption) and reducing pressure for political change (at a time of intolerance toward dissent). The Xi-era version of law appears to be more “legalist” (than its predecessor), still “reformist-developmentalist” and more “Leninist”. The Xi-era project for law remains narrowly instrumentalist, uneven across subject matter and region, and beset by both “supply-side” and “demand-side” challenges. [R] [See Abstr. 67.4030]
67.3943 DENHAM, John
The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose. [R] [See Abstr. 67.3089]
67.3944 DISTLER, Werner —
Post-war constitution-making touches the future identity of the concerned society. In externally led democratization, it can turn into a challenging negotiation process between international and so-called local actors. But who can claim the authority to define and interpret identity and fundamental norms of society, and on what grounds? Based on an analysis of the “Joint Working Group on the Constitutional Framework” held in spring 2001 in Kosovo, the article argues that external actors have a structural disadvantage in the authoritative communication with local actors, even if equipped with a strong international mandate. While external actors can set the opportunity structures to negotiate constitutional politics, local actors will use every chance to publically claim authority on their behalf in the process. [R, abr.]
67.3945 DUCKETT, Jane; WANG Guohui —
Recent research on authoritarian regimes argues that they provide public goods in order to prevent rebellion. This essay shows that the “threat of rebellion” alone cannot explain Chinese party-state policies to extend public goods to rural residents in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Drawing on theories of policy-making, it argues that China's one-party regime extended public goods to the rural population under the influence of ideas and policy options generated by policy communities of officials, researchers, international organizations and other actors. The party-state center adopted and implemented these ideas and policy options when they provided solutions to external shocks and supported economic development goals. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2782]
67.3946 ELBASANI, Arolda; PUTO, Artan —
As a Muslim-majority and multi-denominational polity, Albania has historically searched for suitable institutional solutions to reconcile Islam with a pluralist society, a unitary nation and often fragile European statehood. The post-Communist solutions for the management of this frail plurality are commonly framed within a local tradition of laïcité, which adapts the French model of separation between state and religion to particular Albanian goals and compromises. The analysis explores the continuities and changes that mark the Albanian brand of laïcité, with a focus on specific solutions for managing the Islamic majority. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2796]
67.3947 ELBERT, Rodolfo —
Recent Argentine history showed that since 2003 the labor movement became increasingly relevant due to protests organized by unionized formal workers. Labor revitalization in a context of persistent informality raised the following question: were there union organizing strategies that related formal workers to the broader working class community that included informal workers? This article answered the question through the analysis of union strategies from three formal sector firms located in one city of the Northern Gran Buenos Aires, Argentina, between 2005 and 2011. The evidence from this comparison showed that in two of the factories there were union strategies to reach the community. The existence of a grassroots democratic union in the shop floor appeared as a necessary condition for inclusive union strategies. [R, abr.]
67.3948 ENDRESEN, Cecilie —
How do “new” and “old” Islamic actors in contemporary Albania define religious authority and legitimacy? This contribution uses O. Roy's analytical distinction [Holy Ignorance, New York, 2010] between accommodation and neo-fundamentalism to explore different Islamic approaches in Albania. The article applies this analytical distinction to explore different sets of religious authority promulgated by a selection of Islamic groups. Two examples of accommodation are the Muslim Community of Albania, which represents “official Islam” and “mainstream” Sunni Muslims, and a Halveti Sufi subgroups. As a neo-fundamentalist counterpoint, the paper explores the ideas of a competing organization composed of Salafi imams, the Albanian “League of Imams”. [R, abr.]
67.3949 ERK, Jan —
Younger age-groups in Europe seem to be hit with higher levels of unemployment while the welfare state is steadily shrinking. The young have suddenly become a social group united by collective material interests, but does this translate into a sense of a collective political interest? The paper examines to what extent the dominant class-based social science of the post-war years can help us understand the politics of age-groups. The analysis highlights four changes since post-war years: the workplace has changed, impacting socialization; modern media have changed, impacting mobilization; the political landscape is fairly institutionalized, tempering the possibilities for new political concerns to find voice; and those who would define and articulate the political priorities of the young are leaving the Old Continent. [R, abr.]
67.3950 FINEGAN, Rory —
The British experience in Northern Ireland, particularly the fight against the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), is an oft-cited case study in the counter-insurgency (COIN) spectrum and tome of counter-terrorism studies. As the conflict was both prolonged and intensified, a multitude of intelligence units from military and law enforcement evolved specifically to counter the effectiveness of PIRA; and to satisfy the desire of the security establishment to intensify information-gathering activities. This article examines the evolution and development of this security intelligence-driven effort that ultimately had the cumulative effect to wear down PIRA's military capability through the focused application of a prolonged and lavishly resourced linked intelligence apparatus as an adjunct of a heavy military and police footprint. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3951 FISH, M. Steven; SEEBERG, Michael —
This sparsely populated, landlocked country sandwiched between much larger authoritarian neighbors has nonetheless managed to maintain a fairly robust democracy. The secret lies in its energetic civil society. [R]
67.3952 FONS, Antonio Gil; NIEVES CAMACHO, Alejandra —
Since 1991, the Former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia and Greece have maintained a serious diplomatic conflict that has internal, bilateral and international ramifications due to the use of the term “Macedonia” as part of the constitutional name of the Balkan Republic. The paper examines the origins and character of this dispute, and its implications for the development of national policy in Skopje, exemplified in the blocking of negotiations for joining the EU and NATO. Taking as a reference the concept of “deep forces” coined by P. Renouvin and J.-B. Duroselle [Introduction to the History of International Relations, Paris, 1964], an analysis is made of the influence of factors such as national sentiment and nationalism in the construction, development and survival of this conflict over identity. [R]
67.3953 GARLICK, Jeremy —
This article argues that lack of explanatory breadth and depth in connection with China's IRs demonstrates a shortcoming in mainstream IR theories such as neorealism, offensive realism and constructivism. A candidate for an IR theory which explains more with more is complexity theory (CT), which utilizes a conceptual toolkit including non-linearity, feedback effects, emergent properties and complex adaptive systems. CT's toolkit has not yet been developed into a clear theoretical lens in IR. This article analyzes the rise of China through the lenses of three mainstream theories and CT in order to assess the strengths and shortcomings of each approach and to suggest how CT's “conceptual toolkit” might be utilized to flesh out existing IR theories in order to explain China's rise more fully. [R, abr.]
67.3954 GERVASONI, Marco; ORSINA, Giovanni —
This special issue deals with the historical question of political factionalism and ideological polarization in post 1945 Italy from the point of view of delegitimation. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See also Abstr. 67.3082, 3302, 3361, 3377, 3494, 3989]
67.3955 GILL, Paul; PIAZZA, James A.; HORGAN, John —
Counterterrorism strategies involving the killing of terrorists are a prominently used but controversial practice. This article provides empirical insight into this strategy by conducting a series of negative binomial regression and Tobit estimations of the impact of killing Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) terrorists as well as members of the Catholic community on counts of PIRA bombings and targeting activity in Northern Ireland for the period 1970-1998. We consider the impact of discriminate and indiscriminate killings (where only PIRA militants are killed versus those in which both militants and civilians are also killed) on subsequent PIRA improvised explosive device (IED) attacks. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3956 GOMEZ, Edmund Terence; CHEOK Cheong Kee; VAKU-LABHARANM, Vamsi, eds. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 999-1001. Articles by Oren GRUENBAUM, “Commonwealth update”, pp. 613-619; Vamsi VAKULABHARANM and Rahul DE, “Growth and distribution regimes in India after independence”, pp. 621-640; LI Shi, “Income inequality and economic growth in China in the last three decades”, pp. 641-665; CHEOK Cheong Kee, WONG Chan Yuan and GOH Kim Leng, “Technology catch-up with Chinese characteristics: what can Southeast Asia learn from China?”, pp. 667-681; Edmund Terence GOMEZ, KHOR Yu Leng and ZHAO Fang, “State, society and enterprise development: Southeast Asia-China investment flows”, pp. 683-700; Amit Kumar MISHRA, “Diaspora, development and the Indian state”, pp. 701-721; Faizal Bin YAHYA, “The influence of China and India on smaller nations in Southeast Asia: a study of Singapore”, pp. 723-736.
67.3957 GRAY, Kevin; LEE, Jong-Woon —
Since the coming to power of Kim Jong Un in 2012, the North Korean government has announced a new set of economic management policies known as the June 28th measures in 2012 and the May 30th measures in 2014. These measures build upon the abandoned reforms of the early 2000s through restructuring North Korea's highly inefficient collective farm and state-owned enterprise management system. The government has intensified ongoing efforts at building special economic zones for the purpose of attracting foreign investment. As such, the country is attempting to emulate the reforms adopted by China in the late 1970s. Although the success of these efforts is by no means guaranteed, we argue that such attempts at economic reform are likely to continue. [R, abr.]
67.3958 GRIGORIEV, Ivan S.; DEKALCHUK, Anna A. —
The article questions the structural approach to autocratic transition that sees government as knowingly and purposely building autocracy, and contributes to the tradition emphasizing the plurality of possible regime developments and the role of contingency therein, by providing a more systematic treatment of such contingency. We offer a path-dependent theory of political change and use insights from cognitive institutionalism to show how ad hoc policy reform practices become accepted as a trusted way of interaction by political actors and how they “learn” their way into autocracy. This intuition is substantiated with a case-study of the labor reform in Putin's Russia. [R, abr.]
67.3959 GULZAR, Saad; PASQUALE, Benjamin J. —
When do politicians prompt bureaucrats to provide effective services? Leveraging the uneven overlap of jurisdictions in India, we compare bureaucrats supervised by a single political principal with those supervised by multiple politicians. With an original dataset of nearly half a million villages, we find that implementation of India's National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, the largest employment program in the world, is substantially better where bureaucrats answer to a single politician. Regression discontinuity estimates help increase confidence that this result is causal. Our findings suggest that politicians face strong incentives to motivate bureaucrats as long as they internalize the benefits from doing so. In contrast to a large literature on the deleterious effects of political interventions, our results show that political influence may be more favorable to development than is commonly assumed. [R]
67.3960 GURBEY, Gulistan —
From Turkey's point of view the strengthening of the Kurds in general and the PKK in particular plays a major role as regards the fight against the IS in Syria and Iraq. This perception is key to understand the collapse of the peace process with the PKK. While the Kurdish party HDP gained support and developed into an important opposition party in Turkey, the PKK achieved military successes in the fight against the IS in Northern Syria with its Syrian-Kurdish offshoot PYD beyond the border, consolidating its three self-administrated cantons in Syria. With an all-out war and containment strategy, the AKP government forcibly pushed back the HDP and the PKK/PYD since 2015. However, this strategy has not been able to solve the conflict about the political future of the Kurds. [R, abr.]
67.3961 HANKS, Reuel R. —
Under the late I. Karimov, the authoritarian regimes in Uzbekistan created dual myths of Islam: Islam was encompassed in the larger context of manaviyat (spirituality), and a myth of an Islamic “extremism” that challenges security and stability on a regional scale was cultivated. This “threat” characterizes the Karimov era, leading to a Janus-state syndrome in which Islam is simultaneously cast as a sine qua non of national myth and an existential threat to state security. This article examines the mythology of political Islam in Uzbekistan and the Janus-state syndrome resulting from the duality of Islamic myth. It argues that a civil society cannot flourish in Central Asia unless moderate Islamic groups are allowed to build the very social structures that provide the foundation for interaction, peaceful coexistence, toleration and pluralism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3988]
67.3962 HAO Zhidong; GUO Zhengyang —
Under Xi Jinping's administration, ideological control in China has been tightened and political dissent has become increasingly difficult, especially in universities. What can professors do? Our research in one university in central China finds that professors have multifaceted identities and engage in synchronous political roles as establishment/organic, non-establishment/professional and contra-establishment/critical intellectuals, although most take on the first two roles. [R, abr.]
67.3963 HUHE Narisong; TANG Min —
This study presents a contextual explanation of regime support by arguing that although an individual's instrumental economic calculation and intrinsic democratic value are important predictors of political support, the extent to which they matter is contingent on the nature of the regime, as defined primarily by democracy. Using data drawn from the second wave of the Asia Barometer, we find that economic perceptions are less important for regime support in democratic countries than they are in authoritarian countries, and an affection for democracy makes people more critical of the political system in authoritarian countries than in democratic countries. [R]
67.3964 HUI, Elaine Sio-ieng —
The Chinese party-state has been depicted in three major forms by the existing studies — the authoritarian state, developmental state and corporatist state. These depictions, however, only offer a partial understanding of the Chinese party-state and have failed to grasp its totality. Drawing upon the theoretical insights of Antonio Gramsci, this article contends that Chinese economic reform inaugurated in 1978 has been a top-down passive revolution and that, after three decades of reform, the role of the Chinese state has been changing from steering the country's passive revolution to establishing capitalist hegemony. [R, abr.]
67.3965 HUNT, Stacey
Wracked by crime and violence, Bogota, Colombia adopted a unique urban security policy in 1998 called Mission Bogota (MB). MB identifies the poor as “at risk” of being violent. The program seeks to decrease crime by employing the poor and educating them on entrepreneurial urban citizenship, fomenting their sense of belonging to the city, a good work ethic, conflict resolution skills, and cosmopolitanism. Participants are then employed as citizen “guides”, modeling their citizenship skills in public in order to instill exemplary citizenship in others by example. Based on one year of ethnographic research, I argue that MB uses pedagogy as a technology of governance to transfer responsibility for security provision from the state to society by making citizens responsible for their own security provision. [R, abr.]
67.3966 ISLAM, Sadequl —
The paper asserts that: (1) the binary view of political regimes (democracy versus authoritarianism) is too simplistic, given the fact that there are wide varieties of democracy and authoritarian regimes; (2) market-oriented reform in China and India alone are not adequate in explaining the dynamics of economic development in these two countries; (3) the role of the state in internalizing actual and potential externalities in an emerging market economy is a critical factor in economic development; (4) the Chinese model of development embodies political meritocracy as in other East Asian countries (for example, Singapore). The meritocratic element in the development state of China is far stronger in China compared to India. [R]
67.3967 KADERCAN, Burak —
ISIS remains unpredictable and inexplicable for two main reasons. First, the existing frameworks are not appropriate for a holistic assessment of the organization, prompting analysts to mistake ISIS's tactics or propaganda for its political objectives. Second, an almost exclusive emphasis on ISIS per se distracts from the symbiotic and complex relationship between ISIS and the bigger regional crisis. This article draws attention to three interrelated dynamics. First, ISIS is best seen as a “process”, not as a static “thing” that can be easily identified. Second, ISIS's successes and failures cannot be divorced from the multi-dimensional crisis in the region. Third, it is necessary to consider the groups' impacts on the greater Middle East with respect to two interrelated dimensions: sectarian tensions and existing ethnic relations. [R]
67.3968 KANAT, Kiliç Buğra —
China's overall national politics, identity politics, international image, national security perception, and relations with the Islamic world. No discussion of the issue has been undertaken or recognition of the existence of a problem. The region and its population continue to be perceived as a threat to the Chinese State. Because of this, Uyghur communities have become alienated from the state, and tension between Uyghurs and Han Chinese has escalated. The Uyghur issue has [become] a geopolitical and strategic problem for the emerging economic power and regional ambitions of China. The first step for the solution is possible only if China changes its approach to the issue and relieves its security based approach to the problem. [R]
67.3969 KESTLER, Thomas —
Although A. Lijphart's typology of consensus and majohtahan democracy can be regarded as the most widely used tool to classify democratic regimes, it has been rarely applied to Latin America. We adapt Lijphart's typological framework to the Latin American context [by] treating the type of democracy as an independent variable and including informal factors such as clientelism or informal employment in our assessment of democratic patterns. We [address] the following questions. First, how did the patterns of democracy evolve in Latin America over the two decades between 1990 and 2010 and what kind of differences can be observed in the region? Second, what are the institutional determinants of the observed changes? We focus on the emergence of new parties because of their strong impact on the first dimension of Lijphart's typology. [R, abr.]
67.3970 KING, Desmond —
Why, many Americans rightly ask, can material racial inequality and widespread segregation still persist 50 years after the enactment of key civil rights legislation and eight years after the election of an African American to the nation's highest office? Many from outside the US pose similar questions about modern America. The explanation lies with inconsistent and fluctuating levels of federal engagement to building material racial equality. National engagement fluctuates because it is energetically resisted and challenged by opponents of racial progress. This vulnerability to disruption is exposed by varying strategies of resistance, some fiscal, some violent, some judicial, some desultory and some combining violent protest against change with local electoral triumphs for anti-reformers. The effect is uniform: the slowing down or outright death of federal civil rights activism. [R] [See Abstr. 67.2841]
67.3971 KNOTT, Eleanor —
This article analyzes engagement with Russia's Compatriot policy, as an example of ethnizenship-type of quasi-citizenship, in Crimea, as the most likely case of Compatriot engagement. The article focuses on unpacking the lived experience of Compatriot identification and engagement and the rationale for this engagement. The article finds a narrow and niche engagement with the Compatriot policy in Crimea where only the most politicized and discriminated individuals, alongside beneficiaries of the Compatriot policy, identify as Compatriots. However, the article also finds dissatisfaction with the Compatriot policy because it fails to offer the kind of status, and rights and benefits, of “full” citizenship. Thus, while citizenship might be becoming fractured, via quasi-citizenship policies, citizenship remains the key point of entry to the kin-state. [R, abr.]
67.3972 LAGRANGE, Marc-André —
The International Conference on Great Lakes Region [ICGLR] and the Office of the Special Envoy of the UN for the Great Lakes Region were commissioned to establish peace in the Great Lakes region. Ten years later, regional integration and youth employment have been favored over the promotion of democracy, an issue which was integral to the ICGLR's mandate and has been merely relegated to the stabilization of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Such an economic re-orientation of the policies for the stabilization of the Great Lakes region seems to be rooted in a confrontation between the SADC [Southern African Development Community] and the EAC [East African Community], in the preservation of elites, and in the stigmatization of the youth as the main source of regional violence. [R] [See Abstr. 67.3501]
67.3973 LIN, Li-Wen —
The Chinese Communist Party has recently unveiled its new agenda for state-owned enterprise (SOE) reform. Most attention to date has focused on structural reform through the “mixed ownership” policy. This article directs attention to the professionalization of the SOE executive personnel, providing an empirical study on the managerial elite of China's financial and non-financial SOEs. The findings suggest a politically constrained management approach in the Chinese state-owned sector. Moreover, an innovative analysis of the SOE executive career patterns reveals that the state-controlled banks and industrial SOEs employ divergent human resource management methods. The anatomy of the SOE managerial elite in this article provides a timely evaluation of the recent SOE reform policy and a richer understanding of China's state-owned sector from a comparative capitalism perspective. [R]
67.3974 LIZZI, Renata —
Expo 2015 represented a major challenge for Milan and Italy. Built around the theme “Feeding the Planet, Energy for Life”, it combined local and global traditions, innovation, and technology, while establishing diplomatic and trade relations with many countries from around the world. The conclusion of a long process that had lasted about nine years, Expo 2015 was marked by difficulties in its governance and by delays in the implementation of its projects and works. The chapter focuses on 2015, the final race for the completion of works, and the event itself. It then discusses its representation by the various pavilions set up by the 158 participating countries. The final section discusses the outcome of Expo 2015. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3342]
67.3975 MARAT, Erica —
Kazakhstan's and Tajikistan's governments were able to successfully strengthen their reach and their capacity to control the population in the wake of deadly violence against regime opponents. Yet the process of deepening authoritarianism was not a straightforward affair. Both countries expanded their coercive capabilities — they upgraded policing in rural areas to improve intelligence-gathering on the local population and predict the rise of any anti-government activities. While doing so, however, leaders of both countries sought to frame their actions as an inclusive process that was sensitive to the grievances of the affected populations and the general public. This article adds to the literature on authoritarian state responses to insurgency by showing how authoritarian regimes create narratives, engage civil society and look for political advantage to expand the coercive apparatus. [R] [See Abstr. 67.3988]
67.3976 MARTÍNEZ, Rafa; DURÁN, Marién —
At the end of the 20th c. (after a long history of coups d'état, a military uprising, a civil war, and a four-decade dictatorship), the Spanish public had serious doubts about the democratic nature of the armed forces. In 1989, the Spanish armed forces first took part in an international mission. Now, after 25 years of continuous active participation in overseas missions, public opinion polls rank the armed forces as the second most trusted institution in the country. International missions have contributed to (1) modernizing the Spanish armed forces; (2) changing the mentality of the Spanish military; and (3) improving Spanish society's perception of the armed forces' role. All in all, the armed forces' performance abroad has helped improve domestic civil-military relations. [R]
67.3977 MASSÉ, Frédéric —
After 50 years of armed conflict and six years of negotiations, the signature of peace agreements between Bogota and one of the oldest guerrilla armies in the world has been tried twice. The initial accord was rejected in a referendum on 2 October [2016], plunging the country into a period of uncertainty. His efforts rewarded by the Nobel Peace Prize five days after the rejection, President Santos decided to negotiate with the opponents of the agreement. It was not easy, but in record time — under two months — a new version had been signed and ratified, this time by the Colombian Parliament. The hope now is that once the euphoria of celebrations has faded, President Santos and his successor in August 2018 will avoid potential post-conflict pitfalls. [R, abr.]
67.3978 McAULEY, James W.; FERGUSON, Neil —
This article draws on data from one-to-one interviews with members and former members of the Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association, Red Hand Commando, Ulster Political Research Group, and the Progressive Unionist Party to explore the dynamic and fluid perceptions of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Fein among Ulster loyalists. The article explores how attitudes and perceptions are influenced by the shifting political landscape in Northern Ireland as Ulster loyalists come to terms with the new realities created by the peace process, security normalization, decommissioning, and the rise in the threat of dissident republican violence. The article also demonstrates that these perceptions are pragmatic, bound to societal and local events, and influenced by intragroup attitudes and divisions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3979 MOREDA, Tsegaye —
The convergence of diverse global factors has resulted in renewed interest in land resources, leading to a rapid expansion in the scope and scale of (trans)national acquisition of arable land. Much of this land is on peripheral indigenous peoples' territories and considered a common property resource. Those most threatened are poor rural people with customary tenure systems — including indigenous ethnic minority groups, pastoralists and peasants — who need land most. In Ethiopia large areas have been leased to foreign and domestic capital for large-scale production of food and agrofuels, mainly in lowland regions where the state has historically had limited control. Much of the land offered is classified by the state and other elites as “unused” or “underutilized”, overlooking the spatially extensive use of land in shifting cultivation and pastoralism. [R, abr.]
67.3980 MORRISON, John F. —
With the advent of the new violent dissident merger, “The IRA/New IRA”, the group and its affiliates have had to legitimize their new existence. They have utilized the maintenance of paramilitary activity to achieve this. However, they have also produced a number of organizational statements, justifying their position, tactics, and strategies. This article analyzes the evolution of these statements, both pre and post-merger from 2007 to 2015. The analysis of these statements can provide us with an understanding of the future direction of the group, as well as giving us insight, which can inform the development of any counter-narrative. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3981 MORRISON, John F.; HORGAN, John —
The centenary of the 1916 Rising marks a time of peaceful commemoration, across the island of Ireland. However, several violent dissident republican groups wish to seize it as an opportunity to re-organize in an attempt to bolster and legitimize their sustained paramilitary campaign. This study seeks to provide a greater understanding of how this paramilitary activity has manifested from 2007 to mid-2015. We do this by assessing target selection, through analysis of the Violent Dissident Republican (VDR) events database. The data suggest that civilian targets are the most regularly attacked. However, when exclusively analyzing targets of detonated explosives, the data show that police, security personnel, and their infrastructure are more consistently targeted. The target selected can and does have an effect on attack method. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3982 MOSES, Jonathon W. —
This article considers the utility of emigration figures for signaling political dysfunction in Europe. If given a choice, most people would prefer not to leave friends, family and homes in order to find work. By assuming that international migration is more of a burden than a freedom, international migration patterns can help us distinguish between politically successful and politically dysfunctional states. This approach is first applied to international refugees and migrants to the EU, then used to study internal EU migrant flows. It creates two sets of rankings for Europe's most and least successful states. Included among the most dysfunctional states in Europe are Romania, Lithuania, Ireland, Croatia and Latvia. It would seem as though policymakers in these states are unable to satisfy their constituents' needs. [R] [See Abstr. 67.2841]
67.3983 MUNROE, Michelle A.; BLAKE, Damion K. —
Structural adjustment policies (SAPs) facilitate the hollowing out of the traditional roles performed by states. As a consequence, private entities (some perverse) offer services the state is incapable of or unwilling to provide. Beginning in the 1980s, SAPs plunged neighborhoods in Latin America and the Caribbean into socioeconomic, and political disorder. This paper assesses the relationship between neoliberal reforms to the Jamaican state and the metamorphosis of violence since the mid-1980s. Neoliberalism transformed violence in Jamaica by increasing inter-gang conflicts, shootings and gang-related murders in Kingston's garrisons. It also transformed political enforcers into community dons who use violence as a tool for business transactions in the international drug trade, and as a method of gaining local respect and authority. [R]
67.3984 NAMAZIE, Maryam —
Do British Muslim women have [fewer] rights than other citizens? The testimonies collected by the “One Law for All” association lead to that conclusion. In the UK, in the year of Our Lord 2016, there are women who are obliged to appear before the so-called Sharia courts. These courts have an outrageously tolerated jurisdiction in Great Britain and their rulings can leave women without housing, defenseless against polygamy, marital violence and rape and deny them the right to exercise parental authority and to divorce if husbands do not give their con-sent[See Abstr. 67.2869]
67.3985 NAMAZIE, Maryam —
In the UK, there are dozens of practicing Sharia courts that are scandalously tolerated by the government. These courts belong to a real, independent legal system that is (more or less freely) applied to Muslims who live in Britain in order to resolve, mainly, family law issues. On balance, Sharia mostly denies the most basic citizenship rights to women. Should this lead to the conclusion that Muslim women have less rights than other citizens? Minority women should be treated as independent citizens, with the same rights as everyone else, and not as extensions of their “communities”. [See Abstr. 67.2869]
67.3986 OCHIAI, Naoyuki —
In its 2003 Official Development Assistance Charter (ODA Charter), the Japanese government made peace-building one of its areas of focus. Since then, the government and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) have been active in organizing and implementing peace-building support projects in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. One of the government's initiatives is a peace-building project in Mindanao, the Philippines, an effort that represents a break from the traditional mold: the development support efforts started contributing to the peace process before the signing of any peace agreement took place. This article examines how the development support initiatives by the Japanese government and JICA have contributed to the peace process in Mindanao from 2003 to 2016. [R, abr.]
67.3987 ÖKTEM, Kerem —
Turkey's presence in the Balkans has been discussed for almost a decade. Turkey's foreign policy in Southeast Europe was seen as an almost logical extension of the successful “brand Turkey”, the synthesis of economic growth, democratic consolidation and integration of Muslim politics. While the excitement about this model may have been misplaced initially, the many different Turkish actors — state agencies, religious communities, and businessmen — did indeed work together for some time and contributed to the perception of Turkey as a multifaceted and pluralist, but powerful actor in the region. With Turkey's current multiplying crises and deepening conflicts, the collaboration between different religious and non-religious Turkish actors has come to an end. Turkey's foreign policy appears to go through a process of Islamization. [R, abr.]
67.3988 OMELICHEVA, Mariya Y. —
What are the sources of authoritarian persistence in Central Asia? This study explores the argument that authoritarian regimes persist through effective authoritarian legitimization. Drawing on the theory and analysis of discourse, it develops an approach to authoritarian legitimation and examines discursive appeals to legitimacy by the Kazakh and Uzbek presidents. The study also assesses the effectiveness of the presidential discourses of legitimacy for public perception of the governing regimes in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. This research shows that by defining what constitutes legitimate power and presenting political rule as consistent with this definition, authoritarian governments can foster certain modes of reasoning and evaluation among citizens, and create possibilities for their acceptance of the regime as “right” or “proper”. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Authoritarian persistence and resilience in Central Asia”, edited and introduced, pp. 473-480, by Charles E. ZIEGLER. See also Abstr. 67.3459, 3594, 3961, 3975]
67.3989 ORSINA, Giovanni —
Post-1994 delegitimizing discourses borrowed from antifascism and anticommunism. Yet, with the events of 1992-1994, the role, credibility, autonomy, and boundaries of the Italian political sphere entered a crisis, and this turned arguments about politics and antipolitics into new instruments of delegitimation. This article analyzes (1) how delegitimizing traditions survived the end of the Cold War, and how they interacted with the new issues generated by Tangentopoli. (2) Describes S. Berlusconi's anticommunism, nurtured by the persistence of pre-1989 memories. (3) Deals with antiberlusconism, which is also composed of three threads: antifascism; the refusal of the “spirit of the Eighties”; and moralism. The final section connects post-1994 delegitimizing discourses with the conflict between two opposed solutions to the crisis of the political, both fraught with contradictions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3954]
67.3990 PEAKE, Sandra; LYNCH, Orla —
Throughout the history of Northern Ireland's (NI) “Troubles”, over 3,800 individuals were killed, with between 40,000 to 100,000 individuals injured, leaving many families and communities struggling with the aftermath. In recent times a particular category of victims and survivors has been politically active and thus featured prominently in the media: “The Disappeared”. This article examines the experiences of the families of the Disappeared through a multilevel analysis of their public campaign seeking the return of the remains of their family members. Using data collected from the families, members of the ICLVR, and support workers, the experience of the families of the Disappeared are analyzed through accessing the social dynamics of silence (and loyalty), in-group affiliations, notions of sacrifice, and the attribution of blame. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3991 PEUGNY, Camille —
High youth unemployment, sinking living standards, low social mobility… Youngsters in France are facing numerous difficulties in their country. It is time for incisive political action, in order to prevent the sacrifice of an entire generation. [R, transI.] [See Abstr. 67.4020]
67.3992 PIOVANI, Chiara —
By setting ambitious green targets and by adopting strategic policy initiatives, China has become the world's largest investor in renewable energy. Yet China remains the world's largest coal consumer and the world's largest carbon dioxide emitter. The Chinese economy nears a crossroad: will it be able to maintain its commitment to green energies or will it fall back to its historical reliance on fossil fuels to sustain growth? This article evaluates the interplay between China's economy and environment over the course of the reform period, and investigates the set of forces that impinge upon China's ecological future. [R, abr.]
67.3993 PŁÓCIENNIK, Sebastian —
Poland's economy has grown dynamically over the course of two decades. However, it has not succeeded in closing the gap with Western Europe's economies. Therefore, the idea is taking hold in Poland that the country is caught in a “middle income trap”. The government of the Law and Justice party, in power since October 2015, would like to escape this by means of a more just economic model in which the state plays a greater role. [R]
67.3994 RAZAFINDRAKOTO, Mireille; ROUBAUD, François; SEN-TAMBA, Elias —
The decision of President P. Nkurunziza to run for a third term plunged Burundi into crisis. With the resurgence of political violence, there was a risk that the situation would spiral out of control. To what extent did this crisis reflect deep divisions or tensions between different groups in Burundi? Or did this crisis result mainly from the strategy of politicians ignoring the population's concerns and needs? This article addresses these questions using original data from a statistical household survey on “Governance, Peace and Security” (GPS-SHaSA) conducted in 2014. The analysis shows that the crisis was not linked to regional or ethnic divides, but was a clear illustration of politicians' individual strategies working against citizens' democratic aspirations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.3501]
67.3995 REKAWEK, Kacper —
In 1956, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) launched “Operation Harvest”, an overtly ambitious guerrilla effort that was meant to secure the political unity of Ireland by force of arms. It was waged against the backdrop of a “thaw” in international relations and drew inspiration from successful anti-colonial guerrilla struggles in Algeria and Cyprus. The IRA was unaware of the simultaneous, parallel, unsuccessful irredentist efforts in Central and Eastern Europe in which anti-communist guerrillas clashed with totalitarian security apparatuses of the USSR or its satellite states. This article contrasts the irredentist efforts of the IRA and the parallel Central and Eastern European guerrillas. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.3996 REYES, Danilo Andres —
This article argues that, in R. Duterte's “war on drugs”, state power is exercised through the body in a spectacle of humiliation and violence. Under Duterte administration, criminals are humiliated and killed in a spectacle of violence that politicizes their lives, sending a message that intimidates others. In the process, law-abiding citizens are meant to feel safe, which is seen as likely to increase the newly elected president's popularity and his power as chief executive. Duterte has thereby politicized life, not only putting criminals outside the benefit of state protection but actively targeting them. Duterte is the first mayor and president to have actively targeted criminals and, in doing so has encouraged other politicians to follow his example. The politicization of the bodies of criminals is distinctive in Duterte's form of violence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3388]
67.3997 ROSU, Felicia —
With its tradition of elected kings and rebellious nobility, Poland-Lithuania has acquired a certain amount of fame that extends beyond its own region. To anybody who has heard of the Polish-Lithuanian political system, it would probably come as no surprise that the Commonwealth's laws included the right to disobey a king who broke the promises he had made at his election. In contrast Transylvania's history is much more obscure to outsiders, even though it too included elected rulers, enthronement conditions and the right of resistance. The latter was introduced into Transylvania's constitutions later than in Poland-Lithuania; its first explicit mention dates from 1613. The Transylvanian case is analyzed in more detail because it is relatively less well known. [R, abr.]
67.3998 ROUCAYROL, Anne-Marie —
Introduction by Anne-Marie ROUCAYROL, pp. 5-10. Articles by Arun K. GUPTA, “Ce qui est arrivé à ‘Occupy Wall Street’ (What happened to Occupy Wall Street”, pp. 11-23; John DUDA, “La démocratie américaine en construction (The on-doing construction of democracy in America)”, pp. 24-36; Michel MULLER, “Black Lives Matter ‘La vie des noirs a de l'importance’”, pp. 37-45; Jim COHEN, “Le mouvement des droits des immigrés à l'échelle nationale et en terre frontalière (The immigrant rights movement on national scale and in the Arizona borderlands)”, pp. 46-57; Jean-Daniel COLLOMB, “Les mouvements environmentalistes aux États-Unis (The environmental movements in the USA)”, pp. 58-70.
67.3999 ROY, Olivier —
The Balkan states are relatively young nation-states that achieved independence through a succession of bloody wars, either civil, regional and/or global. All of them now claim, or aspire, to be modern, democratic and secular states, and are on their way to integration with their more “mature” Western European counterparts. The debate over progress of democratization and their capacities to integrate into the EU has brought to the fore issues of political “maturity” in terms of good governance, and the protection of minorities and other human rights. The harsh and sometimes bloody legacy of nation- and state-formation, amidst plural ethno-religious divisions, seemed to be an impediment to achieving the status of democratic states. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2796]
67.4000 SAIYA, Nilay Saiya —
This article examines the critically important but often neglected topic of religious freedom in the Middle East and North Africa in the context of the Arab Spring. While conceding that the Arab world generally suffers from a dearth of religious freedom, it argues that religious freedom is both achievable and necessary for regional peace and stability. The article concludes with some recommendations for American policymakers, proposing that one of the key ways the US can foster climates conducive to American security interests is by taking religious freedom seriously as an instrument of foreign policy. [R]
67.4001 SERFASS, David —
Whether or not to recognize the pro-Japanese collaborationist government established in China in March 1940 presented a dilemma for Western diplomacy. Western nations hesitated to make a decision, in the process revealing divergences among the democratic countries whose colonial interests in the region were threatened by the Japanese invasion, as well as those within the fascist camp, where tensions stemming from the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact were exacerbated by the China problem. Based on the diplomatic sources of the different parties involved, this article measures the impact of this little-known episode of World War II that weakened alliances in Europe and aggravated US-Japan relations on the eve of the Pearl Harbor attack. [R]
67.4002 SHAH, Fatima Agha —
This paper focuses on two case studies: the Georgian crisis that led to the declaration of independence of Georgia's two break-away areas, Abkhazia and Ossetia, and the Ukrainian crisis that led to the annexation of Crimea by Russia. An effort has been made by the author to offer an analysis of the EU's stand in these crises. On the basis of these two case studies, the role of Russia in Europe has also been examined and the author has ventured to make some forecasts in the light of recent trends. In addition, the paper presents an in-depth analysis of the impact of these crises on the EU. [R]
67.4003 SILKE, Andrew —
How, in the aftermath of victory against Germany, did Britain fail to win the subsequent struggle with the Irish Republican Army (IRA) between 1919 and 1921? This article assesses some of the key factors that played out in the conflict, drawing particular attention to the IRA's focus on the Royal Irish Constabulary and the consequences of this, and then later, how distorted perceptions of the proximity of success ultimately undermined British commitment. One of the most remarkable features of the conflict was the widespread belief among many on the British side (and more than a few in the Republican camp) that the IRA was on the verge of total defeat when the truce was declared in 1921. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “100 years of Irish Republican violence”, edited and introduced, pp. 409-416, by John F. MORRISON and Paul GILL. See also Abstr. 67.3916, 3950, 3955, 3978, 3980, 3981, 3990, 3995,4019]
67.4004 SOBELMAN, Daniel —
What are the sources of deterrence stability and under what conditions can weak actors deter stronger adversaries? To deter a superior adversary, the weak actor must convince it that if conflict breaks out, the weak actor would be capable of rendering its opponent's strategic capabilities tactical and its own tactical capabilities strategic. The deterrence relationship that has evolved between Israel and the Lebanese Hezbollah in the decade since the 2006 Lebanon War confirms this observation. A comparison of these two actors' deterrence behavior in the years preceding the war and in its aftermath shows that one of the leading explanations for the ongoing stability along the Israeli-Lebanese border is that Israel and Hezbollah have learned to apply deterrence in a manner that meets the prerequisites of rational deterrence theory. [R, abr.]
67.4005 SPÖRI, Tobias —
In the literature, the “post-communist heritage” is treated as one of the most important explanations for the lack of political participation in the Central and Eastern Europe. In a first step, the paper disentangles the post-communist heritage. In contrast to the widely held beliefs in large parts of the literature, the post-communist heritage is not as monolithic as it is portrayed. With respect to the variety across countries and over time, this paper breaks down positive and negative facets of the post-communist heritage. It argues that the effects of the transformation are still underplayed in research on political participation in Central and Eastern Europe. By mainly focusing on cultural explanations, scholars therefore tend to lose sight of present explanations for weak political participation in the region. [R, abr.]
67.4006 STEELE, Brent J. —
This paper builds upon work that has used ontological security to understand problematic and violent state practices, and how they relate to the securitizing of identity. Yet like much work which has utilized it in IR theory, the application of ontological security theory (OST) to state “drives” has provided only a superficial unpacking of “the state”. Alongside “the state” and “late modernity”, the paper therefore explores several complementary sites shaping the ontological security-seeking process of, within and around states. The paper reads the 2000s re-embrace of torture by the US by examining ontological security alongside: (1) the structural level via L. Sjoberg's “gender-hierarchical” argument; (2) the routinized organizational processes (via G. Allison) of the US intelligence community and specifically the CIA; and (3) the narrated interplay between public opinion and elite discourses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.2854]
67.4007 SÜMER, Sevil; ESLEN-ZIYA, Hande —
This article focuses on the resurgence of women's movements in Turkey and Norway against the backdrop of their historical trajectories and wider gender policies. Throughout the 2010s, both countries witnessed a similar set of conservative and neoliberal policies that intervened in women's bodily rights. In both countries, women's movements responded with mass mobilizations and influenced the political agenda. The proposed restrictions on abortion were interpreted as a restriction on women's basic bodily rights in both countries. This article argues that a feminist, multidimensional reconceptualization of the concept of citizenship and a definition of abortion as an element of women's bodily citizenship rights are useful to promote a strong and encompassing argument for mobilization. [R, abr.]
67.4008 SURKHAY MAMMADOV, Sadir—
The opinion report considers relations between international norms, Azerbaijan's national legal system and political understandings of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. It discusses classification of Armenian actions in a context of the international law's development and an impact of international regulations on national criminal codes. Therefore, it presents the Azerbaijani perspective on major political aspects of the Nagorno-Karabakh war and international response to Armenian occupation of Azerbaijan's territories. Moreover, it evaluates Armenian actions in the region with reference to the definition of genocide and international policy of its prevention. [R, abr.]
67.4009 TAMIMI, Azzam —
What started as a peaceful protest in the spring of 2011 soon developed into one of the most vicious and internationalized conflicts of modern times. The Syrian people's quest for freedom has proven to be so costly that nearly an entire population is today homeless and entire cities are in total ruin. No longer localized, this conflict has attracted the intervention of groups and countries from across the region and around the world. Yet, the Syrian people seem no less resolved to pursue the objectives for which they rose five years ago. [R] [First article of a series of articles on “The Syrian mayhem quo vadis?”. See also Abstr. 67.3251, 3569, 3814]
67.4010 TOSZEK, Bardomiej H. —
The Welsh identity is undisputable in national (i.e., ethnic), social, cultural and even economic dimensions; however, it is doubtful in political sphere because vast majority of the Welsh still cannot decide of they are more Welsh or British. The “double identity” dilemma was visible especially during devolution referendums voting in 1979, 1997 and 2011 when non-political motives were often much more determinative then the factor of belonging to the Welsh community in political meaning. Thus, answering to the question about devolution referendum role in shaping political dimension of Welshness requires thorough analysis of the referendum results as an evident figures of public support for establishing legal and institutional guarantees of maintaining and developing all aspects of national identity. [R, abr.]
67.4011 TRUEX, Rory —
Consultative authoritarianism challenges existing conceptions of non-democratic governance. Citizen participation channels are designed to improve policy-making and increase feelings of regime responsiveness, but how successful are these limited reforms in stemming pressure for broader change? The article develops a new theoretical lens to explain how common citizens perceive the introduction of partially liberalizing reforms and tests the implications using an original survey experiment of Chinese netizens. Respondents randomly exposed to the National People's Congress' (NPC) new online participation portals show greater satisfaction with the regime and feelings of government responsiveness, but these effects are limited to less educated, politically excluded citizens. [R] [See Abstr. 67.4012]
67.4012 TSAI, Lily
What do comparativists have to gain by reading recent work on China? I focus specifically on the ways in which scholarship on China can contribute to the task of theory-building in comparative politics. I identify two areas that could reap particularly high benefits from considering scholarship on China — comparative political development and the political behavior of development — and I discuss some of the specific contributions that China scholarship can make to building comparative theory in these areas. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “China and comparative politics”. See also Abstr. 67.3091, 3138, 3350, 3455, 3467, 4011]
67.4013 URT, João Nackle —
This article is about indigenous sovereignties and how they have been occluded in the currently globalized European system of states. The method employed is a case-study of two of the most impoverished and brutalized Indigenous Peoples in Brazil: the Guarani and the Kaiowa. In an attempt to transit between the world of Westphalia and non-European worlds, it engages in a conversation with Guarani and Kaiowa knowledge. Then, through a long-term historical analysis, it examines the main colonial processes that caused the occlusion of Guarani and Kaiowa sovereignty. Finally, it provides a broader perspective on how the diffusion of the European model of sovereignty, confronted with Indigenous resistance, has led to the social exclusion of Indigenous Peoples worldwide. [R, abr.]
67.4014 URZI, Domenica; WILLIAMS, Colin —
To further advance the literature which contests the shift from national to post-national citizenship, the aim of this paper is to compare the experiences of two groups of migrants to reveal how national immigration policies remain influential and determine the employment and living conditions of migrants. Reporting evidence from Italy on the different experiences of non-EU (Tunisian) and EU (Romanian) migrants employed as seasonal workers in the agricultural sector in Sicily, the finding is that the degree of exploitation they witness in their working conditions is shaped by their citizenship entitlements. The outcome is that it is revealed that (European Union) citizenship status, rather than formal employment, provides greater belonging and security to economic migrants. [R]
67.4015 VAN DER MEER, Tom; HAKHVERDIAN, Armen —
This article extends and tests the trust-as-evaluation approach that is dominant in political science. Citizens supposedly grant and withhold trust in politics based on an assessment of its merits. We argue that the relevance of performances and processes should be conditional on the values that citizens hold dear and the accuracy with which they perceive them. Through multilevel analyses of the European Value Survey 2008, we model the (conditional) effects of a wide range of macro-economic outcomes and procedural characteristics on two aspects of political trust: satisfaction with democracy and confidence in political institutions. We find that macro-economic outcomes do not relate to political trust once we control for corruption. [R, abr.]
67.4016 VESAN, Patrik —
This chapter analyzes some of the major labor reforms implemented by the Renzi government in 2015 on youth employment, with reference to the Jobs Act. The strategy pursued by the executive has been to concentrate on combating the segmentation of the labor market by liberalizing individual and collective dismissals and introducing a new type of contract, which offers a generous incentive for new permanent hires. The main goal of this strategy is to decrease the divisions between insiders and outsiders in the hope that this measure will encourage employers to stabilize workers, especially the younger ones, and invest in the development of human capital. Such a strategy, however, rests on weak foundations, which might call into question M. Renzi's leadership. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3342]
67.4017 VLAVONOU, Gino —
This paper examines the transition in the Central African Republic (CAR) after its first multiparty election in 1993. With the election of F.-A. Touadéra in March 2016, reflecting on the past twenty years is relevant to understand the challenges the new president faces. This article focuses on the insecurity of elites as having no ontological core to explain why the governing elite in the CAR relies on a neopatrimonial style of governing. Consequently, as the elite's insecurity increases, neopatrimonialism moves towards a narrower clientelism in which resources only reach an increasingly small circle of cronies. The article concludes that insecurity is linked to the exclusionist policies that have prevented the democratic transition in the CAR. [R] [See Abstr. 67.3501]
67.4018 WALLIS, Joanne —
There is a palpable sense of humility within the UN and other international institutions regarding peace-building. Rather than seeking to implement the liberal peace, they now pursue the more modest goal of “good enough” outcomes. This shift reflects a growing consensus in the critical literature that space needs to be provided for the local agency that will ultimately determine the outcomes of peace-building. At first blush this emphasis on local agency is positive; it offers an important correction to the technocratic and generally top-down nature of liberal peace-building. But, is the “good enough” approach to peace-building good enough? What are the pitfalls and potential of the local turn? This article uses a case study of Timor-Leste to answer these questions. [R, abr.]
67.4019 WHITING, Sophie —
In order to explore Sinn Féin within the modern political arena, this article first examines the broader debate surrounding how armed groups make the transition into constitutional politics. Second, public opinion survey data is used to judge the basis of Sinn Féin's electoral appeal. Finally, internal party documents are used to examine party structure, intra-party democracy, and professionalisation in order to judge the extent to which Sinn Féin have completed the transition from being a “mouthpiece” to their armed counterpart, towards being a “normal” political party. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4003]
67.4020 WIEGEL, Michaela —
The 2015 and 2016 jihadist-inspired terrorist attacks in France occurred during the country's peak of economic stagnation and political stalemate. France is more disunited than ever and its society is fragmented. [R, transI.] [First article of a thematic issue on “France”. See also Abstr. 67.3088, 3287, 3375, 3861, 3991]
67.4021 WILLCOXON, George Frederick —
Post-war Libya provides an interesting case study for how weakly institutionalized political opportunity structures shape and are shaped by decisions of emergent groups, especially newly mobilized Islamist actors. For mainstream actors, these interactions produced incentives for de-escalation during dozens of violent skirmishes that took place from 2011 to 2014 that, in other contexts, could have tipped into civil war. At the same time, the stalemated environment gave Jihadist groups incentives to put down roots, husband resources and then intensify their terrorism campaigns. This article assesses patterns of contention produced by these interactions, and explains how they influenced post-war political developments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.3933]
67.4022 WOLFORD, Wendy —
Land reform has been one of the most contentious issues in Brazilian political history. Most of the scholarship, however, has invoked the state as the site of policy-making and political direction and paid little attention to the state workers responsible for actually implementing reform. I present a qualitative analysis of the agency in charge of land distribution and settlement since 1970, the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA). I argue that understanding the politics of reform requires attention to the political culture within INCRA, which can be explained only through examination of the agency's long history as first a tool of frontier colonization and then a response to social mobilization. [R, abr.]
67.4023 WOODS, Jackson S.; DICKSON, Bruce J. —
By most accounts, nationalism in China is on the rise, as seen in both patriotic displays and anti-foreign protests. This article disaggregates two types of nationalism: patriotism and victimization derived from the “century of humiliations”. An original, nationwide public opinion survey of urban China shows that these two types of nationalism are derived from similar attributes and attitudes (causes) but have dissimilar impacts on views toward foreign countries (effects). In order to understand properly the causes of rising nationalism in China and its possible implications, observers must begin with the recognition that patriotism and anti-foreign sentiments are not simply two sides of the same coin, but two separate and distinct types of nationalism. [R]
67.4024 YANG, Dali
China's pursuit of rapid growth has gone hand-in-hand with the development and elaboration of a stability maintenance regime. If there is a China model, then a key element of that model is the stability maintenance regime. This article traces the origins and evolution of the multiple institutions that make up this regime and reveals a confluence of technocratic leadership and organizational factors that have shaped the character and dynamics of this regime, including its intensification in the 2000s. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.4030]
67.4025 YANG Nan —
East Asia's economic and social structures came under pressure in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the productivist welfare capitalism (PWC) thesis faced a fundamental challenge. This paper explores the veracity of the PWC thesis by exploring six social policy fields, including education, health care services, family, old-age pensions, housing and protective labor market policy, in China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan using fuzzy-set ideal type analysis (FslTA). The findings suggest that it is inaccurate to talk about one single, homogeneous welfare model in East Asia. Despite persistent similarities in regard to their cultural foundations, cases in Greater China and East Asia have distinctive social policy development trajectories often combining “productive” and “protective” policies in unique ways. [R]
67.4026 YEH, Rihan —
This article explores citizenship and sovereignty at the Mexico-US border through jokes told about and around checkpoint encounters. In Tijuana, I argue, US state recognition validates the proper, middle-class citizenship of Mexicans resident in Mexico. Attitudes towards the US, however, remain ambivalent. I begin by exploring the checkpoint jokes of drug-traffickers as represented in several narcocorridos (popular ballads about drug-trafficking). Though this music is disapproved of by most people invested in US state recognition, I show next how middle-class jokes build on the trope of the trickster-trafficker to parry state interpellation. Finally, I examine the consular interview for the US Border Crossing Card, a key site knitting together US and Mexican regimes of citizenship. [R, abr.]
67.4027 YEŞiLADA, Birol Ali; TANRIKULU, Osman Göktuğ —
This study utilizes both the Power Transitions Theory and the Human Development Theory to foresee Turkey's future regional relations. The findings indicate that Turkey's relations with the EU, Russia and Iran will be quite challenging. The probability of conflict between Turkey-Russia and Turkey-Iran will increase. Compared to Iran, Turkey's propensity of conflict with Russia will be higher. Only in a scenario of joining the EU, Turkey's probability of conflict with Russia and Iran decreases. EU membership stabilizes Turkey's most challenging regional relationships. On the other hand, Human Development Dynamics demonstrate that Turkey is moving away from major European countries in terms of values, becoming less secular and more traditional. Value convergence is a significant factor in integration, indicating that the likelihood of Turkey's European integration is slim. [R, abr.]
67.4028 YESILTAS, Ozum —
Since the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, successive regimes in Iran promoted competing conceptions of Iranian national identity. Competing discourses around nation-building and identity strikingly intersect with the struggle for democratization in Iran. Since the Islamic Revolution, the pro-democracy movement in the country takes place on two fronts: the confrontation between the conservatives and the reformists, and the challenge posed by the ethnic movements towards the official denial of the ethnic and religious diversity of Iran. This article argues that be they reformist or conservative, successive governments in Iran have refused to recognize the multi-ethnic structure of Iranian society and the legitimate rights of the ethnic groups. Therefore, a regime-change would be unlikely to alter the social and political status of ethnic and religious minorities unless the ethnic movements and the pro-democracy opposition collaborate. [R, abr.]
67.4029 YIN Weiwen —
Natural resource abundance may have political or economic consequences. Some argue that natural resource abundance can have a negative effect on democratic transition and the consolidation of democracy. Such effect is conceptualized as “natural resource curse” in political aspect. But the mechanism through which natural resource stock leads to a less democratic regime with more authoritarian features is not yet fully clarified. I use a case study about Xinjiang to test my theory. That is, distributional inequality between Han Chinese and the ethnic minorities over the resource revenue results in more resistance from the Uyghurs, thus the government responds with a stricter social control. This paper is aimed at offering both a theoretical creation and an explanation for the current instability in Xinjiang. [R]
67.4030 ZHAO Suisheng —
The China model debate has come in three waves since the early 2000s and focused on the role of the state as an organizing force to lead China's modernization. This article argues that while the alluring story of China's high growth blinded its dark side for a long time, the economic downturn after 2015 is nothing more than an expedient time for Chinese leaders not only to transform China's growth model from export and investment-driven to qualitative internal development, but also to build institutional checks on the state authority and to hold the state accountable. If China is able to complete the transition on both fronts, the China model will stand, but a sustained downturn or a lost decade or two could declare the end of the China model. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The China model revisited”. See also Abstr. 67.3110, 3936, 3942, 4024]
67.4031
Articles by Jörg HACKMANN; Karsten BRÜGGMANN; Sigita URDZE; Ada-Charlotte REGELMANN; Eva-Clarita PETTAI; Kai-Olaf LANG; Dorothee BOHLE.
67.4032
Articles by MOON Chung-in, “Managing North Korean nuclear threats: in defense of dialogue and negotiations”, pp. 74-82; XIAO Ren, “Old wine in a new bottle? China's Korea problem”, pp. 83-89; Yasuhiro IZUMIKAWA, “Acting on the North Korea playbook: Japan's responses to North Korea's provocations”, pp. 90-96; Van JACKSON, “Deterring a nuclear-armed adversary in a contested regional order: the ‘trilemma’ of US-North Korea relations”, pp. 97-103; Andrei LANKOV, “Why nothing can really be done about North Korea's nuclear program”, pp. 104-10; Céline PAJON, “Japan's coast guard and maritime self-defense force in the East China Sea: can a black-and-white system adapt to a crazy-zone reality?”, pp. 111-130; Robert HUISH, “The failure of maritime sanctions enforcement against North Korea”, pp. 131-152.