Abstract
67.5597 ABDULLAH, Walid Jumblatt —
This article explores the nature of the main opposition parties to the incumbent hegemonic regimes in Malaysia and Singapore. I argue that the differing characters of these opposition parties should be considered. In Singapore, where there is no ideological challenge to the ruling party, I contend that even if the opposition takes over it will be the end of a hegemonic party but not hegemony. In Malaysia, the opposite is true. This article contributes to the literature on transition theory in two ways: (1) it recognizes the diversity of authoritarian regimes and enhances analyses of various authoritarian regimes by focusing on one type — hegemonic parties; and (2) it brings ideology into the reckoning by focusing on the nature of the opposition parties most likely to take over. [R]
67.5598 ABDULLAH, Walid Jumblatt —
This article analyzes the role of counter-ideology in dealing with a particular type of terrorism: Muslim jihadist extremism. This paper reiterates findings from existing research, in arguing that counter-ideology is indispensable for three reasons: first, to prevent Muslims from genuinely believing that terrorism is sanctioned by the faith; second, it is instructive to assure non-Muslims that Islam per se, is not the problem; and finally, it can be used to “rehabilitate” terrorists who are in detention. [R, abr.]
67.5599 ACKERMANN, Kathrin —
Building on a growing literature concerned with the link between psychological dispositions and political protest behavior, we argue that this relationship is not universal, but rather depends on contextual factors. Political context factors are able to alter the meaning and understanding of participatory repertoires. This, in turn, leads to differential effects of personality on participation. We argue that direct democracy constitutes such a political context that can act as moderating factor with regard to protest participation. In order to test this interaction between person and situation empirically, we conduct a subnational comparative analysis of the Swiss cantons. Hierarchical regression models reveal that the personality traits openness to experience and extraversion affect protest behavior directly. Most importantly, however, the link between openness to experience and protest participation is significantly moderated by direct democracy. [R, abr.]
67.5600 ADAM, Silke, et al. —
We ask how pro-European parties communicate in the face of a Euroskeptic challenge and how this affects the politicization of EU integration within a country. We draw on a quantitative content analysis of parties’ press releases issued in the run-up to the 2014 EP elections in seven countries. Our results show that pro-European parties as such put Europe on the agenda, debate issues similar to those voiced by Euroskeptics and defend their pro-European positions: yet, they do so to varying degrees and with major exceptions. It is pro-European catch-all parties with strong internal dissent that silence Europe and choose blurring or adoption strategies. Consequently, the politicization of European integration varies among countries, thereby high topic visibility is accompanied by low levels of party conflict. [R]
67.5601 ADRAOUI, Mohamed-Ali —
How do purist Salafist communities frame the issue of politics? Known to display a reluctance towards political engagement and activism, unlike Islamists and Jihadists, purist Salafists, especially those who live within a non-Muslim-majority country such as France, highlight that Islam has nothing to do with classical political activism. Consequently, a major issue that needs to be examined is how purist Salafists reconcile their desires to preach and shape society through a process of public involvement and their efforts to refrain from engaging with political institutions. This article explores to what extent the notion of militant apoliticism is useful in describing this strategy of public engagement. [R]
67.5602 ALGUACIL GONZÁLEZ-AURIOLES, Jorge —
The appearance on the political scene of two new parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos, may be an inflection point in the current Spanish Democratic system. The scope of this paper is to analyze how this emergence may influence to guarantee the internal democracy in political parties. The intra-party democracy, meaning the possibility of politic participation inside the parties, is of prime importance. Enhanced political participation of the citizens depends mostly on the possibilities of the success of this internal political participation. We analyze the existence of social forces that might help in fulfilling this work, paying special attention to the denominated currents of opinion inside the parties. The best way to ensure intra-party democracy is the existence of political pluralism, and consequently the emergence of new parties. [R, abr.]
67.5603 ALLEN, Trevor J. —
Studies on Western European far-right parties have increasingly referenced instances of far-right success in post-communist states. These parties are similar in their Euroskepticism and exclusionary populism. However, little work has compared voters for the far-right between regions. Different political opportunity structures have consequences for far-right voter profiles in four important respects. First, the linkage between anti-immigrant attitudes and far-right support is stronger in Western Europe. Second, far-right voters in Western Europe are less religious than their post-communist counter-parts. Third, post-communist far-right voters are economic leftists, whereas rightist attitudes toward income redistribution slightly predict a far-right vote in Western Europe. Finally, far-right voters in Western Europe are more satisfied with democracy as a regime type. [R, abr.]
67.5604 ANDRE, Audrey; DEPAUW, Sam —
Citizen-elite congruence has long been considered an important yardstick for the quality of democracy. The literature on citizen satisfaction with democracy, however, has reduced congruence almost exclusively to one of its components, policy congruence. Just as citizens are considered to have positions on policy issues, there is growing scholarly interest in the preferences they have about the process of representation. Yet studies inquiring into the impact of the divergent preferences that citizens and elites have regarding the representational process thus far have been few and their results inconclusive. Combining new, unique data from the 2014 Belgian Election and Candidate Studies, we address this lacuna. Our findings indicate that we cannot understand citizen satisfaction without also taking process into account — even as the policy gap has the greater effect. [R, abr.]
67.5605 ANSON, Ian G. —
This study examines the processes through which partisans update their (biased) economic judgments during periods of mixed and asymmetric economic performance. I show evidence that citizens express relatively unbiased perceptions of the movement of the stock market, suggesting that partisans do not engage in processes of motivated reasoning when reporting judgments of widely available economic data. Instead, partisans respond to fluctuations in stock market performance by revising their assumptions about the way the economy works: in response to positive or negative developments, the stock market is perceived to be more or less important for the health of the broader US economy depending upon Americans’ partisan worldviews. This form of biased narrative construction has substantial importance in light of a “two-speed” post-Great Recession economy. [R]
67.5606 ARMUS, Seth —
M. Houellebecq has an unusual gift for revealing the nervous underside of modern life, so when his “futuristic” novel about an Islamic France, Submission, was released on the very day of the Charlie Hebdo attacks, the coincidence was both horrific and apropos. Most criticism focuses on the anti-Muslim and anti-Enlightenment elements of the novel, I argue that Submission should be seen primarily as an engaged work of cultural politics. Houellebecq, measuring the temperature of today's France, presents a culturally collapsed nation of the near future and focuses on women and Jews as the victims — sacrificed, as it were, by the secular elite. He pulls heavily from current events, while drawing on the memory of Vichy and the Occupation. [R, abr.]
67.5607 ATKINSON, Matthew D.; DeWITT, Darin —
Academic and popular accounts hold that celebrity activists command the attention of political elites. One manifestation of this idea is that celebrities garner greater congressional attention at committee hearings than the substantive experts who typically serve as witnesses. This implies that Members of Congress do not value interaction with experts and are willing to forego those interactions to allocate time to activities with low opportunity costs — activities unimportant enough that they can be passed up for a celebrity encounter. To evaluate these claims, we examined hearing attendance during a 20-year period. We found that celebrity witnesses have little effect on member attendance rates, which suggests that celebrities are a less efficacious route to congressional attention than is commonly believed. [R]
67.5608 AYTAÇ, S. Erdem; ÇARKOĞLU, Ali; YILDIRIM, Kerem —
A key issue on the Turkish political agenda concerns a transition to presidentialism, with a constitutional amendment proposal submitted in December 2016. While the positions of political elites are well-known, we lack a detailed analysis of the electorate's views on such a transition. To fill this gap, we present cross-sectional and panel data collected over the period from spring 2015 to winter 2015–2016. Partisanship emerges as the key factor shaping views on presidentialism, and reflections of the center-periphery cleavage in Turkish politics are also visible. The shift of the Turkish nationalist constituency's views in favor of presidentialism has been a significant trend in the aftermath of the June 2015 general election. [R]
67.5609 BANJAC, Marinko —
ICT and the internet are frequently seen as a viable solution for achieving better government, increasing citizens’ political participation and improving service quality and the quality and delivery of government services. This article explores the systematization and services of the Slovenian e-government through a citizen-centred lens. The development and current systematization and functioning of e-government is analyzed in two respects. First, the article assesses and interprets the (historical) formation of Slovenian e-government from its early beginnings. Second, the Slovenian e-government is analyzed via an interpretation of available statistical data with an emphasis on how citizens use e-government, how efficient and effective it is, and whether it can be considered a participatory platform for citizens to become engaged in political matters. [R, abr.]
67.5610 BARNES, Tiffany D.; TCHINTIAN, Carolina; ALLES, Santiago —
Although a growing number of countries have implemented electronic voting, few scholars have considered the unintended consequences of such reforms. We argue that changes in ballot structure imposed by electronic voting, implemented under the exact same electoral rules, can facilitate ballot-splitting. Exploiting data from three elections and a novel ballot reform in Salta, Argentina — electronic voting was incrementally introduced over multiple elections — we provide an empirical analysis of how ballot structure influences ballot-splitting. We use the Geographic Information System to reconstruct precinct demographics and matching to address threats to random assignment. This empirical strategy allows us to treat our data as a quasi-experiment. We find that precincts casting electronic ballots under an Australian ballot, rather than the ballot-and-envelope system, have significantly higher rates of ballot-splitting. [R, abr.]
67.5611 BAUER, Nichole M.; YONG, Laurel Harbridge; KRUPNIKOV, Yanna —
In American politics, legislative compromise is often seen as a necessary and desirable aspect of policymaking, yet people also value politicians who stick to their positions. We consider these conflicting expectations of legislators and ask two intertwined questions: what conditions lead people to punish legislators for not compromising (when legislative action is at stake) and, conversely, what conditions leave people more willing to overlook a legislator's unwillingness to engage in compromise? Relying on previous research, we suggest that legislator gender, legislator partisanship, and issue area may all affect which legislators are punished for not compromising. Relying on two national experiments, we demonstrate that the extent to which lawmakers are punished for not compromising is conditional on the intersection of the three factors in this study. [R, abr.]
67.5612 BAUMANN, Markus; DEBUS, Marc; GROSS, Martin —
We investigate whether parties with internally disputed platforms are more successful in transferring their policy preferences into coalition agreements. In addition, we examine whether sub-national party branches that (have to) form a coalition rejected by the national party leadership are facing the pressure of performing particularly well in the coalition negotiations in order to justify the outcome of the coalition formation process against the national-level party. These expectations are tested on the basis of statements on the policy positions and coalition preferences made by party representatives before elections in Germany from 2006 to 2015 in combination with characteristics and results of the coalition negotiations on the German state level. The findings provide evidence that programmatically heterogeneous parties are able to achieve better policy compromises in coalition negotiations. [R, abr.]
67.5613 BAUMANN, Markus; DEBUS, Marc; KLINGELHÖFER, Tristan —
Mixed-member electoral systems are supposed to simultaneously produce coherent parties and ensure the representation of local interests. We regard the competitiveness of MPs’ bids for renomination as a crucial indicator of the degree to which MPs are punished when deviating from the interests of their principals. The theoretical account we develop makes the competitiveness of MP renomination conditional on the characteristics of the electoral system, the candidate-selection regime, an MP's parliamentary behavior, government status, and district characteristics. Corroborating our expectations, the analysis of the candidate-selection processes in the run-up to the 2013 German Bundestag election shows that an increasing degree of ideological deviation from the party line results in a worse position on the party list for opposition MPs but does not affect the renomination of list candidates from the government camp or district candidates. [R, abr.]
67.5614 BEBBER, Robert Jake —
The US is challenged by adversaries who seek to alter fundamentally the systemic balance of power through information-based strategies. These strategies leverage both legal and illegal operations to gain influence and control over key industries and information resource domains to constrain American freedom of action. It is a larger geo-economic and geo-informational campaign by adversaries to harvest information in support of military, diplomatic, economic, and global political goals. To respond, the US government must understand that information is a strategic resource. An American response might be to erode its competitors’ economic and informational advantages, attack their dependencies on other strategic resources, and exploit their information control systems. Cyberspace operations may provide some competitive advantage, but first they must be employed effectively. [R, abr.]
67.5615 BENJAMIN, Daniel, et al. —
Quadratic voting and the normalized gradient addition mechanism are both social choice mechanisms that confront individuals with quadratic budget constraints, but they are applicable in different contexts. Adapting one or both to apply to the same context, this paper explores the relationship between these two mechanisms in three contexts: marginal adjustments of continuous policies, simultaneous voting on many public choices, and voting on a single public choice accompanied by private monetary consequences. In the process, we provide some formal analysis of quadratic voting when (instead of money) votes are paid for with abstract tokens that are equally distributed by the mechanism designer. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5616 BENOIT, William L. —
Few studies examine the content of political direct-mail advertising (pamphlets, brochures) despite the fact that this campaign medium remains a popular means of reaching voters. This study reports a functional analysis of 68 direct-mail advertisements employed in Ohio [US] in 2016. These messages acclaimed more than they attacked; no defenses occurred in this sample. The topics of the statements in these texts were about evenly split between policy (48%) and character (52%). As predicted, both general goals and ideals were employed more frequently to acclaim than to attack. This study adds to our knowledge of direct-mail advertising and non-presidential ads (only 6% of the brochures in this sample were from the presidential race). [R] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5617 BEYENS, Stefanie, et al. —
New-Flemish Alliance (N-VA) burst on the scene barely a decade ago and is now Belgium's largest political party. One explanation for this success is that N-VA is not brand new but rose from the ashes of a dissolved party. How exactly should we differentiate between new and old parties? We use S. Barnea and G. Rahat's [“Out with the old, in with the ‘new': what constitutes a new party? ibid. 17(3), May 2011: 303–320; Abstr. 61.5639] analytical framework to assess dimensions of N-VA's newness and capture the party at two stages — start-up and more developed. This shows that N-VA is a successor party, building on its predecessor's ideology and program, its electorate, activists and organization. However, we also find indicators that the party actively renewed in terms of ideology and party organization. [R, abr.]
67.5618 BISHOP, Bradford H.; DUDLEY, Mark R. —
While a large body of research exists regarding the role of industry money on roll-call voting in the US Congress, there is surprisingly little scholarship pertaining to industry influence on state politics. This study fills this void in an analysis of campaign donations and voting during passage of Act 13 in Pennsylvania during 2011 and 2012. After collecting information about natural gas production in state legislative districts, we estimate a series of multivariate models aimed at uncovering whether campaign donations contributed to a more favorable policy outcome for industry. Our findings indicate that campaign donations played a small but systematic role in consideration of the controversial legislation, which represented one of the first and most important state-level regulatory reforms for the hydraulic fracturing industry. [R]
67.5619 BLAIR, Alasdair —
This article discusses the findings of a pilot study that examined the adjustment experience of first-year students to university study. Based on a sample of 51 first-year students at one UK university, the article finds that while the majority of students considered that workloads, nature of assessment, level of independent reading, and learning were broadly in line with their expectations, they were less satisfied with the support provided in terms of contact time with tutors and feedback on performance. These results thus provide a mixed picture, whereby academic workload and content are in line with students’ expectations, but students do not fully comprehend what tutors want in assignments, despite knowing where to go for support. [R]
67.5620 BLAIS, André; GIDENGIL, Elisabeth; KILIBARDA, Anja —
This article analyzes how partisanship and political information influence perceptions of government corruption at national and regional levels and whether information attenuates the impact of partisanship. The data are drawn from surveys of recent elections held in Canada, France, Germany, Spain, and Switzerland. Almost everywhere, partisans of the incumbent parties and the most-informed citizens perceive less corruption than their nonpartisan and less-informed counterparts. However, there is no evidence of an interaction effect between information and partisanship. We note one interesting exception: in Quebec, the better informed perceive more corruption, especially those who are also partisans of opposition parties. We discuss how this pattern may be related to the emergence of a corruption scandal before the Quebec election. [R]
67.5621 BLÄTTE, Andreas; WÜST, Andreas M. —
The rise in the parliamentary presence of politicians of immigrant origin raises the question of whether they represent citizens substantially differently from native politicians. For the first time, a content-analysis of all speeches given in the Bundestag between 1996 and 2013 analyzes this research question systematically. There are two main results: First, in their speeches, parliamentarians of immigrant origin use some words more often, especially pertaining to matters of migration and integration. They put more emphasis on migration-related issues. Second, the analysis shows that parliamentary and mandate-specific factors do also structure discussions on migration and integration issues in the Bundestag. [R]
67.5622 BLECK, Jaimie; MICHELITCH, Kristin —
Investigating the media's effect on citizens immediately after a nondemocratic regime transition has thus far remained elusive to scholars, despite the frequency of such transitions. This study examines the effect of putschist-controlled broadcasting in the wake of Mali's 2012 coup and separatist insurgency. We leverage a field experiment of a radio (vs. flashlight) distribution program in an area where citizens’ only form of mass media is state-run radio. The putschists waged a campaign infused with nationalism to attempt to legitimize their rule. We find that, while radio exposure boosted national identity importance and willingness to delay elections, it did not elevate explicit approval for the junta, which suggests that nondemocratic regimes are less able to win approval using state broadcasting than previously thought, even while such broadcasting may affect citizens’ attitudes and identity. [R]
67.5623 BOND, Ross —
Using data from a new question in the 2011 UK census, national identities across minority ethno-religious groups in England, Wales and Scotland are compared. The findings not only substantiate earlier work showing high levels of British identification among minority groups but also demonstrate that this does not extend to sub-state national identities. The extent of sub-state national identification varies between different minorities, but the nature of this variation also depends on the specific (sub-state) national context. The findings may be understood in relation to key biographical “markers” of national identity. These markers help explain variations in sub-state national identities to a much greater extent than British identity, but their effect also varies across the different nations. [R, abr.]
67.5624 BORRIELLO, Arthur —
The Eurozone crisis and the remarkable convergence of national governments towards austerity policies draw scholars’ attention to the discursive strategies that they have used in order to legitimize their economic decisions. This article studies the common features of austerity discourse beyond national and partisan boundaries. It relies on an in-depth analysis combining lexicography and the study of metaphors in speeches of the Italian and Spanish heads of government between 2011 and 2013. While drawing on recent work addressing the legitimization of economic policies, this research sheds light on the broader discourse on which austerity policies rely and in order to explain the common patterns in various political actors’ discourse. Rooted in a post-foundational approach, it identifies several discursive strategies for depoliticizing economic issues, thus unveiling their political nature. [R, abr.]
67.5625 BRAML, Josef —
Unlike in parliamentary systems, policy-making in the US is not driven by political parties. Their roles have been assumed by “issue networks” or “advocacy coalitions”, whose like-minded participants — members of the administration and Congress, campaign managers, lobbyists, experts and journalists — try to implement their ideas and interests. Structural changes, in particular the Supreme Court's campaign finance rulings, have weakened political parties further and offered political entrepreneurs even more room to maneuver. PACs and interest-driven advocacy think tanks have emulated interest groups’ lobbying and grassroots strategies. Their positioning for deregulation and small government gives them a leg up in fundraising activities, because laissez-faire interested donors assume that think tanks influence policy-making not only directly, but also via the media by setting the agenda. [R, abr.]
67.5626 BRIGHT, Chelsie L. M.; LYNCH, Michael S. —
Previous studies have sought to assess the aggregate impact new voter identification (ID) laws have on voter turnout. We extend on this research by considering how the advertising of voter ID laws can affect voters’ perception of these laws and how these perceptions may affect individuals’ decisions to turnout. In Kansas [US], county clerks were given discretion in how to advertise new voter ID laws. Employing a quasi-experimental design and matching techniques, we examine these differences in the county-level advertising. We find that different advertising strategies can influence the impact voter ID laws have on turnout. [R]
67.5627 BROMFIELD, Nicholas —
Recent studies regarding reconciliation have argued that restorative justice creates depoliticized consensus. This paper tests this argument by exploring the R. Hawke government's role in the reconciliation of the Australian public with Vietnam veterans in 1987, and the opportunities that this resolution created to mark Anzac Day free of the complicating tensions that had characterized the day in the period since the Vietnam War. It argues that the restorative justice evident in the reincorporation of Vietnam veterans into national narratives of Anzac provided opportunities for political elites like Hawke to convincingly employ Anzac as an ideograph and inscribe the day with new meaning. This process had profound continuing effects for the marking of Anzac Day that demonstrate the politically limiting effects of restorative justice. [R]
67.5628 BROWN, Adam R.; GOODLIFFE, Jay —
We examine absenteeism in American state legislatures. Our data include 2,916,471 individual votes cast by 4392 legislators from 64 legislative chambers. This rich, multistate dataset produces insights that build on and sometimes conflict with Congressional research. We use a multilevel logistic model with nested and crossed random effects to estimate the influence of variables at five different levels. In particular, we investigate whether state legislators miss unimportant votes or important votes. Contrary to what Congressional studies have found, we find that state legislators avoid participating in close or major votes, favoring reelection concerns over policy influence. We also find that state-to-state variations in legislative professionalism — in particular, the length of the session — affect absenteeism, with shorter sessions leading to higher absenteeism. [R, abr.]
67.5629 BROWN, Robert E. —
The recent ascendency of “Trumpism” calls for a historical review of nativist movements and the social appeal they gained. This article focuses on talk-radio and how it shaped and influenced the American psyche and became a cornerstone for conservatism. The article illustrates common themes between contemporary talk-radio hosts and previous anti-progressive figures. Understanding the success of Rush Limbaugh, which started in the late 1980s, created a whole social movement that ought to be analyzed in order to understand the current mood of Trumpism. The author draws from historical events and personal anecdotes to analyze the nativist sentiments that keep re-emerging in the public discourse. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5630 BUENO, Natália S.; DUNNING, Thad —
This article uses new data to demonstrate a substantial racial gap between voters and politicians in Brazil. The authors show that this disparity is not plausibly due to racial preferences in the electorate as a whole, for instance, deference toward white candidates or discrimination against nonwhites, and that barriers to candidate entry or discrimination by party leaders do not likely explain the gap. Instead, they document persistent resource disparities between white and nonwhite candidates, including large differences in personal assets and campaign contributions. The findings suggest that elite closure — investments by racial and economic elites on behalf of elite candidates — help perpetuate a white political class, even in the absence of racialized politics. By underscoring this avenue through which representational disparities persist, the article contributes to research on elite power in democratic settings. [R, abr.]
67.5631 BUG, Mathias; BUKOW, Sebastian U. —
Fundamental changes to security policy in European democracies raise the question of the acceptance of new security measures. This paper explains why new measures are accepted (or not). It combines three core elements that are typically analyzed separately in the literature: individual attitudes (especially trust), social context and cost/benefit balancing. Comparing Germany and the UK, the model is tested using data from two countries with different societal perceptions of two prototypical security measures: communications data retention and passenger name records. The analysis confirms that trust is crucial, but in a more complex way than usually argued. Trust in specific institutions and actors, related to the specific security measure, is decisive for acceptance. [R, abr.]
67.5632 BULDAKOV, V.P. —
The author refutes the idea that progress of multiparty system in Russia equaled the development of democratization. On the contrary, the origins of the multiparty system in Russia in the late 19th-early 20th c. was the symptom of a fragmentation of society, which, in turn, indicated the approaching system crisis. Russian political parties grew from above, not from below; they embodied the processes of ideological self-expression of intelligentsia, rather than awakening of basic class forces. The fact that political parties originally emerged on the outskirts of the Empire (first on the left, then on the right side of the political spectrum) is another characteristic of the process of political party building as reflection of the approaching disintegration of Empire and division of society. [R, abr.]
67.5633 BULLE, Sylvaine —
This article examines the reappropriation of an abandoned village in Upper Galilee since 2013 by a group of young Israeli Arabs, descendants of the third generation of Palestinian refugees, thereby transforming the space. This irregular collective action is a form of activism consisting of discreetly occupying contested places, such as a village destroyed during the war of 1948, without seeking any political visibility. It highlights an aspect of a discreet struggle against instituted totalities such as the Israeli State and its political frame. The first aspect of the analysis concerns the resentment of young Palestinians towards national policies. The second aspect concerns the style of the spatial contestation, analyzed pragmatically here, and valorizing the living environments. Finally, the political scope of the collective action of the reappropriation of a territory is examined. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5671]
67.5634 BURBACH, David T. —
During unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the American public's confidence in the US military surprisingly rose to all-time highs; that increase was unexpected, and very unlike the crisis of confidence after Vietnam. Confidence can be better understood considering four dimensions: performance, professionalism, partisanship, and patriotism. The military has kept the public's trust in part because, despite disappointing outcomes, it has not suffered organizational and professional breakdowns as happened after Vietnam. In addition, in the post-conscription era, expressing “confidence” is a low-cost way for disconnected citizens to express gratitude — even if they largely disagree with military preferences. Finally, a wide partisan confidence gap opened after 2003, suggesting that confidence increasingly reflects political identities rather than objective assessment of the state of the military. [R]
67.5635 BURDEN, Barry C., et al. —
Tremendous attention has been paid to local election administration since the 2000 presidential election meltdown, yet policy-makers still lack basic information about what happens at the polling place. One strategy to understand the interactions between citizens and street-level election bureaucrats is to turn to administrative data. Using logs collected by polling-place workers, the authors analyze more than 66,000 individual incidents recorded from four different statewide elections. Such data provide novel insights and guidance for the administration of elections. Findings indicate that task scale and complexity increase the incident rate. Managerial choices about how polling places are run also matter: the use of electronic voting machines and central count processing of ballots reduce the incident rate, while splitting poll worker shifts increases it. [R] [See “Understanding the polling place experience”, commentary by Brian D. NEWBY and Sean GREENE, pp. 364–365]
67.5636 BURDEN, Barry C.; ONO, Yoshikuni; YAMADA, Masahiro —
We re-deploy a list experiment conducted a decade ago to reassess the degree to which the American public opposes electing a woman as president. We find that opposition has been cut in half from approximately 26% to 13%. In addition, opposition is now concentrated in specific socio-demographic categories rather than being evenly distributed. Newly developed statistical methods that permit multivariate analysis of list experiment data reveal that resistance has all but disappeared among Democratic-leaning groups in the electorate. These patterns appear to reflect the reduction of uncertainty among groups most favorable toward the recent success of Democratic women. [R]
67.5637 BURGOON, Brian; OLIVER, Tim; TRUBOWITZ, Peter —
For two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, globalization functioned as a unifying force in the West. In the absence of a common security threat, the US and Europe found common ground in a neoliberal agenda calling for the freer movements of capital, goods, services, and peoples across national boundaries. Today, support for that neoliberal agenda has been rapidly weakening across the West. Drawing on a variety of quantitative measures, we show that Western support for globalization has declined, both at the level of national policy and at the level of party politics. We argue that this erosion of domestic support for globalization is closely linked to the rise of populist parties in Europe and the US. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6209]
67.5638 BUSH, Sarah Sunn; PRATHER, Lauren —
Scholars and practitioners posit that election observers (EOs) affect local beliefs about the credibility of elections. [However,] these effects remain largely unexamined at the individual level. This article applies models of Bayesian opinion updating and motivated reasoning to illuminate the conditions under which EOs change beliefs about elections. Experimental evidence from a national survey fielded immediately following the first democratic parliamentary election in Tunisia tests the argument. Two important findings emerge. First, exposure to EOs’ positive and negative statements produces a small but significant difference in individuals’ perceptions of the election on average. Second, EOs’ negative statements cause the election's main losing partisans — who may have had weak prior beliefs that the election was credible and were likely receptive to critical information — to believe the election was significantly less credible. [R, abr.]
67.5639 BUSTIKOVA, Lenka; CORDUNEANU-HUCI, Cristina —
This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voters and parties regarding the performance of the state and its ability to provide public goods, which in turn shape the degree of clientelist exchange across societies. To capture state capacity, we focus on the critical juncture before the expansion of women's suffrage, and use the ability of public bureaucracies to reduce infant mortality in the interwar period as a proxy for historical state capacity and as an instrument to predict trust. [R, abr.]
67.5640 BUTLER, Daniel M.; TAVITS, Margit —
We explore whether the hijab affects politicians’ views of citizens. To better isolate the effect of religious attire, we focus on a context in Europe where Muslims are not foreigners — Bosnia. We presented local politicians (N = 1,389) with a group photo of ordinary men and women in Bosnia. Respondents were randomized to view a photo where some (treatment) or none (control) of the women were wearing the hijab. We find that the hijab effect differs for Muslims and non-Muslims. For Muslim politicians, wearing the hijab does not affect their belief that they can represent their constituents well. However, for these politicians, the hijab appears to signal demand for more ethnicity-based representation. For non-Muslim politicians, however, religious attire creates social distance toward their hijab-wearing constituents. [R, abr.]
67.5641 CANCELA, João; DIAS, António Luís; LISI, Marco —
What affects the prospects of candidates in open intra-party elections? This research article examines the determinants of candidate performance in the first open party primaries conducted by LIVRE, a newly emerged Portuguese party, in 2015. This innovative process of candidate selection allowed individuals from outside the party not only to vote but also to run for office. Through the construction of an original dataset and the use of social network analysis, this study shows that centrality in the network of endorsements has a significant impact on the probability to be selected in party lists. Our findings shed additional light on the determinants of success in candidate-selection and open new insights into the dynamics behind party primaries. [R]
67.5642 CAREY, John M.; HORIUCHI, Yusaku —
What difference does it make if the state makes people vote? The question is central to normative debates about the rights and duties of citizens in a democracy, and to contemporary policy debates in a number of Latin American countries over what actions states should take to encourage electoral participation. Focusing on a rare case of abolishing compulsory voting in Venezuela, this article shows that not forcing people to vote yielded a more unequal distribution of income. The evidence supports A. Lijphart's claim, advanced in his 1996 presidential address to the American Political Science Association, that compulsory voting can offset class bias in turnout and, in turn, contribute to the equality of influence. [R]
67.5643 CARRERI, Maria; DUBE, Oeindrila —
Do natural resources impair institutional outcomes? Existing work studies how natural resources influence the behavior of leaders in power. We study how they influence leaders’ rise to power. Our analysis focuses on oil-price shocks and local democracy in Colombia, a country mired in civil conflict. We find that when the price of oil rises, legislators affiliated with right-wing paramilitary groups win office more in oil-producing municipalities. Consistent with the use of force to gain power, positive price shocks also induce an increase in paramilitary violence and reduce electoral competition: fewer candidates run for office, and winners are elected with a wider vote margin. Ultimately, fewer centrist legislators are elected to office, and there is diminished representation at the center. [R, abr.]
67.5644 CARSON, Jamie L.; SIEVERT, Joel —
Our article investigates the role of [US] congressional candidates during the era of party ballots in 19th-c. congressional elections. We examine how these candidates contributed to the overall quality of the party ballot and the means by which nationalization of elections served to mitigate candidate attributes. In our analysis, we take advantage of two unique features of elections during this era. First, election timing was quite variable before 1872, as many House races were not held concurrently with presidential elections. Second, House candidates’ position on the ballot varied depending on whether a presidential or gubernatorial race was also being contested at the same time. To investigate these factors, we examine House elections prior to the adoption of the Australian ballot and find strong evidence of candidate effects during this period. [R, abr.]
67.5645 CASAL BÉRTOA, Fernando; BOURNE, Angela —
Employing a new dataset of banned parties in Europe between 1945 and 2015, the study compares the effects of party-ban regulation on party system stability in three different arenas: electoral, parliamentary and governmental. In particular, the impact of party proscription on electoral volatility, fragmentation and closure is examined in three countries: Turkey, Germany and Spain. Using examples both at national and regional (e.g., Basque Country, Navarre, Saxony) levels, and making use of survey data when available, it is found that the banning of a relevant political party not only increases volatility and reduces fragmentation, but also alters the existing structure of competition at the time of government formation. [R, abr.]
67.5646 CAUGHEY, Devin; DAFOE, Allan; SEAWRIGHT, Jason —
Social scientists are commonly advised to deduce and test all observable implications of their theories. We describe a principled framework for testing such “elaborate” theories: nonparametric combination. Nonparametric combination (NPC) assesses the joint probability of observing the theoretically predicted pattern of results under the sharp null of no effects. NPC accounts for the dependence among the component tests without relying on modeling assumptions or asymptotic approximations. Multiple-testing corrections are also easily implemented with NPC. As we demonstrate with four applications, NPC leverages theoretical knowledge into greater statistical power, which is particularly valuable for studies with strong research designs but small sample sizes. We implement these methods in a new R package, NPC. [R]
67.5647 CHEN, Jidong; XU, Yiqing —
Why would an authoritarian regime allow citizens to voice opinions publicly if the exchange of information among citizens spurs social instability as has been often alleged? We show that an authoritarian regime can strengthen its rule by allowing citizens to communicate with one another publicly. From the government's perspective, such communication serves two interrelated functions. First, if public communication reveals a shared feeling of dissatisfaction toward the government among citizens, the government will detect the danger and improve policies accordingly. Second, public communication disorganizes citizens if they find themselves split over policies. We show that the government allows public communication if and only if it perceives sufficient preference heterogeneity among citizens. Public communication can serve as a commitment device ensuring government responsiveness when it faces high dissatisfaction. [R, abr.]
67.5648 CHIA, Stella C.; CHANG, Tsan-Kuo —
The interplay between news coverage of pre-election polls and voters’ assessments of bias has been well documented. Less known, but theoretically more important, is how it may play out in a media context that highly parallels political camps. The 2012 Taiwanese presidential election provides an ideal case to observe how voters’ perception of hostile poll coverage might be affected by media partisanship in election campaigns. Against this backdrop, we first confirmed that voters reported greater perceptions of hostile bias when seeing disagreeable poll results. The polarized and divided media setting further shaped voters’ reactions to poll coverage. Voters saw greater hostile poll bias in out-group media than in in-group media. Consequences of such perceived hostility, however, appeared inconsistent and mixed. [R]
67.5649 CHIARAMONTE, Alessandro; EMANUELE, Vincenzo —
Despite a great flourishing of studies about Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe, the issue of party system institutionalization has been widely neglected in Western Europe, where the presence of stable and predictable patterns of interactions among political actors has been generally taken for granted for a long time. Nevertheless, party system institutionalization is not something that can be gained once and for all. This article proposes a theoretical reconceptualization and a new empirical operationalization of party system (de-)institutionalization. Furthermore, it tests the presence of patterns of de-institutionalization in Western Europe from 1945 to (March) 2015 (336 elections in 19 countries) by using an original database of electoral volatility and of its internal components (regeneration and alteration). [R, abr.]
67.5650 CHOI, Jungug —
This study deals with the influence of poverty as a socio-economic cause of political Islam. Using Indonesian survey date, it explores how Muslims come to support Islamic political parties, and whether the variable of poverty or low income predicts politicization of Islam with other variables under control. [R]
67.5651 CHUGROV, S. V. —
The term “post-truth” that the Oxford Dictionaries named their 2016 Word of the Year, is a sort of a postmodernist modality, a distorted state of consciousness, in which stereotypes have completely lost connection with real images. As a result, the post-truth policy substitutes facts by emotions, news by blatant lies, that set the tone to political discourse and the construction of an alternative reality. The methodology of the article draws heavily on classics of political sociology and communications studies (Le Bon, Merton, Habermas, McLuhan) and innovative research papers (Köhler, Hodkinson, Sharkov, Solovey) that reveal on the “territory of post-truth” the erosion of the role of facts, proofs, arguments that are pushed aside to the margins of discourse, or just ignored. [R, abr.]
67.5652 CHUGROV, S.V. —
The starting point for the author of this essay was the book “Russia surprises. 2015”, prepared by a partnership of leading think tanks — Social Design Center “Platforma”, All-Russian Center of Public Opinion Research (VTsIOM), and the Institute of Socio-Economic and Political Research (ISEPR Foundation). Studying the political consciousness of society is difficult, in particular because its being not monolithic, but extremely controversial and composite. In addition, political scientists and sociologists do not often appeal to the same interpretive criteria. Now the problem of self-identification, positioning oneself in the turbulent new world occupies the crucial place in the national consciousness of Russians. [R, abr.]
67.5653 CLARKE, Killian —
This article discusses three recent books that analyze patterns of political conflict and regime-change in post-colonial Asia and Africa using a social forces approach to political analysis. The social forces tradition, originally pioneered by Barrington Moore, studies the social origins and political consequences of struggles between social groups whose members hold shared identities and interests. The works under review examine, respectively, the varied regime trajectories of Southeast Asia's states, divergent regime outcomes in India and Pakistan, and the institutional origins of social cleavages and political conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. These three works fruitfully extend the social forces approach to encompass struggles between non-class social groups, including those defined along the lines of ethnicity, religion, nationality, region, and family. [R, abr.]
67.5654 CLIFFORD, Scott; PISTON, Spencer —
Federal, state, and city governments spend substantial funds on programs intended to aid homeless people, and such programs attract widespread public support. In recent years, however, [US] state and local governments have increasingly enacted policies, such as bans on panhandling and sleeping in public, that are counterproductive to alleviating homelessness. Yet these policies also garner substantial support from the public. Why are these counterproductive policies also popular? We argue that disgust plays a key role in the resolution of this puzzle. While disgust does not decrease support for aid policies or even generate negative affect towards homeless people, it motivates the desire for physical distance, leading to support for policies that exclude homeless people from public life. We test this argument using survey data, including a national sample with an embedded experiment. [R, abr.]
67.5655 CLUVERIUS, John —
Leading theories of grassroots lobbying assert that legislators should respond positively to the volume of grassroots lobbying messages because volume indicates the salience of an issue among constituents. This notion rests on the idea that the costs of producing a large volume of grassroots lobbying signals the value of the information to legislators. Advances in technology and strategy, however, have flattened the costs associated with producing such information — it costs much less to generate one additional e-mail message than before. In this environment, the volume of grassroots lobbying no longer signals the value of the information it contains. Instead, I believe trust becomes the critical factor in evaluating grassroots lobbying. I test this theory using a survey of [US] state legislators. [R, abr.]
67.5656 COFFÉ, Hilde —
Combining data from the sixth wave (2010–2014) of the World Values Survey (WVS) and the 2012–2013 Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI) expert survey, this study looks at the link between the frequency of citizens’ informational use of traditional media (newspapers, magazines, radio and TV) and the internet, and the accuracy of their perceptions of the electoral process, and investigates how this link varies depending on countries’ levels of press freedom. A multilevel analysis including data from 16 countries shows that the frequency of the use of traditional media has a significantly more positive effect on the accuracy of citizens’ perceptions of electoral integrity in countries with high levels of press freedom compared with countries with low levels of press freedom. [R, abr.]
67.5657 COFFÉ, Hilde; BOLZENDAHL, Catherine —
Surprisingly little research has systematically explored attitudes towards political conflict, and gender cleavages therein. Yet, women are known to generally engage less in politics, and a tendency to be more likely to avoid interpersonal political conflict than men may be an important barrier for women to get actively involved in politics. Therefore, using the 2011 British Democratic Disconnect and Political Participation Survey, we test whether a gender difference in political conflict-avoidance exists, and how this matters for gender gaps in political engagement. We confirm that among our British sample, women feel less comfortable with interpersonal political conflict than men, even when controlling for political interest and efficacy. In combination with political interest and efficacy, political conflict-avoidance also helps to explain the gender gap in political engagement. [R, abr.]
67.5658 CORDELLI, Chiara —
Where organized religion begins, democratic rights end. Or so it is often assumed. Traditionally, most political philosophers have agreed that democratic norms should not directly regulate the internal governance of nonpolitical organizations. And while a growing number of scholars have recently argued in favor of democratizing some nonpolitical organizations, most notably business firms, religious associations continue to be regarded as paradigmatic cases of democracy-free zones. Contrary to this view, I defend a pro tanto right to democracy within large and hierarchical churches. I then explain that, once appropriately qualified, this right is not overruled by claims to freedom of religious association and church autonomy. Testing the extension of democratic rights to churches provides an opportunity to tackle a series of broader normative issues. [R, abr.]
67.5659 COSTELLO, Rory —
Drawing on an original survey of voters and parties, this article examines the policy space in Irish politics in the context of the 2016 general election. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses show that four broad ideological dimensions structure voters’ policy views across a range of salient issues. These are an economic dimension, a cultural dimension, a religious dimension and an austerity dimension. Comparing the location of voters and parties on these dimensions, gaps in the policy space are identified where voters are not represented by any party. Most noticeably, a significant segment of the electorate is found to have left-wing views on economic issues but conservative/authoritarian views on the cultural dimension, and this combination is currently not offered by any of the existing political parties. [R, abr.]
67.5660 CRINES, Andrew; HEPPELL, Tim —
This article contributes to the academic literature on the UK Independence Party (UKIP) by focusing on the political rhetoric of N Farage in relation to his Conference speeches. We ask how his Conference speeches are constructed and delivered and identify what rhetorical techniques are deployed to maximize their impact. In methodological terms we address this question through rhetorical political analysis. [We then] examine the extent to which his Conference speeches are changing. We ask whether there is evidence that Farage is broadening the range of issue appeals within his rhetoric (as one would expect if UKIP were making the transition from an anti-establishment to a mainstream party). Our method involves the use of N-Vivo — a computer coding program that quantifies which policies and issues are being used within speeches. [R, abr.]
67.5661 CUNNINGHAM, Michael —
The Electoral Reform Society [ERS] has called for more and better quality information to improve democratic debate in relation to referendums. This article argues that, particularly in relation to the EU referendum, this would have had a marginal impact, because much of the debate was not reducible to facts and emotional and dispositional factors were of particular significance in the campaign. [R]
67.5662 CUPPINI, Niccolò —
The concept of the city is being profoundly reshaped by new global processes. A cycle of struggles in Northern Italy's logistics sector, with an epicenter in Bologna, has revealed many aspects of this crisis of the traditional city. The series of strikes involving the main firms charged with the circulation of commodities have shown a new urban texture, a logistics city that dissolves Bologna within a complex geography of interconnections stretched over a huge territory that radically reshapes the old city boundaries. These logistics struggles have been enacted mainly by migrants, highlighting a specific tension with regards to citizenship. Sustained by some historical snapshots, the article elaborates a critique of the urban citizenship concept moving through the mobile triangle logistics-city-citizenship to investigate the crisis in the conception of the city itself. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6372]
67.5663 CURY, Emily —
Since the attacks of 11 September 2001, US Muslims have been increasingly targeted as “others”, accused of holding dual-loyalties, and seen as potentially subversive. Nevertheless, Muslim American interest groups have not recoiled from foreign policy engagement. I argue that this is because mobilizing around symbolic foreign policy issues provides them with an opportunity to access the policy dialogue as a minority group making rights claims. I conduct a discourse analysis of Muslim American policy engagement toward the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. I find that, through their policy advocacy, these organizations are framing their demands around US interests and minority group rights, while positioning themselves as the legitimate representatives of the Muslim American community. [R, abr.]
67.5664 DALTON, Russell J. —
Political theorists maintain that citizens’ representation through elections is the cornerstone of democracy. However, many analysts claim that a deficit in democratic representation exists within the EU. This research examines the ideological match between voters and their party using the 2009 European Election Study. Aggregate agreement between voters and their parties’ ideological position is very high, but agreement at the individual level is modest. Barely a majority of partisans favor the party that is closest to them on the Left-Right scale, and vote shifts to another party triples the representation gap. We model the factors affecting the size of this gap and voting for a non-proximate party. The results illustrate the representation gap that individual voters perceive in EU elections with implications for democratic representation. [R]
67.5665 DANKOVI, Sladjana; PICKERING, Paula M. —
Despite decades of Western assistance seeking to develop civil societies in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, many local NGOs lack strong bases in their societies. This field-based study of citizens’ views of Western-aided women's organizations in four Serbian towns uses frame resonance to explore why. In interviews, many citizens felt that NGOs worked on issues that are abstract, unimportant, narrowly focused, and/or imported, even imposed. Serbian NGOs could increase ties to the public by pursuing activities that better resonate with local norms and priorities, as well as by framing and demonstrating their work as locally responsive. [R]
67.5666 DASSONNEVILLE, Ruth; HOOGHE, Marc —
Using recall questions in cross-sectional electoral survey research entails a high level of measurement error. Comparing data from Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany, we observe that recall information leads to an important underestimation of voter volatility, compared with data that are based on panel observations. While political sophistication helps us to explain measurement error, overall effects are limited. A direct comparison between models based on panel observations and models based on recall data shows that using recall data to investigate the effect of political sophistication on volatility does not lead to substantively different results, but tends to slightly weaken relations. The findings suggest that the measurement error in recall data has a rather limited impact on the validity of research findings. [R]
67.5667 DAVID, Clarissa C.; LEGARA, Erika Fille T. —
The article first applies cluster-analysis on exit poll data for the 2010 Senatorial Election and then examines predictors of Senatorial candidate sets. Hypotheses are proposed based on theories and evidence that name recall has important consequences in voter decision-making [in] low-information circumstances, and that media celebrities and members of political dynasties benefit from the name recall vote. Findings support predictions that voters put media celebrities and members of national political dynasties together often on a ballot and that the voters who are likely to operate with little information are more likely to vote for these candidates. [R, abr.]
67.5668 DAVIDSON, Stewart, et al. —
Leader debates have become a pre-eminent means of campaign communication in numerous countries and were introduced in the UK relatively recently. However, the quality of such communication is, to put it mildly, open to question. This article uses the discourse quality index (DQI) to assess the deliberative quality of the 2010 UK party leaders’ debates. When scrutinized in isolation, and viewed through the full prism of the DQI categories, the quality of discourse evidenced in the debates is a relatively poor reflection of mainstream idealizations of democratic deliberation. However, when the analysis is rehoused within the wider project of constructing a deliberative system in the UK, and is given a comparative institutional dimension, the epistemic value of the debates is revealed. [R, abr.]
67.5669 DEAN, Laura A.; DOS SANTOS, Pedro A. G. —
In July 2015, a bill adopted by the Verkhovna Rada, the Ukrainian parliament, introduced a party-level gender quota of 30 per cent in local municipal elections. This paper examines the previous attempts to adopt quotas in Ukraine, as well as, the impact and effectiveness of gender quotas in local municipal elections. We analyze municipal election data before and after the implementation of the gender quota to explore in more detail the factors that influenced compliance and non-compliance with the quota, as well as the impact the quota had on the election of women. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5704]
67.5670 DEAN, Rikki John —
Participation — like justice or freedom — is a term that can be constructed in multiple ways. However, existing typologies of participation pay little attention to the alternative logics for public participation in policy decisions: either they assume one particular normative bias or categorize by institutional design features without reference to the broader ideology that informs the use of these designs. This paper outlines an alternative approach that connects the variety in participatory practices to competing theories of democracy and public administration. It identifies four archetypes of participation: knowledge transfer; collective decision-making; choice and voice; and arbitration and oversight. [R]
67.5671 DECHEZELLES, Stéphanie; OLIVE, Maurice —
The paper focuses on the various processes of occupation of places, endeavoring to etch them again into the ideological historicity of oppositional modes of action, into the variability of meanings assigned to them by individuals and citizen groups — heterogeneous themselves — who commit themselves, and primarily into the materiality of the practices engaged therein. Checked against the reviewing of the actors’ social routes, the ethnographic attention focused on the acts carried out within the recreated daily life of occupied places allows us to reveal the importance of the mechanisms of downward social mobility, the experience of life on the margins or exposure to violence while comprehending the processes of engaging in an act of occupation, particularly for actors who have no prior history as activists. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Occupation movements”. See also Abstr. 67.5633, 5672, 5711, 5839, 5877]
67.5672 DECHÉZELLES, Stéphanie —
Since the end of the 2000s, in France, several small ZAD (“Zones to be defended”) have been created against industrial projects. The most famous ones, at Notre-Dame-des-Landes and Sivens, tend to monopolize the attention of activists, media and social scientists. These occupations lead us to question the conditions that have made this protest performance possible and that have made it a success. Based on an ethnographic survey and interviews with the “inhabitants” of a small occupation in relation to the life-stories of ex-“Zadists”, the article explores the social and biographical predispositions for embarking on an occupational career. We question the local dynamics that enable occupying mobilizations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5671]
67.5673 DENHAM, Andrew —
Since 1965, Britain's major political parties have radically, and repeatedly, changed the ways in which they choose their leaders. Building on W. P. Cross and A. Blais’ [“Who selects the party leader?”, Party Politics 18(2), March 2012: 127–150; Abstr. 62.2856] recent comparative study of party leadership selection in the five principal Anglophone (“Westminster”) parliamentary democracies, this article first outlines a theoretical framework that explains why the major parties in three of those countries, including Britain, have adopted such reform. It then examines why five major British parties have done so since 1965. It argues that, while Cross and Blais’ study makes a significant contribution to our knowledge and understanding of processes of party leadership selection reform in Anglophone parliamentary democracies, it has limited explanatory power when applied to changes enacted by the major parties in modern and contemporary Britain. [R, abr.]
67.5674 DIERMEIER, Daniel; LI, Christopher —
We present a model of electoral control with behavioral voters. The model captures two main regularities of voting behavior found in empirical studies: voters are forgetful and are influenced by extraneous events beyond the control of public officials. Specifically, we assume that voters’ propensities to re-elect the incumbent are governed by a stochastic reinforcement process instead of strategic reasoning. We show that even in the presence of behavioral voters, electoral control (i.e., public officials’ incentive to exercise effort) can work well. More generally, the extent of control depends on the properties of the election and the electorate. A higher impact of negative events benefits electoral control, as the incumbent must exert greater effort to ensure reelection. [R, abr.]
67.5675 DITONTO, Tessa —
This study [examines] whether subjects in two dynamic process-tracing experiments react differently to information related to a candidate's competence when that candidate is a woman, vs. when he is a man. I find that subjects evaluate a candidate whose competence is in doubt less favorably, and are less likely to vote for the candidate, when she is a woman. In general, evaluations of women seem to be influenced much more by information related to their competence than are evaluations of men. I also find that competence as portrayed by the composition of a candidate's facial features does not alter thCandidate-evaluation; Genderis relationship. My findings suggest that gender-based stereotypes may have an indirect effect on candidate evaluations and vote-choice by influencing how voters react to information about them. [R]
67.5676 DOHERTY, David, et al. —
Research on turnout in presidential elections has shown that “battleground” state status has modest effects on turnout, raising the question of why individuals vote even in noncompetitive states. We present experimental evidence showing that the typically small effect of battleground status on turnout may be tied to the fact that voting norms are insensitive to whether a given individual's vote is likely to affect the outcome of an election. Instead, variability in the social rewards to voting are more closely tied to the behaviors of others. [R]
67.5677 DOLEZ, Bernard; LAURENT, Annie; BLAIS, André —
We examine strategic voting in the second round of the 2014 French municipal elections. We focus on the 96 cities where the number of lists remained constant (three, four, or five) in the two rounds, and we examine the evolution of the vote for these 329 lists from the first to the second round. We show that support for the top two lists (in the first round) systematically increases in the second round at the expense of the other lists. The second list makes as much progress as the first list, ruling out a bandwagon effect. Strategic desertion of the non-viable lists is more pronounced when the distance from the second list is high, and there is close competition between the top two lists. [R, abr.]
67.5678 DOMÍNGUEZ, Jorge I.; FONSECA GALVIS, Ángela; SUPERTI, Chiara —
Electoral opposition to long-established authoritarian regimes may be loyal or rejectionist. Loyal oppositionists vote to send a selective signal to rulers; rejectionist oppositionists vote blank or void the ballot in full disapproval. In Cuba, the number of candidates equals the number of seats, yet voters may vote blank, void, or selectively, although the Communist Party has campaigned for all candidates. This article uses a unique dataset for Cuba's 2013 National Assembly elections to study aggregate opposition outcomes. It shows the emergence of a loyal opposition, which sometimes votes for and sometimes against Communist Party candidates. The rejectionist opposition, stable over time, never votes for Communist Party candidates; it is found where the Communist Party behaves monopolistically. [R, abr.]
67.5679 DOSTAL, Jörg Michael —
This article analyzes the dramatic electoral decline of German social democracy since 2003. It argues that the SPD's decision, under the leadership of former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, to engage in welfare state retrenchment and labor market deregulation during the “Hartz reforms” (2003–2005) demoralized the SPD electorate. The SPD subsequently lost half of its former electoral coalition, namely blue-collar voters and socially disadvantaged groups, while efforts to gain access to centrist and middle-class voters have failed to produce any compensating gains. While the SPD's decline from a large to a mid-sized party is part of a larger transformation of the German party system, no political recovery is possible for social democracy without a fundamental change of strategy: efforts to regain former voters by offering credible social welfare and redistributive policies. [R, abr.]
67.5680 DRESDEN, Jennifer Raymond —
Efforts to strengthen democratic institutions have become a nearly universal feature of peacebuilding efforts in states recovering from civil war, yet such institutions often become dominated by a single actor or party. Why are some post-conflict incumbents able to dominate politics in this way, while others face more robust electoral competition? This study finds that post-conflict electoral competition depends on the types of capabilities that combatants develop during civil war. Where rebels develop capabilities that can be converted from military to electoral use, incumbents face stronger electoral challenges, but the effects are conditioned by the number of actors involved. [R]
67.5681 DUCLOS, Nathalie —
When they voted in favor of their country leaving the EU in June 2016, did the British precipitate Scotland's independence? Quite possibly, because the Scottish are increasingly serious about casting off from London. Governed since 2007 by the pro-independence Scottish National Party, Scotland already held a referendum on the question in 2014, [when] 55% voted to remain part of the UK. But Brexit has changed everything. Unlike the English, the Scottish voted massively “Remain”. Their small nation of 5.3 million inhabitants is fiercely pro-European and refuses to be dragged forcibly out of the EU. This makes independence an attractive alternative: an independent Scotland could join the EU without any say by London. A new referendum on independence will no doubt be organized in the years ahead, and this time the outcome could be different from 2014. [R]
67.5682 DUMITRESCU, Delia —
Extensive analyses of M. Le Pen's media interventions as leader of the French Front National have revealed mostly rhetorical differences from her father's discourse. In particular, despite Marine Le Pen's professed openness toward women and their policy concerns, and despite her professed intention to transform the FN into party suitable for government, there has been little progress in these directions. However, the FN's visual discourse has been all but ignored by the scholarly analysis, despite the fact that campaign visuals encode significant social and political information. This paper finds that the FN candidates’ visual presentation has undergone major transformations from the 2007 to the 2012 legislative elections. [R, abr.]
67.5683 DUNCAN, Fraser —
The influence of gender on voting behavior has attracted a growing amount of academic attention in recent years. This article therefore examines male and female support for Christian Democratic parties in Belgium, Switzerland, Germany and the Netherlands. It first explores whether a modern gender gap in Christian Democratic support is obscured by lingering compositional differences in terms of religious belonging and practice and participation in the workforce. However, while compositional differences do significantly influence the relationship between gender and Christian Democratic voting, controlling for these differences does not expose a previously hidden modern gender gap. Second, the article, drawing on the modern gender gap literature, tests whether there are significant differences in the effect of structural, situational and cultural/attitudinal variables on male and female voters. [R, abr.]
67.5684 DVOŘÁK, Tomáš; ZOUHAR, Jan; NOVÁK, Jakub —
Does direct democracy lead to increased electoral turnout? Research in the US proposes two reasons for it: (1) the process of being involved in direct political participation may educate citizens and lead to their increased long-term political engagement; and/or (2) underlying issues and competitive campaigning draw public interest and cause higher turnout. Recent empirical findings overwhelmingly favor the latter hypothesis, although both mechanisms seem to apply. However, direct democracy and elections take place simultaneously in the US, which makes it hard to disentangle the effects of each. We present a study from the Czech Republic, where direct democracy is not tied to elections. We analyze the effects of local/municipality direct democracy and demonstrate that it leads to increased turnout in upcoming local and national elections. [R, abr.]
67.5685 EGGERS, Andrew C.; SPIRLING, Arthur —
Previous researchers have speculated that incumbency effects are larger when voters have weaker partisan preferences, but evidence for this relationship is surprisingly weak. We offer a fresh look at the question by examining the UK's multiparty system. In general, the electoral value of incumbency should depend on the proportion of voters who are nearly indifferent between the parties competing for incumbency; in a multiparty system, that proportion may differ across constituencies depending on which parties are locally competitive. After first showing that UK voters in recent decades have stronger preferences between Conservatives and Labour than between Conservatives and Liberals, we show that incumbency effects are larger in close contests between Conservatives and Liberals than in close contests between Conservatives and Labour. [R, abr.]
67.5686 ELKINK, Johan A., et al. —
On 22 May 2015 the marriage referendum proposal was passed by a large majority of Irish voters and the definition of marriage in the constitution was broadened to introduce marriage equality. This referendum is remarkable for a number of reasons: (1) it is uniquely based on an experiment in deliberative democracy; (2) the referendum campaign was unusually vigorous and active; and (3) the voting patterns at the referendum point to a significant value shift along the deep seated liberal conservative political cleavage of Irish politics. This article provides an overview of the background to the referendum initiative, the campaign prior to the referendum, and the key factors that drove voter turnout and preference. [R, abr.]
67.5687 ELLIOTT, Kevin J. —
Mandatory voting has received public and scholarly interest as a solution for problems of unequal representation and policies that advantage the wealthy. Yet some oppose mandatory voting because it seems to coerce political expression, in violation of the human right to free expression. This article fundamentally reinterprets the point of mandatory voting as serving the self-identified purposes of citizens and so minimizes concerns about coercion. It uses survey evidence to show that mandatory voting can help the large majority of American citizens who believe they should vote to do so, thereby functioning as a precommitment mechanism. For the minority who do not think they should vote, mandatory voting functions as a nudge to surveillance, which helps citizens protect their interests, whatever they may be, through encouraging surveillance of political actors. [R, abr.]
67.5688 ENOS, Ryan D.; HERSH, Eitan D. —
In partnership with [US] state Democratic parties and the B. Obama campaign, the authors surveyed staffers from nearly 200 electoral campaigns in 2012, asking about the expected vote-share in their races. Political operatives’ perceptions of closeness can affect how they campaign and represent citizens, but their perceptions may be wildly inaccurate: campaigns may irrationally fear close contests or be unrealistically optimistic. Findings indicate that political operatives are more optimistic than fearful, and that incumbent and higher-office campaigns are more accurate at assessing their chances. While the public may be better served by politicians fearing defeat, campaigns are typically staffed by workers who are over-confident, which may limit the purported benefits of electoral competition. [R]
67.5689 ERRAZZOUKI, Samia —
One of the ways in which social and political mobilizations have converged with the expansion of internet and social media is through citizen media. The state's response to the emergence of these new forms of media has also shifted through new forms of censorship, surveillance, and press code measures. This article examines the interaction between the emergence of new citizen media in Morocco and the state's policies, by looking at the case of Mamfakinch, a citizen media collective that launched on the eve of the February 20th Movement. Taking into consideration the liberalization of Morocco's telecommunications industry, this article also highlights how “plague control” is used as a tool to extend the state's authoritarian practices to marginalize organized, critical voices online. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5960]
67.5690 FACCHINI, François —
This article explains failures of politics and government through the incompetence of voters and their perception biases. It illustrates this argument using the French case. If voters lack knowledge and develop irrational beliefs, then voting is probably not effective as a mechanism for sanctioning public policy. The incompetence of French voters and their anti-capitalist bias is well documented. This incompetence can be partly explained by the low cost of holding irrational beliefs in politics. Voters’ anti-capitalist attitudes are explained by the utility they obtain from expressing themselves in favor of state intervention, and by France's prohibitive level of justification costs of holding pro-capitalist views. The resulting biases contribute to the failure of public choice. [R] [See also Abstr. 67.5761]
67.5691 FARRER, Benjamin; KLEIN, Graig R. —
We demonstrate that when environmentalist niche parties compete in a given constituency over a number of elections, but continually fail to win seats, then environmental sabotage becomes more frequent in that constituency. When mainstream tactics fail, radical tactics are used more frequently. Using a new data-set on the success rates of all Green Party candidates in US states, we show that environmental sabotage occurs more often when Green Party candidates fail to win even minor offices. This is true even when we control for other political expressions of environmentalism, such as interest group activity, and when we define “success” through votes not seats. We discuss the implications of this for environmental politics, for social movements and democracy, and for political violence in the US. [R]
67.5692 FATKE, Matthias; HEINSOHN, Till —
This article studies invalid voting, which has received very little attention so far, given the broad interest and substantial relevance of voting behavior research. Existing evidence is mostly limited to rather specific and hardly representative countries. Yet, the extent of invalid ballots is not negligible. Despite undemanding electoral rules, more invalid votes are cast in German general elections than votes for niche parties. Against this backdrop, the article describes prevalence of invalid voting in the mixed electoral system of Germany and tests explanations of its variation between constituencies. Analyzing data from the most recent Bundestag Election, results give clear support to politico-institutional explanations: voters are more willing to waste their vote if second-order elections are held concurrently. [R, abr.]
67.5693 FEDDERKE, Johannes; JETT, Dennis —
This paper explores the appointment of career diplomats and political appointees to ambassadorial positions. We present models of the strategic interaction of political donors and presidential candidates, which predicts that donations will match the quality of diplomatic posting granted by the candidate. We test this prediction and confirm it for four presidential terms representing two presidents and 764 diplomatic postings over the 2000 to 2013 period. This allows for the generation of a price list associated with a range of desirable diplomatic posts. This paper provides evidence in support of the proposition that ambassadorships, in locations that are deemed desirable such as Western Europe, are awarded as a form of patronage in return for campaign contributions. [R]
67.5694 FEDERICO, Christopher M.; FISHER, Emily L.; DEASON, Grace —
We argue that authoritarianism is associated with reduced political interest and participation to a greater extent among those who identify with the left rather than the right because left-leaning politics threatens more instability and flux. Using data from the US, we provide evidence for this first hypothesis. Using multinational European data, we also provide support for a second hypothesis: that this interaction is more evident in “Westernized” contexts, where the traditional left-right difference is clearly defined, than in Eastern European countries, where its meaning is less distinct; and we conceptually replicate the authoritarianism results using a measure of support for “conservation” values favoring security, conformity, and tradition. [R, abr.]
67.5695 FELDMAN, Ofer; KINOSHITA, Ken; BULL, Peter —
This paper examines how leading Japanese politicians deal with the communicative problems posed to them during broadcast political interviews. The paper explores the extent to which national and local level politicians endeavor to affect the content of information distributed to the public and to influence the way people perceive events that take place in the public domain. Differentiating among selected groups of politicians, i.e., ruling and opposition parties’ members, Cabinet ministers and prime ministers, and local level politicians, the paper focuses on the ways Japanese politicians equivocate during televised programs and the conditions underlying this equivocation, thereby also assesses the significance of these talk shows in the broader context of political communication in Japan. [R, abr.]
67.5696 FERLAND, Benjamin —
Congruence between government policies and citizen preferences is a key element that increases the quality of democracy. While scholars have shown that governments generally adopt ideological positions and propose policies close to citizen preferences, they have neglected to consider whether citizens respond to promises or to actual enactments. The paper addresses this gap in two ways. First, we propose a new measure that captures how close a citizen is on average to the policies enacted by the incumbent government. We show that this measure captures retrospective information associated with governments’ actions and in particular whether the government increases or decreases social spending during its mandate period. Second, we show that retrospective ideological representation has a substantial impact on citizens’ democratic satisfaction and greater than prospective ideological representation. [R, abr.]
67.5697 FERNANDES, Jorge M.; JALALI, Carlos —
This article analyzes the Portuguese presidential elections of January 2016, setting these within the backdrop of recent semi-presidential practice in Portugal. The election took place in the context of an apparent hollowing of the presidency, a pattern that potentially reflects the bailout that marked most of the second term of the outgoing president, C. Silva. This pattern also helps explain the second-order nature of this presidential election. Despite potentially being an “open” election — in that the incumbent had reached term limits — the election was characterized by low citizen mobilization, low partisan involvement and low competitiveness. The initial two months of the newly elected president, M. Rebelo de Sousa, suggests he is seeking to invert this hollowing pattern by mobilizing popular support behind the presidency. [R]
67.5698 FERRAIOLO, Kathleen —
A review of prominent ballot initiatives from 2010 to 2016 shows the varied reasons why citizens and groups turn to the initiative process in response to federal developments. Frustrated with the disconnect between public opinion and federal law, citizens in some states have approved initiatives that enact mostly liberal new gun-control regulations. Meanwhile, supporters of marijuana legalization and minimum-wage increases have relied on initiatives to compensate for lags in legislatures’ responses to evolving public support for these positions. Ballot measures regarding same-sex marriage and abortion policy have also been triggered in part by federal developments. Through case studies of these areas, I also document the broader implications of initiative politics for voter turnout and mobilization, candidate evaluations, and policy agendas. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5461]
67.5699 FINTEL, Marisa von; OTT, George —
Public dissatisfaction with the ability of South Africa's democracy to adequately deliver socio-economic goods has been regarded as a significant cause of increased unconventional political action. This phenomenon has raised questions pertaining to possible changes in the underlying political culture in the country and their implications for democracy. This essay investigates the relationship between a range of socio-economic factors and consequent political participation among South Africans. Employing ward-level and individual-level survey data, it identifies the roles played by inadequacies in service delivery, traditional economic variables, and perceptions of relative welfare in the types of political behavior in which South Africans are most likely to engage. [R, abr.]
67.5700 FISCHER, Shlomo —
This article traces the evolution of Y. Glick's strand of Jewish Temple Mount activism, which justifies the demand that Jews be allowed to worship on the Temple Mount based on freedom of worship and human rights. Glick accepts that these values should be applied universally, including to groups whose religious and political positions are at odds with his. Glick's views evolved from a seemingly opposite source — namely, Y. Etzion, a leader of the Jewish underground of the 1980s, which plotted to blow up the Dome of the Rock and eradicate Muslim worship from the Temple Mount. [R, abr.]
67.5701 FITZGERALD, Richard; THORNBORROW, Joanna —
Despite the emergence of newer forms of web-based political engagement, radio phone-ins continue to have a significant role in the enactment of the democratic process, providing a live forum for direct encounters between members of the public and politicians, beyond the professional forms of mediated encounters between studio journalists and politicians. Drawing on data from the BBC's 2015 phone-in Election Call, we examine how political engagement is configured within this forum in the run-up to the UK General Election in 2015. In particular, we examine how callers and politicians engage in live political debate through transforming personal experiences into politicized social categories. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5222]
67.5702 FLENTJE, Jan-Erik; KÖNIG, Thomas; MARBACH, Moritz —
RILE estimates based on party manifesto data suggest that political parties leapfrog on the left-right scale over time. This implausible finding has raised questions about the efficacy not only of RILE for estimating left-right positions but of coded party manifestos for political science research in general. The recently developed Manifesto Common Space Scores (MCSS), which reduce leapfrogging by accounting for the election-specific character of party manifestos, provide alternative estimates for parties left/right-positions, but little is known about their validity. This study shows that MCSS estimates exhibit greater convergent validity relative to RILE estimates when compared to other measures of parties left/right-positions. It also finds that MCSS has greater construct validity relative to RILE estimates in two prominent cases (Greece and Italy). [R, abr.]
67.5703 FRANZ, Manuel; GAWEHNS, Florian —
The outcome of the 2016 presidential election once again maintained the coherence of the American two-party system. Strong institutional barriers prevent third parties from breaking the political duopoly of Democrats and Republicans. Though historical evidence shows that on rare occasions third party candidates have polled fairly successfully in past elections, the 2016 political landscape did not offer particularly favorable conditions for them. A relative lack of name recognition and the distinct polarization between Clinton and Trump did not leave much room for Gary Johnson (Libertarian Party), Jill Stein (Green Party), or Independent Evan McMullin to gain momentum. Without institutional reforms, it is unlikely that third party candidates will play a more competitive role in future presidential elections. [R]
67.5704 FUSZARA, Ma gorzata —
Thanks to their own activity and the organized women's movement, women in Poland obtained voting rights quite early, in 1918. However, before the introduction of the quota, women's share on electoral lists never exceeded 23%, even in communist times. During the post—1989 systemic transition the share of women in parliament actually dropped to 10–13%, leading women to repeatedly strive to introduce a quota-based system. Gender-neutral quotas of 35% were introduced as late as 2011 thanks to the enormous mobilization of women and women's NGOs, particularly the Women's Congress (Kongres Kobiet). Since then we have seen a slow but steady increase in women's share of the lower house (Sejm) to 27%. In the upper house (Senat), elected under a majority system, the share of women is much lower (13%) and has not changed. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Gender quotas in politics in Central East Europe”, introduced, pp. 307–316, by Drude DAHLERUP and Milica ANTIĆ GABER, “The legitimacy and effectiveness of gender quotas in politics in Central East Europe”. See also Abstr. 67.5416, 5507, 5669, 5835]
67.5705 GARZIA, Diego; TRECHSEL, Alexander; SIO, Lorenzo De —
Throughout the years, political scientists have devised techniques to position political parties on various ideological and policy/issue dimensions. Against this background, [we] witness the appearance of a new methodology for party positioning tightly connected to the spread of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), i.e., an iterative method that aims at improving existing techniques using a combination of party self-placement and expert judgment. This article introduces the party placement datasets generated by euandi (reads: EU and I), a transnational Voting Advice Application (VAA) for the 2014 EP elections. It reviews traditional methods of party positioning and contrasts them to the iterative method employed by the euandi team. It then introduces the specifics of the project, facts and figures of the data-collection procedure, and the details of the resulting dataset encompassing 242 parties from the whole EU28. [R, abr.]
67.5706 GENNA, Gaspare M. —
Prior research on citizen support for European integration does not consider the influence of individuals’ evaluations of European nationalities. The model developed in this article argues that individuals harbor images regarding other European nationalities. These images, which are tied to the economic development of the nationalities’ country, influence transnational trust (the general trust that individuals put in another nationality). Transnational trust explains support for integration, for it facilitates cooperation among diverse groups. The overall transnational trust is important in explaining support for integration. In addition, trust in nationalities from poorer countries has a stronger impact on support than trust in nationalities from wealthier countries. This is due to the fact that nationalities from poorer countries occupy lower social strata and that these strata evoke specific images. [R, abr.]
67.5707 GERMANN, Micha; SERDÜLT, Uwe —
Internet voting (e-voting) is often discussed as a potential remedy against declining turnout rates. This paper presents new evidence on the causal effect of e-voting on turnout, drawing on trials conducted in two Swiss cantons: Geneva and Zurich. Both Geneva and Zurich constitute hard cases for e-voting, given that e-voting was introduced in the presence of postal voting. However, this setting allows us to test some of the more optimistic claims regarding e-voting's ability to increase turnout. Empirically, we exploit the advantageous circumstance that federal legislation created a situation coming close to a natural experiment, with some of Geneva's and Zurich's municipalities participating in e-voting trials and others not. Using difference-in-differences estimation, we find that i-voting did not increase turnout in the cantons of Geneva and Zurich. [R]
67.5708 GHAI BAJAJ, Shelly —
Though its use of the microblogging site Twitter during the 2014 Indian election campaign, the Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP] successfully set the election agenda around development and governance to discredit the Congress Party. Combining its use of Twitter with conventional campaigning. The BJP also personalized the electoral narrative by making the leadership of Narendra Modi the centerpiece of its strategy. [R]
67.5709 GIANNETTI, Daniela; PEDRAZZANI, Andrea; PINTO, Luca —
Using expert survey data covering the 2001–2013 period, this article investigates the changing shape and structure of the Italian policy space over time, as well as parties’ shifting policy positions. Our results show the emergence of a distinct pro-/anti-EU dimension structuring party competition and a change in the meaning of EU related attitudes. The increasing importance of the pro-/anti-EU dimension is due to the entry of brand new parties in 2013. Our findings also speak to the Euroskepticism literature, as they question the hypothesis according to which Euroskepticism is confined to peripheral parties located at the extremes on the left-right scale. [R]
67.5710 GODBOUT, Jean-François; HØYLAND, Bjørn —
What explains the development of legislative party voting unity? Evidence from the US and Britain indicate that partisan sorting, cohort replacement effects, electoral incentives, and agenda control contributed to enhancing party cohesion during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Here, these mechanisms are evaluated by analyzing a dataset containing all the recorded votes from the Canadian House of Commons, 1867—2011. Overall, we find that partisan sorting and the government's ability to control the agenda are central to the consolidation of parties over time. Our results underscore the need to integrate institutional rules and legislative agendas into models of parliamentary voting behavior and suggest that strict party discipline can lead to the development of a multiparty system in the legislative arena. [R]
67.5711 GOURGUES, Guillaume —
Do the productive occupations of working places — and especially factories — carried out by workers prepare the ground for a global alternative to capitalism? This article proposes a historical case-study focused on the occupations of the French watch factory “Lip”, in Besançon, between 1973 and 1977. [Examining] the changing practices of occupation during this “mythical” conflict, by way of a longitudinal study of archives, we emphasize the difficulty faced by workers in terms of fixing the political meaning of production restarting within their occupied factory. As they simultaneously try to struggle and survive, workers and their trade unionists permanently re-invent the daily routine and concrete rules of occupation. The case of the Lip factory may also question the political dimension in current experiences of occupied and reclaimed factories. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5671]
67.5712 GRABAR, Jakov A. —
The leadership eventually came to D. Cameron, who declared the beginning of the party's modernization and succeeded in bringing the Conservatives to power in 2010, after 13 years in opposition. He redirected the Tories’ focus from their “traditional” themes, such as immigration or the EU question, to a debate about social issues, which focus were of much greater interest to voters. And the “Big Society” ideology has become the key element of Cameron's political program. The “Big Society” celebrates the value of local communities, charities and social enterprises, as well as promotes reform of the welfare system. The Conservatives tries to present such a model of public service provision that could become an alternative to the existing one, with state structures at its heart. [R, abr.]
67.5713 GRUBE, Dennis; VAN ACKER, Elizabeth —
Over the past decade political leaders have sought to grapple with the issue of same-sex marriage. The rhetorical choices of leaders as they have made the case for or against moving away from traditional definitions of marriage have been central to shaping the national debate within different jurisdictions. This article applies the theoretical lens of “discursive institutionalism” (V. Schmidt) and the analytical purchase of “rhetorical political analysis” (A. Finlayson) to compare the rhetoric of Prime Minister D. Cameron in the UK, Prime Minister T. Abbott in Australia, and President B. Obama in the US. We argue that Cameron and Obama have, in different ways, each sought to discursively re-define the institution of marriage by drawing on elements already endogenous to the institution itself. [R, abr.]
67.5714 GSCHWEND, Thomas; MEFFERT, Michael F.; STOETZER, Lukas F. —
Democratic accountability is characterized as weak in parliamentary systems where voters cannot choose their government directly. We argue that coalition signals about desirable and undesirable coalitions that might be formed after the election help to provide this essential aspect of democratic government. We propose a simple model that identifies the effect of coalition signals on individual vote decisions. Based on survey experiments in two different countries we show how coalition signals change the relative weight of voters’ party and coalition considerations. Coalition signals increase the importance of coalition considerations and, at the same time, decrease the importance of party considerations in voters’ decision calculus, leading some voters to change their vote intention. [R]
67.5715 GÜLMEZ, Recep —
Religion and nationalism are not only two distinctive but also closely related concepts when it comes to nation-building. Their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism is pervasive. Today, in Turkey, two religious movements of the same origin play a key role in linguistic nationalism and decision-making in language policy: the Gülen movement and the Med-Zehra movement. These two non-governmental affinities are important groups in the Nur movement. The Gülen movement is supportive of Turkish nationalism and thereby Turkish language and identity, while the Med-Zehra group emphasizes Kurdish identity and separatism. This study makes a comparison between the two movements and investigates in detail their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism. [R]
67.5716 GUNDELACH, Birte; MANATSCHAL, Anita —
Increasing ethnic diversity and whether or not it impacts on social trust are highly debated topics. Numerous studies report a negative relationship between diversity and trust, particularly in the US. A growing body of follow-up studies has examined the extent to which these findings can be transferred to Europe, but the results remain inconclusive. Moving beyond the discussion of the mere existence or absence of diversity effects on trust, this study is concerned with the moderation of this relationship. It addresses the neglected role of subnational integration policies influencing the impact of diversity on trust. Empirical tests not only indicate that integration policies moderate the relationship but also suggest that the influence of policies varies substantively according to the specific policy aspect under consideration. [R]
67.5717 HAJNAL, Zoltan; LAJEVARDI, Nazita; NIELSON, Lindsay —
The proliferation of increasingly strict voter identification laws around the [US] has raised concerns about voter suppression. Although there are many reasons to suspect that these laws could harm groups like racial minorities and the poor, existing studies have been limited, with most occurring before states enacted strict identification requirements, and they have uncovered few effects. By using validated voting data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study for several recent elections, we are able to offer a more definitive test. The analysis shows that strict identification laws have a differentially negative impact on the turnout of racial and ethnic minorities in primaries and general elections. We also find that voter ID laws skew democracy toward those on the political right. [R]
67.5718 HANSEN, Kasper M.; KOSIARA-PEDERSEN, Karina —
The minimal effect theory of campaign studies stipulates that intense political competition during campaigns assures and reinforces the initial party choice of the electorate. We find that this reinforcement is two-fold. During the campaign, the party preference of the voters’ in-group party increases while the party preference of the voters’ out-group parties decreases. Voters’ preference for their most preferred party increases during the election campaign, while their preference for their least liked party decreases. These trends show that the political campaign polarizes the electorate by increasing the affective distance between in-group party and out-group party preferences, thereby resulting in stronger political polarization after the campaign than before the campaign. The data utilized [are from] a large six-wave panel-study of Danish voters’ party preferences during the Danish parliamentary election of 2011. [R, abr.]
67.5719 HANSSON, Sten —
Public communication practices of executive governments are often criticized by journalists, politicians, scholars, and other commentators. Therefore, government communication professionals routinely adopt various blame avoidance strategies, some of which are meant to “stop blame before it starts” or to reduce their exposure to potential blame attacks. The linguistic aspects of such anticipative strategies are yet to be studied by discourse analysts. I show how written professional guidelines for government communicators could be interpreted as complex discursive devices of anticipative blame avoidance. I outline historically and institutionally situated issues of blame that inform the occupational habitus of government communicators in the UK. [R, abr.]
67.5720 HARRISON, Brian F.; MICHELSON, Melissa R. —
Recent years have a seen a dramatic and rapid shift in attitudes about same-sex marriage — quite possibly one of the largest shifts in public opinion ever recorded. Another shift has occurred regarding the framing of persuasive appeals by gay rights advocacy organizations. Earlier campaigns focused on rationality by highlighting the idea of equal rights for Lesbian Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender individuals; more recent campaigns have focused on love and commitment. Is one type of framing more effective than the other? Are attitudes about marriage equality more likely to shift when arguments are framed rationally or when they are framed emotionally? We conducted a series of randomized experiments to explore these questions. [R, abr.]
67.5721 HARTSHORN, Ian M. —
Two recent examples of post-revolutionary constitution-drafting in Egypt and Tunisia provide evidence that the way trade unions are included in constitutional assemblies matters a great deal. These cases suggest that not just whether organized interests are included in the constitution-drafting process but how impacts their long-term influence. Prior to the revolutions, both countries used corporatist labor practices including hierarchical, exclusionary labor confederations with close ties to the regime. Despite similar origins, labor-state relationships evolved differently. Tunisia's Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT) enjoyed an “external” role and little formal challenge as interest aggregator for trade unionists; Egypt's Trade Union Federation (ETUF) faced challenges from independent trade unionists and little influence in government. These differences can be seen through an understudied realm of contestation: the constitutional assemblies. [R, abr.]
67.5722 HASSELL, Hans J. G.; SETTLE, Jaime E. —
We argue that life stress affects individuals’ political behavior, but this effect is contingent on their past political involvement. While individuals familiar with and engaged in the political process are unaffected when confronted with stress in life, individuals who are not routinely involved in the electoral process are more likely to disengage from politics. We fielded two experiments, one preceding the US presidential election of 2012 and the second preceding the 2013 municipal election in a small Midwestern American town. We find that when triggered to consider life stressors unrelated to politics, individuals without a history of past participation in politics are less likely to vote while individuals who are habitual voters are unaffected. [R, abr.]
67.5723 HERTEL, Shareen; TAGLIARINA, Corinne M.; BUERGER, Catherine —
In electoral politics throughout the developing world, “cheap talk” on food is the norm. When political parties are outside of the governing majority, they tend to express a strong commitment to providing food for the poor. When in power, their commitment to fulfilling the right to food wanes. This tendency prevails regardless of party orientation. India is a case in point. This article draws on original datasets and interview data to demonstrate the role that interest group and regional party dynamics play in perpetuating cheap talk on food in India, and the implications for fulfillment of the right to food there and beyond. [R]
67.5724 HERTFELDER, Thomas —
Since the late 1990s, a new master narrative of democracy has formed in Germany. Newer syntheses on the history of the Federal Republic as well as many national exhibition and memorial site projects all follow this narrative. In parallel a debate has flared up regarding the “uneasiness regarding the culture of memory”, which argues that public commemoration of the crimes of the Nazi dictatorship has reached a dead end. The author analyzes both of these discourses and points out their achievements and fractures: the democracy master narrative is capable of integrating different interpretations of German contemporary history since 1945 and thus also evokes different biographical and generational experiences — admittedly at the price of underexposing moments which can only be integrated into this success narrative with difficulty. [R, abr.]
67.5725 HO, Ming-Sho; HUANG, Chun-Hao —
This article examines the development of “movement parties” in Taiwan by applying the political opportunity perspective to understand how external conditions impacted their electoral path. We explain the rise and fall of movement parties by changes in electoral system, level of movement activism, and the permeability of the DPP [Democratic Progressive Party]. [R]
67.5726 HOERNER, Julian M. —
The role of national parliaments in scrutinizing their governments in EU affairs has been at the forefront of debates on democratic accountability in the EU for the past two decades. Resolutions are the legislative instruments most clearly associated with government control. This article finds that party political strategies, and especially the different constraints and incentives for mainstream/government parties and issue entrepreneurs on Europe, are the most important factors determining the activity of national parliaments in the form of resolutions on EU affairs. Issue-entrepreneurs are parties which are Euroskeptic and for which Europe is salient. Motions initiated by issue-entrepreneurs are numerous but limited to criticizing the government and contain little technical detail, while the resolutions of mainstream government parties mostly support the government's position. [R, abr.]
67.5727 HOLBERT, R. Lance; HARDY, Bruce W.; LaMARRE, Heather L. —
Political party conventions, rivaled only by general election debates, are media events that can affect democratic processes through their ability to reach a wide audience. Conventions hold a unique place in the American electoral system by serving as a pivot point between the nation's primary and general election phases. From a normative perspective, the current study focuses on the degree to which consuming major political party convention speeches mitigates negative perceptions generated from the primaries on what citizens are anticipating for the general election. A national pre-post conventions panel survey of US adults (N = 562) is utilized to address five hypotheses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5728 HONG, Ji Yeon; KANG, Woo Chang —
How does wartime violence affect public attitudes toward the government in the long run? We examine whether violence against civilians during the Korean War continues to influence people's attitudes toward the South Korean government more than half a century later. We find that wartime violence has clear long-term attitudinal effects. Using a difference-in-differences analysis that compares the cohorts born before and after the war, the findings indicate that people who experienced violence in their childhood (0–5 years) are less supportive of the South Korean government, especially the administration and the military, compared with those born in the same areas during the 5 years after the war. We argue that the gap between pre- and post-war cohorts is generated by the long-lasting trauma of wartime violence and the social stigma imposed on violence victims after the war. [R]
67.5729 HOOGHE, Marc; VERHAEGEN, Soetkin —
Two approaches toward the development of a European identity can be distinguished. Society-based approaches assume that the most important foundation for the development of a European identity is trust toward other European citizens as this allows Europeans to identify with the EU as a community of citizens and values. The institutional approach, on the other hand, assumes that a shared European identity is predominantly based on trust in political institutions. We test the relationship between social and political trust on the one hand, and European identity on the other. The results suggest that trust in other European citizens is positively associated with European identity, but trust in the European political institutions has a stronger relation with European identity. [R, abr.]
67.5730 HORN, Alexander; JENSEN, Carsten —
This article presents an argument that explains when governments do not do what they promised and tests it using an innovative research design with data covering four decades and 18 countries. The argument is able to account for several important but, until now, undescribed phenomena. First, nowadays, governments, on average, deliver less welfare than they promised, whereas in the 1970s they used to deliver more than promised. Second, the pledge-breaking of governments has become highly dependent on the parliamentary opposition's position on the welfare issue. Third, a conditional effect of the opposition is a recent occurrence that only emerged after the number of potential swing voters increased as class-based voting gradually declined from the 1970s onwards. [R, abr.]
67.5731 HOZIĆ, Aida A.; TRUE, Jacqui —
“Brexit” has made visible the major fault lines and fissures that underlie the so-called UK and our increasingly globalized world. But the precise nature of those fault lines and fissures requires multiple strands of critical analysis and interpretation. To date, most analyses have highlighted the socio-economic class and immigration or rather race/empire reasons for the Brexit vote neglecting their gendered dimensions. Building on the framework developed in Scandalous Economics we show how gendered analysis both illuminates and complicates dominant explanations of the Brexit vote. We interrogate the agents of Brexit — highlighting the paradox of men's dominance of the Brexit campaign and women's rise in the political crisis that ensued after the referendum vote. We also examine the intersectional inequalities that have made Brexit conceivable from a gender perspective. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6047]
67.5732 HUBER, Daniela —
It is not only since January 2011 and the so-called “youth revolutions” that youth has become a key concept through which Europeans and Americans are viewing the Arab world. Since the 2000s, youth has increasingly entered EU foreign policies in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and the revised Neighborhood Policy has in fact devoted an entire section to youth unemployment. But are EU policies contributing to the inclusion of youth? Based on discourse-analysis and a comparative approach with US policies, this article argues that the EU and the US have framed youth exclusively in relation to their ideal vision of a liberal order in the region as an asset, challenge or threat. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6062]
67.5733 INGLEHART, Ronald; NORRIS, Pippa —
The 35 years of exceptional security experienced by developed democracies after WWII brought pervasive cultural changes, including the rise of Green parties and the spread of democracy. During the past 35 years, economic growth continued, but virtually all of the gains went to those at the top; the less-educated experienced declining existential security, fueling support for Populist Authoritarian phenomena such as Brexit, France's National Front and D. Trump's takeover of the Republican party. This raises two questions: (1) “What motivates people to support Populist Authoritarian movements?” And (2) “Why is the populist authoritarian vote so much higher now than it was several decades ago in high-income countries?” The two questions have different answers. Cultural backlash explains why given individuals support Populist Authoritarian movements. Declining existential security explains why support for these movements is greater now than it was thirty years ago. [R, abr.]
67.5734 ISHIYAMA, John; MARSHALL, Michael —
The transformation of rebel groups into political parties has captured the attention of scholars of both conflict studies and of party transformation. We examine the question of rebel party image change by investigating the causes of name changes adopted by a rebel organization as it transforms into a political party after the end of a civil conflict. We develop an analytical framework based upon the extensive literature on party identity change in the West, and apply it to the name changes of rebel parties. Using an original data-set of 54 former rebel organizations, we find that factors internal to the organization (such as the degree of inclusivity and the origins of the rebel organization) explain name change more than factors related to the post-conflict environment. [R]
67.5735 ITZKOVITCH-MALKA, Reut; HAZAN, Reuven Y. —
This article analyzes the effect of electoral systems, candidate-selection methods and the interplay between them on individual legislative attitudes and behavioral norms, specifically on two facets of party unity: party agreement and party loyalty. Our main argument is that one must take into account the effect of inter- as well as intra-party competition, and the interaction between the two, in order to explain individual legislative attitudes and norms. Using data from 34 European parties across 10 countries, we show that under exclusive candidate-selection methods, there are large differences between proportional representation and single-member-district electoral systems in their effect on party agreement and party loyalty. Under inclusive candidate-selection methods, however, such differences are much less apparent. [R, abr.]
67.5736 JACOBY, Wade —
Are “grand coalitions” good or bad for democracy? This article analyzes that question in light of the recent rise of populist parties that large mainstream parties may try to exclude from government by forming grand coalitions with other large mainstream parties. I call this the “sterilization” logic and note that mainstream parties’ ability to do this varies widely. Where parties have previously used grand coalitions primarily according to a “clientelist” logic — for example, Austria — mainstream parties may well be unable to rally the party system against insurgent populist challengers. Where mainstream parties have used grand coalitions exceptionally and for major institutional “renovations” — for example, Germany — the grand coalition remains a viable option for responding to insurgent challenges, though this strategy is also quite risky. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6028]
67.5737 JAKOBSSON, Niklas; KUMLIN, Staffan —
Empirical studies contend that electoral-political factors structure the welfare state. Most studies concentrate on “government partisanship”, that is the ideological character of the government. We agree that politics matters but also seek to expand our understanding of what “politics” should be taken to mean. We study the impact of whether welfare state issues were broadly salient in the public sphere during the election campaign that produced the government. We formulate hypotheses about how such systemic campaign salience and government partisanship affect welfare generosity. We also consider how such effects might have changed. In 16 West European countries for the years 1980–2008, we find that campaigns matter but also that their impact has changed. [R, abr.]
67.5738 JENNINGS, Freddie J., et al. —
Researchers have noted that an individual's processing of political media messages occurs through various filters including partisanship, interest, and cynicism. The phenomenon of motivated processing, however, is understudied particularly in the context of televised presidential debates. As major campaign events, presidential debates have been linked to increases in viewers’ political knowledge, political information efficacy, and changes in candidate evaluation. Yet individual's information processing, largely unexplored in the extant debate literature, may well influence these outcomes. We manipulate processing of a political debate and monitor the effects through participant engagement with social media. Researchers asked debate viewers to tweet while watching 2016 Democrat and Republican presidential primary debates following instructions designed to prime either directional motivated processing or accuracy motivated processing. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5739 JENSEN, Christian B.; LEE, Daniel J. —
We present a formal model of party competition to explain differences in party ideological ambiguity. Existing works generally argue that parties are more or less ambiguous depending on whether their supporters are risk-acceptant or risk-averse. Our model explores more fully strategic choice of ambiguity by considering non-electoral benefits to ambiguity — that is, party elite recruitment and retention. In terms of costs, we assume that all voters are risk-averse, who therefore prefer less ideological ambiguity. Explicitly considering both costs and benefits derives our hypotheses and highlights the importance of party competition — ambiguity is influenced by the proximity to a party's closest ideological competitor. An empirical analysis of twenty-eight European countries supports our hypotheses. [R]
67.5740 JIANG, Liang —
The relationship between religion and immigrant political participation has not been rigorously investigated in Australia. I test whether religious attendance influences electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants. I demonstrate that the impact of religious attendance on political participation may be overstated. I find that religious attendance is not significantly related to electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants in Australia. This result may relate to three factors: the ability of religious attendance to affect immigrants’ key political resources; competition between religious and secular organizations; and the political salience of particular religious denominations within the Australian context. [R, abr.]
67.5741 JOHNSON, Candace —
This article investigates the contradictions between public health protocols and infection containment efforts concerning Zika virus and reproductive rights. In El Salvador, for example, women are being advised to avoid pregnancy until 2018, at which time local authorities hope that the virus will be under control. This is not so easy, however, as there is limited access to contraception, abortion is illegal in all instances, and women tend to have little household authority. In this article, I examine the policy, legal, and political contradictions related to the global proliferation of Zika virus in the context of ongoing debates about stratified reproduction. This term conceptualizes the phenomenon that accords different values to reproductive tasks undertaken by women in different socioeconomic, cultural, and national contexts. [R, abr.]
67.5742 JOHNSTON, Ron; ROSSITER, David; PATTIE, Charles —
Members of the British Labour party have, not for the first time, criticized the Boundary Commissions’ proposals for new constituency boundaries as gerrymandering. This represents a misuse of the term: the Commissions have produced recommended constituencies in the context of new rules for such redistributions that give precedence to equality of electorates across all seats and the boundaries of those constituencies have been defined without any reference to the likely electoral consequences. The Conservatives, who were responsible for the change in the rules to emphasize electoral equality, wanted to remove a decades-long Labour advantage in the translation of votes into seats because of variations in constituency size, and the Commissions’ implementation of those rules has achieved that. A Labour advantage has been removed but not replaced by a Conservative advantage. [R, abr.]
67.5743 JOSHI, Devin K.; XU, Yizhe —
The authors examine Chinese media coverage of India's two-month long April-May 2014 parliamentary election, the largest election in world history, through systematic analysis of over 500 articles from ten major mass media outlets and over 27,000 messages transmitted on Sina Weibo social media. As might be expected, Chinese mass media generally portrayed India and its elections in a condescending fashion while avoiding discussion of “democracy”. However, the authors found a much broader array of viewpoints on Chinese social media including considerable praise for Indian Prime Minister N. Modi and extensive discussion about the intrinsic and instrumental merits of democracy both in India and in general. [R, abr.]
67.5744 JOURDAIN, Charlotte; HUG, Simon; VARONE, Frédéric —
This study examines lobbying activity during four California policy-making processes and through the four institutional venues available in that state: the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, and the ballot initiative. It shows that past advocacy activity explains future mobilization on the same policy issue. Groups that fail to reach their policy goals will be more likely to mobilize later if the policy process changes venue, compared with those that have achieved their policy preference. Thus, the availability of multiple venues provides a counterweight to the possible advantages received by certain group types in each venue. Furthermore, public interest groups are more likely to mobilize across venues and repeatedly within a venue, while business groups are less likely to do so. [R]
67.5745 JUNGBLUT, Jens; WEBER, Regina —
Party youth organizations are a resource for future party leaders and they aggregate the interests of young people within the party. It is essential to understand how they fulfil these tasks when we want to analyze the future of aging mass-member party organizations. Our survey of local leaders in the German Social Democratic youth organization shows that leadership training starts already on the lowest level. These activists are dominantly male and have an academic background. Their focus is on typical youth interests and they seem to be successful in accumulating youth interests into the party. The youth organization seems to fulfill its tasks very well, but the analysis shows that they mainly reproduce existing party structures and are not able to contribute to an opening process of the party. [R]
67.5746 JUNGHERR, Andreas —
The internet is central in contemporary political communication. Yet, political science has addressed this topic only marginally in its central debates or outlets. This review maps the available literature on the use of the internet and digital tools in political communication. I map central arguments, present important findings, and perspectives for the field's future development. In this, I focus on the available literature on the history of ideas with regard to political effects of the internet, the internet's use by political elites and citizens, and potential effects thereof. Finally, I discuss systematic problems in the literature and offer a short discussion of perspectives for future research. [R]
67.5747 JURKYNAS, Mindaugas —
The article presents a brief review of the general results of all elections to the parliament (Seimas) since 1990 and introduce the development of the electoral system employed for the last parliamentary election. Then it overviews the profiles of parties and coalitions that participated in the election in 2016 and evaluate the electoral campaign. Finally, I shed light on the outcome, electoral indices and the aftermath of the election. [R, abr.]
67.5748 KADT, Daniel de —
I study the effect of voting in South Africa's first democratic election in 1994 on future voting and present evidence of the lasting behavioral effects of past participation. Eligibility to participate in 1994 affects future voting by 3 percentage points, with an average treatment effect of actually voting between 3.5 and 8.5 percentage points. Given low turnout rates, these effects account for 7%-20% of the size of the electorate. To explain this result, I propose a theoretical explanation that draws on psychological research — affective experience habituation. I argue that persistence (or habituation) in voting behavior is at least partly driven by the creation of associations between first-time voting and positive emotional states. This theory is tested within the context of the 1994 election by exploiting variation in electoral experiences. [R, abr.]
67.5749 KALOGEROPOULOS, Antonis, et al. —
It has recently been claimed that the economy does not exert strong influence on evaluations of incumbent governments in a globalized environment owing to the complex nature of the world's economy. We question this claim and examine whether and how exposure to economic news affects economic evaluations of governments and how these in turn affect overall government evaluations. The study, based on a two-wave national panel study in Denmark (N = 1,280) and a content-analysis of the most prominent news outlets (N = 20,127), shows that we are not ready for a paradigm shift: The economy is still important in terms of predicting overall government evaluations, and exposure to economic news drives this relationship. In addition, priming is stronger for individuals who do not discuss the economy. [R]
67.5750 KANDYLIS, George —
Cities have always offered multiple spatial settings for human acts that question existing order and create new forms of citizenship. Keeping in mind the Arendtian definition of citizenship as a superior “right to have rights”, this paper explores the emergence of scenes of citizenship in contemporary Athens, with regard to the public appearance of immigrants as actors that seek (or not) more than the recognition of separate rights. Some key contradictions that are revealed, such as those that concern the boundaries between private and public life, solidarity and disempowerment, sense of belonging and motivation to exclude, illustrate that acts of citizenship depend on the qualities of the urban scenes in which they unfold and that these qualities are in turn shaped by different articulations of power. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6372]
67.5751 KANTACK, Benjamin R. —
Minor parties in American politics often struggle to gain support due to the phenomenon of strategic voting, as they rarely field viable candidates. However, in several US states, fusion — a process by which multiple parties may nominate the same candidat — averts this obstacle by allowing minor parties to cross-endorse major-party candidates. Although major parties are known to perceive these fused ballot lines as electorally advantageous, their value in terms of additional votes for fusing candidates has not yet been systematically studied. Focusing on US House of Representatives elections in New York (where fusion is prevalent) between 1952 and 2014, I demonstrate that, under certain conditions, fusing with minor parties improves major-party candidates’ electoral performance by substantial — and, occasionally, electorally decisive — amounts. [R]
67.5752 KAPLAN, Stephen B.; THOMSSON, Kaj —
Political economy theory expects politicians to use budget deficits to engineer an election-timed boom, known as the political business cycle. We challenge and contextualize this view by incorporating the financial constraints faced by governments into an electoral framework. We argue theoretically that the extent of ownership dispersion among creditors has important effects for governments’ policy autonomy. Specifically, we contend that when highly indebted governments become more reliant on international bond markets — as opposed to traditional bank lending — politicians alter the way they respond to domestic constituents. In an econometric test of 16 Latin American countries, from 1961 to 2011, we show that financial decentralization breeds austerity. More specifically, we find that politicians exhibit more fiscal discipline when they fund a greater share of their spending through decentralized bond markets. [R, abr.]
67.5753 KAPLOW, Louis; KOMINERS, Scott Duke —
Who will vote quadratically in large-N elections under quadratic voting (QV)? First, who will vote? Although the core QV literature assumes that everyone votes, turnout is endogenous. Drawing on other work, we consider the representativeness of endogenously determined turnout under QV. Second, who will vote quadratically? Conditional on turning out, we examine reasons that, in large-N elections, the number of votes that an individual casts may deviate substantially from that under pure, rational QV equilibrium play. Because turnout itself is driven by other factors, the same determinants may influence how voters who do turn out choose the quantity of votes to cast. Independently, the number of votes actually cast may deviate dramatically from pure QV predictions because of the complex and refined nature of equilibrium play. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5754 KATSAMBEKIS, Giorgos —
Populism has often been described as a great challenge and threat to Western democracies. This article offers a brief yet comprehensive overview of the ongoing debates in a bid to problematize the supposed “imminent threat” of populism in light of recent developments within the political systems and societies of established democracies, especially under conditions of crisis. I understand populism as a specific type of discourse, and thus as a way — among others — of doing politics and appealing to groups of people. Thus, I highlight the varying orientations that populist movements might take, depending on the ideological traditions with which they are closely articulated and the sociopolitical environment in which they manifest. Last, I relate the “populist surge” to discussions regarding post-democracy. [R, abr.]
67.5755 KAZUN, A. D. — Ė
Numerous studies of support of national leaders indicate that the president's approval ratings increase substantially during international conflicts and tragedies. In such a way, the Falklands War greatly influenced the popularity of M. Thatcher. The Gulf War led to a significant increase in the public approval of G.H.W. Bush, and the terrorist attack of 9/11 [2001] was a push for greater support for G.W. Bush. The article analyzes the phenomenon of consolidation of the population around a national leader in times of crisis, called “rally around the flag”. We systematize the literature on the subject and draw conclusions on a number of fundamental premises of the theory. [R, abr.]
67.5756 KEELE, Luke J., et al. —
What effect does a candidate's race have on co-racial voter turnout? Recent studies have found mixed results, largely because it is difficult to separate the effect of candidate race from other factors that drive voter turnout. We argue that viability is a key element in the theory of turnout among co-racial voters that has been overlooked in the extant literature. We develop a broad-based concept of candidate viability that is dependent on both the candidate and the electoral environment. To test this hypothesis, we make use of the unique runoff structure of mayoral elections in the state of Louisiana between 1988 and 2011. We argue that runoff elections heighten viability in ways rarely seen in most elections. [R, abr.]
67.5757 KEENAN, Lisa; McELROY, Gail —
Candidate gender quotas were passed into law in the Republic of Ireland in 2012. This paper examines support for this quota amongst three different groups: local election candidates, a sample of professionals and the general public. Using responses from three different datasets, we identify the key ideological, partisan and demographic predictors of support for the quota. We find that the best predictors of support for the quota are, not surprisingly, the gender of the respondent and being a feminist. There is a weak effect for left-wing ideology and partisanship and for beliefs regarding the causes of women's absence from political life. Overall, the results suggest that resistance to the quota is still relatively strong amongst both potential candidates for Dail Éireann and the Irish electorate. [R]
67.5758 KELLY, Stephen —
This article examines Haughey's involvement with the second Republican hunger strike, which lasted from March to October 1981. For the first time it reveals the true extent of how Haughey, Fianna Fáil leader and taoiseach during the depths of this crisis, was forced to play a marginal role, banished to the political side-lines. His repeated attempts to act as a mediator between British prime minister M. Thatcher and the Republican movement, in an effort to bring the hunger strike to an amicable conclusion, was an abject failure. [R]
67.5759 KETTELL, Steven —
Conservative Christian groups in Britain have been involved in a number of high profile and controversial policy issues. Scholarly research into the political activities of such groups, however, remains limited. This article addresses this lacuna by exploring the collective action frames deployed by conservative Christian groups in their attempts to influence national level policies and debates. Drawing on elite interviews with group representatives, it argues that these frames have been constructed largely in response to the pressures of secularization, but have, in many respects, become secularized themselves. [R]
67.5760 KIESS, Johannes, et al. —
Euroskepticism is associated with a new cleavage between the “losers” and the “winners” of globalization. Current research also indicates that right-wing extremist, racist, and anti-democratic attitudes are more prevalent in lower status groups, particularly those struggling with societal change. These findings are combined with a unique data-set covering both topics and thus add to the growing literature on Euroskepticism while also exploring the divide between the “losers” and “winners” of modernization processes. The article introduces categories of occupational status groups, namely the “engaged”, the “skilled workers”, and the “legworkers”, which represent different levels of involvement in modernization processes. It explores the differences in attitudes between these groups and how those differences correlate with citizens’ professional status. [R, abr.]
67.5761 KILLICK, Anna —
F. Facchini [See Abstr. 67.5690] uses a behavioral approach to analyze the political beliefs of French people, who he believes are “more or less incompetent” in economics. I focus on his premise that the public are incompetent and that therefore their views, such as being opposed to the market in the case of the French people, should be interpreted as “perception bias”. Other economists may echo Facchini, claiming that people who voted Leave in the UK and for D. Trump in the US did so because their lack of economic knowledge contributed to an “anti-foreign bias”. However, I argue here that the existing empirical research showing that people lack economic knowledge is flawed. Many economists adopt a questionable approach to the interpretation of public knowledge and the evaluation of what knowledge is important. [R]
67.5762 KIM, Claudia J. —
When do anti-base movements manage to influence policy, and when do they fail to do so? Base scholars have largely overlooked what I argue is a significant factor that can shape public and government response to anti-base movements: political opportunities associate with framing efforts by key actors involved. Based on two cases of anti-base movements in South Korea, I show how framing battles between activists and media shape political opportunities afforded to anti-base movements and can ultimately influence movement success. [R]
67.5763 KIM, Mi-son; SOLT, Frederick —
Contrary to longstanding arguments that equate parties with durable, information-rich brand names, the relabeling of parties is not rare, and in many countries it is not even very unusual. This paper provides the first effort to document this neglected phenomenon. It finds that across European democracies roughly a third of all parties have relabeled themselves at least once since 1945, and a similar proportion of elections include at least one party running under a new name. It then presents analyses of why parties change names more frequently in some circumstances, finding support for three explanations derived from the existing literature: parties with longer-standing brands are less likely to shed them, but relabeling is more likely for parties that suffer electoral setbacks and for parties in weaker party systems. [R, abr.]
67.5764 KIRKLAND, Christopher; WOOD, Matthew —
Declining voter turnout has been highlighted as problematic for a number of western democracies. However, we argue that whether an election is seen as “legitimate” or not depends crucially upon interpretations of the levels of turnout by elite actors. Through comparing two recent democratic ballots in the UK we demonstrate how elections with lower turnouts can come to be seen as holding more legitimacy than those with higher turnouts. The cases demonstrate, we argue, a distinction between actual legitimacy, defined as a binary concept, and the process of legitimization — a process through which the authority of an institution is discursively constructed and conferred. This suggests a new research agenda on how the legitimacy of a ballot is socially constructed in a broader context of unequal socio-economic power relations. [R]
67.5765 KLAR, Samara; SHMARGAD, Yotam —
How does network structure influence opinion? Relying on theories of preference-formation and social networks, we randomize a sample of adults into networks that vary in structure. In one (a clustered lattice), individuals’ connections tend to be connected to each other; in another (a random network), individuals’ connections tend not to be connected, instead providing access to different regions of the network. We seed messages that reflect competing sides of policy debates in each network: one underdog viewpoint is seeded less often, while a dominant viewpoint is seeded more often. We track their diffusion and find that the random network increases exposure to underdog views, compared with the clustered lattice. Individuals in the random network subsequently learn more about the policy debates and become more sympathetic toward the underdog perspective. [R, abr.]
67.5766 KOKO, Sadiki —
This article analyzes the transformation of two former Congolese rebel groups, namely the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Goma (RCD-Goma) and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), into political parties following the conclusion of the Second Congo War (1998–2003) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is argued that three sets of factors influenced the process of the political transformation of the RCD-Goma and the MLC. These factors related to the stabilization process that unfolded in the country starting with the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement in July 1999, the make-up and the behavior of the rebel groups involved as well as changes in international politics. [R, abr.]
67.5767 KOLKMANN, Michael —
In the 2016 US Congressional elections, the Republican Party confirmed its majorities in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. Although they lost two seats in the Senate and six seats in the House, they won a majority of the decisive battleground states. They retained an advantage in the House for the foreseeable future thanks to gerrymandered seats and a shrinking number of competitive seats in this chamber. The results can be interpreted as an endorsement of the status quo on Capitol Hill. The 2016 elections turned out to be a successful year for incumbents both Republican and Democratic. President D. Trump enjoys therefore a unified government, at least until the midterm elections of 2018. [R, abr.]
67.5768 KÖNIG, Thomas; MARBACH, Moritz; OSNABRÜGGE, Moritz —
Comparative studies report the rise of left- and right-wing Euroskeptic parties that have transformed national party competition in Europe toward an inverted U-shaped configuration: peripheral parties at the left and right of the party spectrum oppose while centrist parties support several features of European integration. To describe the tempo and timing of this transformation and the heterogeneity across countries, we construct a Bayesian finite mixture factor analysis that estimates the election-specific probability of a one-dimensional left/right versus a two-dimensional inverted U-shaped national party configuration. The results show a general trend toward “U” but with significant variation across countries and time, including cases with a reversal of this trend. [R]
67.5769 KORNELIUS, Bernhard —
Republican D. Trump was elected 45th President of the US on 8 November 2016 after a campaign run on domestic issues, a lot of “post-truth” populism and fearmongering about social and economic decline. The shift from B. Obama to D. Trump amounts to a serious break in White House politics and policies. Trump was supported primarily by people who feel that things in the US are generally on the wrong track, who hold pessimistic outlooks on the future and who complain about their diminishing financial resources. Fueled by massive discontent over the Obama Administration, Trump was considered as person who would “bring needed change” to “make America great again”. Trump's opponent, Democratic presidential nominee H. Clinton, was not convincing as a person and issues covered by her also failed. [R, abr.]
67.5770 KOSTADINOVA, Tatiana; MIKULSKA, Anna —
Previous research dismisses the possibility that populist, male-dominated parties could positively affect gender equality. Yet, evidence from Eastern Europe points at the opposite: Center-rightist formations, led by notable men, have effectively nominated women to office. What can explain such a puzzling phenomenon? This study argues that (1) the centralized structure and practices in these populist parties make it possible to avoid the reluctance of gatekeepers to let female candidates run; and that (2) regardless of ideological or cultural predispositions, supporters loyally approve the nomination decisions made by their charismatic leader. We analyze data on three populist parties in Bulgaria and Poland. Our findings confirm that these formations elected more women than the leftist parties because of strategies to nominate female candidates higher on the list. [R, abr.]
67.5771 KOTZÉ, Hennie; LOUBSER, Reinet —
Twenty-six years after South Africa's elite-driven transition to liberal democracy, this essay analyzes the values and attitudes of the public and (parliamentarian) elites to assess the country's democratic consolidation. It presents evidence that — despite singular exception — the South African public has followed in the footsteps of its leaders by adopting more liberal values and attitudes than it previously held. The essay identifies the challenges to consolidation as being primarily political in nature: a lack of consensus on macroeconomic policy among ruling elites as well as weakened institutional capacity to implement policy. The resultant problems plaguing service delivery and the lack of socio-economic advancement have damaged many South Africans’ confidence in both their government and democracy. [R]
67.5772 KOZHOKIN, Ye. M. —
The ethno-religious composition of such European countries is rapidly changing. The “old” residents of many European countries increasingly feel threat to their normal life. L. Orgad cites adequately modeled predictions, according to which by 2051, in such countries as Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Germany, and Spain, the national balance is likely to change in most radical way: the current majority will turn in a minority in their own countries. A significant number of Muslims living in Western Europe do not accept its values. European countries are engaged in an undeclared, but no less obvious defense of cultural policy and national identity of the majority. At the same time, the liberal law system has never endowed the national identity of the legal registration status. [R, abr.]
67.5773 KRISHNAN, Satish; TEO, Thompson S. H.; LYMM, John —
Utilizing the Technology-Organization-Environment (TOE) theory and the literature on citizen engagement, we formulated a multiple-mediation model examining (1) the TOE contextual factors affecting government's willingness to implement electronic participation (e-participation) in form of e-information sharing, e-consultation, and e-decision-making in a country and its electronic government (e-government) maturity; and (2) the mediating role of government's willingness to implement e-participation in a country on the relationship between its TOE contextual factors and e-government maturity. Specifically, we hypothesized that information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure (representing the Technology context), governance (representing the Organization context), and human capital (representing the Environment context) has both direct and indirect relationships with e-government maturity through the mediating roles of government's willingness to implement e-participation. [R, abr.]
67.5774 KUMAR, Lata Rajagopalan —
The past few years in India have seen films, rock bands, websites, internet articles, events, documentaries and books restricted or totally banned under various censorship laws. These occurrences have sparked widespread criticism. This article takes a closer look at recent instances of media censorship, the reasons behind the decisions and the reactions of the Indian people. [R, abr.]
67.5775 KUSCHE, Isabel —
The constituency orientation of Irish politicians is a recurring topic in Irish political science. Its analysis has predominantly focused on TDs. This article uses a content analysis of candidate video statements in the 2016 general election in order to assess the strength of constituency orientation among Irish politicians. The results show a distinct geographical pattern, with a band of strong constituency orientation along the West coast extending into a corridor that reaches far into the East of the country. Differences between urban and rural areas and between centre and periphery shape this pattern, indicated by the weak constituency orientation in Dublin and Cork constituencies. Results also indicate differences between parties and some political statuses, while the gender of the candidates is of no relevance. [R, abr.]
67.5776 KUZIO, Taras —
Washington, DC [US] has also attracted hundreds of millions of dollars for lobbyists, political consultants and think tanks from authoritarian political forces and kleptocrats who have little in common with American and European values. Both Republicans and Democrats have been recipients of these illicit funds from state officials and oligarchs who are seeking to ingratiate themselves with American public opinion. Political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers and think tanks which receive funds from such sources are part of a bigger problem of reverse corruption and cynicism and the export of authoritarian practices from Ukraine and post-Soviet states to the West. [R, abr.]
67.5777 LACEWELL, Onawa Promise —
Do parties adapt their programmatic strategies in times of heightened economic globalization? Are these changes captured by right-left positional changes or do parties go beyond policy shifts and enact more comprehensive programmatic overhauls? Furthermore, are such changes linked to traditional party family classifications and, if so, do different party types re-program their manifestos differently? Finally, what role does radical-right competition play in the changing programmatic strategies of mainstream center-right and center-left parties? This paper addresses these questions by developing a theoretical framework that accounts for economic globalization, cleavage change, and programmatic supply. Using H. Giebler, et al. 's measure of programmatic clarity [in: W. Merkel (ed.), Demokratie und Krise: Zum schwierigen Verha ltnis von Theorie und Empirie, 2015], the analysis reveals clear differences in party responses to economic globalization. [R, abr.]
67.5778 LAGO, Ignacio; MARTINEZ I COMA, Ferran —
The conditions under which losers are willing to challenge the results of elections remain an open question. Using data from the Electoral Integrity Project for 66 democratic and non-democratic countries in 2012 and 2013, we measure how parties or candidates react once votes have been cast and one of them is declared the winner. Do they accept or challenge the results? This measure allows us to examine the causal mechanisms that account for the self-enforcing nature of democracies. Our findings show that losers’ consent increases with free and fair elections and in more economically developed countries, while income inequality is not relevant. Additionally, the impact of free and fair elections is particularly important in more economically developed countries. [R]
67.5779 LAMPRIANOU, Iasonas; ELLINAS, Antonis A. —
This article examines the effect of institutional grievances on Extreme Right voting by using an original survey to analyze voter support for the Greek-Golden Dawn (GD). The article first examines various theories of extreme-right voting and then develops the concept of institutional grievances. Using structural equation modeling, it shows that that the strongest correlates of GD voting are those capturing institutional grievances. Economic grievances have a limited and cultural grievances a moderate effect on GD voting. The article compares the findings with those of the broader literature on extreme-right voting. It concludes with some suggestions on how to link the findings with broader developments in Europe. [R]
67.5780 LANKINA, Tomila; SKOVORODA, Rodion —
Does electoral fraud encourage post-electoral protests? To explore the likelihood that citizens would pick up on electoral irregularities perpetrated in their region and engage in post-electoral protest we analyze regional protest event-data and voting results for 95,415 precincts in Russia's 2012 presidential elections. We find that regional fraud is associated with post-electoral sub-national protests. Our analysis has important theoretical and policy implications. Protests that not only target specific issues like fraud, but show awareness of where it had been perpetrated can be much more effective than those where blame attribution is vague and generic. [R]
67.5781 LARSON, Jennifer M. —
Ethnic groups are thought to be particularly good at enforcing cooperative behavior, in part because social networks among co-ethnics are favorable to peer sanctioning schemes, resulting in observed outcomes like higher public goods provision in ethnically homogeneous areas and infrequent interethnic conflict. This article formalizes this process, accounting for networks that spread news relevant to sanctioning from peer to peer. It shows that impediments to intra- and interethnic cooperation arise from positions in the network that are too peripheral or too controlling: contrary to conventional wisdom, the definitive feature of networks is not density but “integration”. Some groups can only support a low volume of civil interethnic interactions due to intra-ethnic networks that are poorly integrated. [R, abr.]
67.5782 LAURENCE, Ben; SHER, Itai —
This paper explores ethical issues raised by quadratic voting. We compare quadratic voting to majority voting from two ethical perspectives: the perspective of utilitarianism and that of democratic theory. From a utilitarian standpoint, the comparison is ambiguous: if voter preferences are independent of wealth, then quadratic voting outperforms majority voting, but if voter preferences are polarized by wealth, then majority voting may be superior. From the standpoint of democratic theory, we argue that assessments in terms of efficiency are too narrow. Voting institutions and political institutions more generally face a legitimacy requirement. We argue that in the presence of inequalities of wealth, any vote-buying mechanism, including quadratic voting, will have a difficult time meeting this requirement. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5783 LAWRENCE, Adria K. —
Why are some people willing to initiate protest against authoritarian regimes? How does repression affect their willingness to act? Drawing on data from the Arab Spring protests in Morocco, this article argues first that activism is passed down from one generation to the next: first movers often came from families that had been punished for opposing the regime in the past. Secondly, repression during the Arab Spring was also counterproductive: those connected to first movers via Facebook supported renewed pro-democracy protests when informed of the regime's use of repression in 2011. A regime that jails and beats political dissidents creates incentives for its citizens to oppose it; these abuses can come back to haunt the regime long after repression occurs. [R]
67.5784 LECOMTE, Damien, et al. —
This article studies the Socialist “fronde” at the French National Assembly during the 14th parliamentary term (2012–2017). The “fronde” was an episode of high voting indiscipline within the (majority) Socialist group on a string of votes pertaining to the core of the government's economic policy. The article gives a chronological account of the episode, emphasizing the actors’ own narrative (members of parliament and their collaborators). Combining an ethnographic approach with prosopographical data and historical data on roll-call votes at the Assembly since 1993, it confronts the indigenous accounts to a statistical objectivation of the determinants of voting indiscipline, and puts it in historical perspective. By its magnitude, its actors and its practices, the “fronde” is shown to be an exceptional episode, characteristic of the 14th term. [R, abr.]
67.5785 LEE, Daniel J.; SCHUTTE, Rachel A. —
We analyze elite-level issue dynamics of culture war issues in the US from 1971 to 2008 to compare and contrast three theories of issue-change: issue-evolution, conflict-extension, and ideological polarization. Previous studies often conflate these perspectives by focusing only on increased partisanship as evidence of issue-change. We argue that these theories differ on a key aspect of issue-conflict: dimensionality, that is, the relationship between political conflict on the issue in question and conflict on other issues. We analyze changes in the dimensionality of roll-call voting in the US House on the environment, women's rights, gun control, abortion, and immigration to present a more comprehensive view of issue dynamics. Our results suggest that these perspectives need further clarification and can complement one another. [R, abr.]
67.5786 LEE, Shin Haeng —
This study examines the effects of internet use on political participation in East and Southeast Asia. Data came from the Asian Barometer Survey, gathered in two waves: 2005–2007 and 2010–2011. The results show that internet use is positively associated with unconventional political participation, while it is not with institutionalized action. Also, the data reveal the mechanism by which the technology influences interpersonal discussion and self-efficacy, in turn leading to participation. Furthermore, internet use is found to provide mobilizing capacities for those who lack organizational membership as a traditional agent of political action. [R]
67.5787 LEE, Siu-yau; VYAS, Lina; CHOU, Kee-lee —
Recent studies in America and Europe suggest that individual economic self-interest plays little role in explaining individual attitudes towards immigrants. A key piece of evidence for this proposition is that natives do not show particular hostility towards immigrants whose skill levels are similar to their own. We conducted an experimental survey of Hong Kong residents to examine their attitudes towards immigrants from Mainland China. We found that positive attitudes towards low-skilled immigrants were more prevalent among local laborers — whose job security would presumably be under greater threat from them — than among executives and professionals. Similarly, the premium attached to highly skilled immigrants increases significantly with locals’ occupational prestige, suggesting that immigrants are more likely to find support among natives who share similar occupational interests. [R, abr.]
67.5788 LEE, Su-Hyun —
Why do some declining industries receive more compensation through protectionist policies than others, even without actively engaging in lobbying? How does the political representation of industries affect their chances for protectionist relief? This paper argues that political parties seek to optimize electoral returns through the strategic allocation of distributive benefits generated by trade barriers. The inter-industry structure of protection is thus explained by the interaction between industries’ trade preferences and political characteristics. Using data on protection and subnational employment for US industries and district-level election outcomes in the 1990s, this paper finds that the concentration of industries in competitive constituencies not only increases their chances of receiving higher tariffs, but also magnifies the marginal effect of comparative disadvantage on tariff and nontariff protection. [R]
67.5789 LEIFSEN, Esben, ed., et al. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 1043–1057. Articles by Almut SCHILLING-VACAFLOR, “Who controls the territory and the resources? Free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) as a contested human rights practice in Bolivia”, pp. 1058–1074; Marilyn MACHADO,, et al. “Weaving hope in ancestral black territories in Colombia: the reach and limitations of free, prior, and informed consultation and consent”, pp. 1075–1091; Esben LEIFSEN, Luis SÁNCHEZ-VÁZQUEZ, Maleny Gabriela REYES, “Claiming prior consultation, monitoring environmental impact: counterwork by the use of formal instruments of participatory governance in Ecuador's emerging mining sector”, pp. 1092–1109; María A. GUZMÁN-GALLEGOS, “Between oil contamination and consultation: constrained spaces of influence in Northern Peruvian Amazonia”, pp. 1110–1127; John-Andrew McNEISH, “A vote to derail extraction: popular consultation and resource sovereignty in Tolima, Colombia”, pp. 1128–1145; Maria-Therese GUSTAFSSON, “The struggles surrounding ecological and economic zoning in Peru”, pp. 1146–1163; Rebecca LAWRENCE, Rasmus Kløcker LARSEN, “The politics of planning: assessing the impacts of mining on Sami lands”, pp. 1164–1180; Ciaran O'FAIRCHEALLAIGH, “Shaping projects, shaping impacts: community-controlled impact assessments and negotiated agreements”, pp. 1181–1197; Viviane WEIT-ZNER, “‘Nosotros Somos Estado': contested legalities in decision-making about extractives affecting ancestral territories in Colombia”, pp. 1198–1214.
67.5790 LELKES, Yphtach; WESTWOOD, Sean J. —
Partisanship increasingly factors into the behavior of Americans in both political and nonpolitical situations, yet the bounds of partisan prejudice are largely unknown. We systematically evaluate the limits of partisan prejudice using a series of five studies situated within a typology of prejudice. We find that partisan prejudice predicts suppression of hostile rhetoric toward one's own party, avoidance of members of the opposition, and a desire for preferential treatment for one's own party. While these behaviors may cause incidental or indirect harm to the opposition, we find that even the most affectively polarized — those with the strongest disdain for the opposition — are no more likely to intentionally harm the opposition than those with minimal levels of affective polarization. [R]
67.5791 LEÓN, Sandra —
The literature that explores the relationship between decentralization and the structure of the party system has barely explored an important dimension of party integration: the degree of ideological cohesiveness among parliamentary elites. This paper analyzes heterogeneity in attitudes towards devolution among representatives from Spanish statewide parties (the People's Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE)). Drawing from a sample of 460 parliamentary elites, results show that within-party variation in preferences towards regional self-rule are accounted by the territorial cleavage (historical regions vs. ordinary ones) as well as by an institutional cleavage, defined by the type of assembly —regional or national — in which representatives are elected. However, parties’ political and organizational trajectories moderate the impact of those cleavages. [R, abr.]
67.5792 LERMAN, Amy E.; McCABE, Katherine T. —
Using a regression discontinuity design, we show that personal experience with [US] public health insurance programs exerts a causal influence on attitudes toward both Medicare and the Affordable Care Act. However, we argue that the conditional dynamics of these policy feedback effects differ from standard models of opinion formation and change. Specifically, we find that personal experience can shape preferences among those whose partisanship might otherwise make them resistant to elite messaging; in the case of support for health policy, we find effects of public programs are most pronounced among Republicans. In addition, we find that the effects of personal experience, unlike attempts to shape attitudes through elite political messaging, are concentrated among low-information voters who might otherwise not be attuned to the political environment. [R]
67.5793 LIEFFERINK, Duncan; WURZEL, Rüdiger K.W. —
This article distinguishes between states acting as environmental leaders or pioneers. While leaders usually actively seek to attract followers, this is not normally the case for pioneers. Dependent on their internal and external ambitions, states may take on the position of a laggard, pioneer, pusher or symbolic leader. When doing so, states employ various combinations of types and styles of leadership or pioneership. Four types of leadership/pioneership — structural, entrepreneurial, cognitive and exemplary — and two styles of leader-ship/pioneership — transactional/humdrum and transformational/heroic — are used to assess leaders and pioneers. The novel analytical framework put forward is intended to generate greater conceptual clarity, which is urgently needed for more meaningful theory-guided cumulative empirical research on leaders and pioneers. [R]
67.5794 LIOU, Stacey —
This essay uses the 2014 protests in Thailand in which demonstrators silently brandished The Hunger Games's three-fingered salute as a lens through which to analyze nonverbal communication in contentious politics. Drawing on and extending J. L. Austin's speech act theory, I explore the conditions of legibility of nonverbal language such as bodily gesture, signs and symbols. While neither verbal nor nonverbal speech guarantees an exact translation between intention and reception, nonverbal utterances operate along a looser terrain of legibility. I contend that the attribution of meaning and intention to the speaker's nonverbal utterance demands a reflexive consideration from the listener, founding a new community of meaning oriented around a shared context. This interpretive public, with its ambivalent emancipatory potential, is the space of politics. [R]
67.5795 LIU, Frank C. S. —
As news viewership has declined in recent years, concerns over the consequences of this phenomenon for democracy have increased. Theories of communication networks and news media effects suggest that accessing self-selected news sources preserves disagreement, whereas interacting with like-minded discussants homogenizes the preferences of members. This study addresses how the level of perceived disagreement within one's networks of political discussion can be maintained when an increasing number of citizens grow disinterested in acquiring political information. Using a series of agent-based simulations with a macro-micro theoretical framework and John Zaller's [The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion, New York, 1992] axioms as their basis, this study concludes that, if voters continue to “tune out”, the number of citizens who perceive network heterogeneity will decrease. [R]
67.5796 LIU, Ming —
This article exposes the hegemony of neoliberalism in media discourse through a corpus-assisted discourse study of the representations of the Sino-US currency dispute in two newspapers — China Daily (CD) from China and The New York Times (NYT) from the US. The findings suggest that while neoliberal ideology can be identified in both CD and NYT, it is articulated and appropriated differently in the two newspapers to construct their respective stance towards the issue. Neoliberal beliefs are found pervading different levels of discourse (i.e., thematic, lexical and grammatical) in NYT to construct a combative stance towards China's exchange rate policies. However, the hegemony of neoliberalism can also be detected through CD's ambivalent stance towards change and the seemingly contradictory evaluation of the impact of exchange rate changes. [R]
67.5797 LODA, Chiara —
In September 2013, Armenia, after four years of negotiations, declared that it would join the Russian-led Eurasian Customs Union. That caused the interruption of the Association Agreement (AA) talks with the EU. In contrast with the Ukrainian case, no massive protests followed. This (non)-dynamic is interesting for two reasons: (1) large popular protests took place in Armenia over time; and (2) Brussels is committed to the empowerment of a democratic Armenian civil society. This article argues that this lack of popular reaction is related to the limited incisiveness of the EU at the grassroots level and concludes that, when intervening in the European Neighborhood, modalities of action and resources must be tailored around the specificity of the case. [R]
67.5798 LUCA, Marino De; VENTURINO, Fulvio —
For some years now the clamor for the democratization of internal party politics has been spreading. This issue has been addressed in Italy and France. In the run-up to the 2013 parliamentary election in Italy and the 2012 presidential election in France, leftist coalitions held open primary elections to select their chief executive candidates, with P. L. Bersani and F. Hollande finally emerging as nominees. We examine whether the levels of turnout and competition in the party primaries are associated with the results of the general election. Using data at the level of the Italian province and the French département, we show that the results of the general election were affected by the primaries. We show that turnout enhanced electoral performance, while competition depressed it. [R, abr.]
67.5799 LUPTON, Danielle L. —
While evidence from international security and civil-military relations shows that elites with military experience have distinct policy preferences from elites who have not served in the armed forces, the effects of military service are not apparent in [US] congressional voting records on foreign and defense policy. I argue that the effects of military service are most pronounced on issues where this experience is highly salient: on the oversight of war operations. Using a pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis of an index of roll-call votes in the House of Representatives during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, I find that congresspersons with military experience are significantly more likely to vote to increase congressional oversight over war operations, including increased access to information and limiting the deployment of troops in theater. [R, abr.]
67.5800 LÜTJEN, Torben —
The events of 2016 challenged several well-established theories about the nature of US presidential primary campaigns: that the party itself would ultimately control the nomination process; that an efficient campaign organization on the ground is extremely important; and, finally, that candidates need to adhere to the ideological orthodoxies of both parties, which, over time, had become increasingly ideological. The primary campaigns in 2016 show how some of these assumptions have become questionable. However, it is mostly the Republican primary of 2016 that signals a departure from the traditional ways of candidate selection. Finally, whereas D. Trump truly deserves the populism label, B. Sanders’ campaign needs to be interpreted in a slightly different light. [R, abr.]
67.5801 MacKENZIE, Mhairi, et al. —
It is known that population health is socially and politically determined. A gap, however, between the evidence and policy (where behavioral approaches dominate) is evident. This study used semi-structured interviews in two deindustrialized areas in Scotland to explore understandings of the causes of (ill)health in local communities. Using D. Raphael's “A Discourse Analysis of the Social Determinants of Health” [Critical Public Health 21(2), 2011: 221–226] we found that participants typically had highly integrated explanations of health, including vivid articulation of links between politics, policies, deindustrialization, damage to community fabric and impacts on health. This understanding contrasts with that identified by research elsewhere. We posit explanations for our findings and discuss their implications. [R]
67.5802 MAEDA, Ko —
What makes political parties moderate their policy platforms? Previous research has emphasized such factors as electoral systems, past election results and changes in voters’ preferences as influencing the policy positions that parties take. This study considers a variable that has been ignored in the literature: whether a party is in power or in opposition. I argue that the behavior of opposition parties stems from their powerless status and their desire to change this status (unless they are niche parties that tend to stick to their positions). It is expected that non-niche opposition parties are more likely to moderate their policy positions than ruling parties or niche opposition parties. A statistical analysis provides strong supportive evidence for the hypothesis. [R]
67.5803 MAGNANI, Marco —
This paper studies pork barrel spending in a model where two symmetric parties compete for an electorate consisting of groups which have different ideological preferences. In equilibrium, party electoral promises decrease with voter ideological biases, and a “swing voter” outcome emerges. In this context, a problem of exclusion from party transfer plans arises which depends on ideology distribution. Groups with extreme ideological preferences are excluded from these plans, and also within moderate groups a share of voters receives a nil transfer from the parties. This exclusion problem is generally reduced if a transformation of the electorate occurs which decreases the polarization of the distribution of ideology. [R]
67.5804 MAINWARING, Scott —
This rejoinder responds to K. Roberts's criticisms of my review [See Abstr. 67.5891]. Roberts's book, Changing Course [New York, 2014], is a major contribution to scholarship on Latin American party systems, but Roberts and I disagree about three key issues. (1) Because Roberts measured the economic effects of different kinds of party systems beginning in 1980, his coding of party systems must be immediately prior to that. (2) Roberts and I agree that many Latin American party systems exhibited deep change during the long era of important substitution industrialization (roughly 1940–1980). In my judgment, the coding of party systems should reflect these changes. (3) I argue that Changing Course does not conclusively show that labor-mobilizing party systems caused deeper economic crises and greater party system instability than elitist party systems. [R, abr.]
67.5805 MAKARENKO, B. I. —
In this critical review of the issue of the almanac Essays on Conservatism (Institute of Socio-economic and Political Research, ISEPR), which offers a deep insight in the contemporary history of conservatism, the author analyzes the current state of conservatism as a political movement in the US on the basis of the essays devoted to this subject, and of the recent presidential elections. The author proceeds from the fact that, existing in a competitive political environment, conservatism faces challenges of a changing public demand for policies, due to both the socio-economic situation and changing demographic composition of the population. The author shows how radicalism increased in response to frustration of the society and analyzes the roots of the radical and powerful demand for right populism in the US in general. [R, abr.]
67.5806 MAKGALA, Christian John; BOTLHOMILWE, Mokganedi Zara —
Botswana's tiny economy is overwhelmingly government-driven and political participation, particularly on the side of the ruling party, is critical for one's economic survival and prosperity. This has led to enduring intrigue and conflict among the country's political power elite. Opposition party activists traditionally have embraced leftist policies and claimed to be representing the country's poor and downtrodden while castigating the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (in power since 1966) of being pro-rich and politically connected business. Ironically, some members of the opposition elite also engage in business ventures with their ruling party counterparts. Our paper considers the question: “whose interests do Botswana's politicians represent?” [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6252]
67.5807 MANNEWITZ, Tom —
It has become both a tradition and a key feature of electoral studies after 1990 to frame the debate about German voting behavior in terms of East and West. To study national voting patterns has become a synonym for comparing both parts of the country. The corresponding findings are frequently interpreted as an answer to the recurring question whether the Germans (still) form a disunited electorate or not. However, the comparative look at electoral results in East and West conceals regional fragmentation within both areas — the key for evaluating the relevance of East-West frictions. By analyzing those aspects, which are widely believed to yield deep East-West gaps, the article shows that only left-wing voting and electoral turnout indicate two unchangingly distinct voting habits for the complete post-unification time. [R, abr.]
67.5808 MARCHENYA, P. P. —
The role of the multiparty system in the context of Russian troubles as a systemic crisis of the Empire is one of the key issues for understanding the mechanisms of destruction of Russian imperial state, which happened twice in the last century. The article criticizes the theoretical positions that: (1) the multiparty system is a universal constructive factor of civil society development; (2) the mass position towards the parties is determined by comparing the party programs and people's interests; (3) the interparty rivalry in Russia is carried out in the sphere of rational public policy. These provisions contradict the Russian national practice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6296]
67.5809 MARTIN, Nicole —
This paper uses the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study to look at the political attitudes of Muslims in Britain. It tests the relationship between political alienation and political participation on the one hand, and Islamophobia and disapproval of British military involvement in Afghanistan on the other. The principal findings are that perceptions of Islamophobia are linked to greater political alienation, to a greater likelihood of non-electoral participation and to a lower likelihood of voting among Muslims. Likewise, disapproval of the war in Afghanistan is associated with greater political alienation and a greater likelihood of some types of non-electoral participation. There is strong evidence that British Muslims are more likely to interpret discrimination they experience as motivated by their religion and that they perceive more prejudice at the group level. [R, abr.]
67.5810 MARTYANOV, V. S. —
The article posits that contemporary Russian political order presents a reality structured by value and institutionally by competitive principles of legitimizing. The process of market-based class structuring that started due to decay of Soviet estates was suspended until being finished. The space of distributive exchanges, restoring usual for Russian history estate-rental political order, with an authoritative core (center) of society is now rapidly expanding. Thus social structure of Russia today is a peculiar estate-market symbiosis, within which classes are restructured institutionally and normatively by post-soviet estates. Market based interactions and modern political institutions are displaced to social periphery that shields the rental-estate core in its communication with an outer worlds and thus provides external legitimacy of the system. [R, abr.]
67.5811 MASUR, Jonathan S. —
When agencies regulate, they must calculate the costs and benefits of their regulations. To do this, they must often price non-market goods — for instance, the value of protecting wildlife or the environment. Regulators have typically relied upon contingent valuation surveys to put prices on these types of goods. But contingent valuation surveys are fraught with error and often give rise to implausible valuations that cannot be trusted. Quadratic voting offers a better solution. Agencies should hold quadratic votes over nonmarket goods and use those votes to price the goods at issue. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5812 MATAS, Jarrel de —
While the corpus of research dedicated to nationalism studies is vast, less attention has been given to the surge of neo-nationalism especially in the context of far-right populism, which has also seen a significant rise in prominence. This study explores the emerging trend of neo-nationalist, more pertinently, isolationist sentiments that have gained popularity, specifically in the US and in Europe. The phenomenon, which distinguishes these two regions include the snowballing popularity of Republican presidential nominee, D. Trump, and across the Atlantic, the growth of far-right leadership and Euroskepticism. This paper explores both occurrences against the backdrop of a 21st c. reinvention of nationalist sentiments. These two events are indicative of a political landscape that attempts to re-claim fundamental tenets of nationalist ideology. [R, abr.]
67.5813 MATOS, Carolina —
In the last decades, Latin America has been through many changes, with the reduction of inequality levels and a political trend, which has seen the election of female politicians throughout the continent, including a revival of gender politics and feminist movements. Countries like Brazil are still home to gender discrimination and inequality, with high levels of domestic violence towards women, low levels of political representation, a culture of machismo and the predominance still of stereotypical gender representations in the media. This article provides a critical summary of feminist theoretical perspectives on the potential of online communications for the advancement of women's rights, further providing a brief case study of contemporary Brazilian feminism and the mobilization around women's rights, particularly in 2015. [R, abr.]
67.5814 MATSUZATO, Kimitaka —
Between 1997 and 2004, the Party of Regions (POR) became the dominant party in Eastern Ukraine by channeling social discontent to regional protests and grabbing the potentially Pro-Communist vote. Yet, precisely because of this, the population of Eastern Ukraine lost an outlet for social discontent that it had during the Communist dominance there in the 1990s. After the Euromaidan Revolution, aware that their position had been weakened by Yanukovych's fight, the POR leaders of Donets'k Oblast appeased the Novorussian movement to use it as a bargaining chip with the new Kiev authorities. This appeasement gave the early Novorussian movement tremendous opportunity to consolidate itself. [R, abr.]
67.5815 McCANN, David —
The 2016 Northern Ireland Assembly election highlighted substantive issues within nationalism. Both the main nationalist parties, the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Féin, recorded the worst combined vote for over 20 years. This article suggests that the downturn in nationalist support was years in the making and examines why nationalist voters might be turning away from the ballot box. It considers the various factors that underlined both parties’ approach to consecutive electoral tests from 1998 until 2016, showing how Sinn Féin replaced the SDLP as the leading force within nationalism, and concluding that new leadership may yet halt the process of orderly decline. [R]
67.5816 McILVENNY, Paul —
A notable feature of the participatory communication repertoire developed by the Occupy movement is known as the “Human Microphone” or “People's Mic”, reminiscent of the call-and-response format of action. A collection was made of more than 160 online amateur videos recorded at an Occupy protest site or event in which the Human Mic and the disaffiliative “mic check” were used in diverse ways. In 19 separate cases, more than one video recording was independently uploaded of the same event, thus giving a unique insight into the constitution of participation in a collective politico-interactional space from disparate technology-mediated spatial positions at the site. Ethnomethodological conversation analysis (EMCA) is used to analyze the social interactional accomplishment and collective organization of the “voice” of the Human Mic. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5222]
67.5817 McKENZIE, Mark Jonathan, et al. —
One of the central arguments in the debate over judicial elections is whether voters know enough about judicial candidates to make an informed democratic choice. The vast majority of criminal and civil matters in the US begin with and filter through the local state courts. But judicial scholars know little about what explains the variance in voters’ knowledge of their courts and judges. This paper draws on survey data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to investigate the origins of voter knowledge of local judges. A central finding is that rural voters are a lot more knowledgeable about their local judges than are urban voters, ceteris paribus. This finding has significant consequences for the debate over the ways in which states structure their elections for local judges. [R, abr.]
67.5818 MEADOWCROFT, John; MORROW, Elizabeth A. —
How do dissident, far-right groups overcome the collective action problem inherent to political organization in order to recruit sufficient activists willing to bear the costs of participation and not free-ride on the participation of others? A study of the UK anti-Islamic street protest organization, the English Defence League, shows that it solved the collective action problem by supplying selective incentives to members in the form of the club goods of access to violence, increased self-worth and group solidarity. These benefits were offset against the costs of stigma, time, money and unwanted police attention. The personal benefits the League provided to its members enabled it to supply what M. Olson has termed the first unit of collective action, but limited its ability to supply the additional units required to build a broader, more mainstream movement. [R, abr.]
67.5819 MEIJERS, Maurits J. —
This article examines whether the support for Euroskeptic challenger parties influences mainstream party position change on European integration in Western Europe. The key finding is that Euroskeptic challenger support is capable of influencing mainstream position shifts on European integration provided that, on average, EU issues are regarded as important by the Euroskeptic challengers. Moreover, the center-left is more affected by Euroskeptic contagion since it is influenced by both radical right and radical left Euroskeptic success, whereas the center-right is only susceptible to radical right success. The empirical analyses are based on panel regression analysis employing expert survey data provided by Chapel Hill Expert Survey. The findings have important implications for the study of party positioning on European integration as well as for the study of party competition in general. [R]
67.5820 MELBER, Henning —
This essay analyzes Namibia's political culture since independence and assesses the dominance by the former anticolonial liberation movement, the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO), as a party. SWAPO is in sole control over the government and has expanded its dominance in parliament from an absolute majority at independence to 80 percent in six subsequent elections. The essay explores the origins, character, and nature of this political dominance, which increasingly turned into hegemony, and suggests the concept of democratic authoritarianism as a potential category to come to terms with the existing de facto one-party system in Namibia. [R]
67.5821 MELLON, Jonathan; PEIXOTO, Tiago; SJOBERG, Fredrik M. —
Do online and offline voters differ in terms of policy preferences? The growth of Internet voting in recent years has opened up new channels of participation. Whether or not political outcomes change as a consequence of new modes of voting is an open question. Here we analyze all the votes cast both offline (n = 5.7 million) and online (n = 1.3 million) and compare the actual vote choices in a public policy referendum, the world's largest participatory budgeting process, in Rio Grande do Sul in June 2014. In addition to examining aggregate outcomes, we also conducted two surveys to better understand the demographic profiles of who chooses to vote online and offline. We find that policy preferences of online and offline voters are no different. [R, abr.]
67.5822 MEYER, Marco; SCHOEN, Harald —
This paper addresses the electoral consequences of the German government's anti-nuclear power policy shift after the Fukushima accident. Building on a cost-benefit framework and insights from political psychology, the theoretical analysis anticipates that the policy shift could not earn governing parties additional votes but could avoid vote loss. Utilizing data from multiple surveys and employing simulation techniques, the evidence demonstrates that voters, in particular incumbents’ supporters, became more skeptical of nuclear power after the Fukushima disaster. At the same time, governing parties’ supporters were particularly eager to perceive a credible change in the government's nuclear power stance. As a consequence, governing parties did not garner additional votes but inhibited their supporters from voting for other parties and thus avoided vote loss. [R, abr.]
67.5823 MICÓ, Josep-Lluís; CARBONELL, Josep-Maria —
Since 2012, Catalonia has been undergoing a complex political process in which a broad segment of the population has shown itself to be in favor of seceding from the Kingdom of Spain. This phenomenon is not new, given that the relationship between the two territories was a source of instability and controversy, especially during the Civil War (1936–1939). However, the enormous popular dimension and the massive participation of hundreds of thousands of citizens have represented a remarkable new occurrence in recent times. Based on this situation, the article describes the main reasons for this radicalization in the process of a hypothetical secession in which Catalonia breaks away from Spain. It also analyzes and interprets the role that the media [are] playing in the so-called “Catalan Process”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5824 MIHAILIDIS, Paul; VIOTTY, Samantha —
This article explores the phenomenon of spectacle in the lead-up and immediate aftermath of the 2016 US presidential election. Through the spread of misinformation, the appropriation of cultural iconography, and the willing engagement of mainstream media to perpetuate partisan and polarizing information, the proliferation of populist rhetoric, polarizing views, and vitriolic opinions spread. Revisiting the world of critical theorist Guy Debord, this article argues that the proliferation of citizen-drive spectacle is unique in its origination and perpetuation, and a direct result of an increasingly polarized and distrustful public spending an increasing amount of time in homophilous networks where contrarian views are few and far between. We apply the frame of spreadable media to explore how citizen expression online initiated, sustained, and expanded the media spectacle that pervaded the 2016 US presidential election. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5825 MILITA, Kerri; BUNCH, Jaclyn —
Helicopter parenting is a phenomenon that is attracting sizable attention from university administrators and instructors. We examine the implications of helicopter parenting for both the political science classroom and for public opinion. Using a survey conducted at multiple universities in the US, we find that helicopter parenting has a significant impact on the policy attitudes of college students. Specifically, students with helicopter parents are more likely to express support for both government surveillance and nanny state policies than are students without helicopter parents. Given the growing trend of helicopter parenting, these findings will likely have substantial implications for both the political science classroom and public opinion in the near future. [R]
67.5826 MILKIS, Sidney M.; YORK, John Warren —
This article examines the historical significance of B. Obama's creation of “OFA”, a presidential grassroots organization. Born as “Obama for America” during the 2008 campaign, OFA was renamed “Organizing for America” and ensconced in the Democratic National Committee during Obama's first term, where it served as the “grassroots arm” of the party. After 2012, it was spun off as a nonprofit social-welfare entity called “Organizing for Action” dedicated to advocating for Obama's second-term objectives: immigration reform, efforts to fight climate change, gun safety legislation, LGBT rights, and the implementation of health reform in the face of continuing intense opposition. That OFA was kept intact after Obama's successful election and re-election efforts marks it as an especially pioneering effort. [R, abr.]
67.5827 MITROPOLITSKI, Simeon —
In the last 15 years Freedom House has downgraded Russia's status from “intermediate” into “consolidated authoritarian” political regime. Despite its gradual sliding in terms of political rights and civil liberties since the early 2000s, the country did not witness any significant change, either upward or downward, in terms of voting turnout in the federal elections. either for President or for the lower house of parliament. Why people keep voting in Russia within little margins after all? When voting turnout presents puzzles, the literature usually looks for explanations in different directions: from mass electoral frauds to sudden improvement in governmental performance. The main problem with all these explanations lies in the fact that, usually, they are not tailored to any specific national case. [R, abr.]
67.5828 MONTGOMERY, Max —
Why does sub-Saharan Africa exhibit the highest rates of gender inequality in the world? This article evaluates the contributions of Christian missionary societies in German East Africa to current socio-economic gender inequalities in Tanzania. Previous studies ascribe a comparatively benign long-term effect of missionary societies, in particular of the Protestant denomination, on economic, developmental, and political outcomes. This article contrasts that perception by focusing on the wider cultural impact of the civilizing mission in colonial Africa. The analysis rests on a novel georeferenced dataset on German East Africa — based on digitized colonial maps and extensive historical records available in the German colonial archives — and the most recently available DHS-surveys. The results highlight the formative role of Catholic missionary societies in German East Africa in shaping gender inequalities currently witnessed in Tanzania. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5219]
67.5829 MORAL, Mert; TOKDEMIR, Efe —
Examining justice-level determinants of party-dissolution decisions can reveal how high Courts may influence the public choice by constraining the representation of political ideologies. We argue that Constitutional Court justices strategically engage in politics through party dissolution cases, and justices “en garde” act to guard the regime against antiestablishment ideologies. As a graveyard of political parties, Turkey is an appropriate case to study this claim. By introducing a unique dataset, we demonstrate that communist, religious and ethnic parties in Turkey with considerable public support are more likely to be dissolved by justices having an activist and pro-status quo ideological stance. [R]
67.5830 MORASKI, Bryon —
This paper examines the implications of Ukraine's move from a mixed electoral system to one of proportional representation in the 2006 parliamentary elections. In particular, it [considers] how the elimination of district contests affected the two major parties’ strategies in selecting candidates. Two strategies are outlined: prioritizing inclusion and prioritizing cohesion. Under the former, parties co-opt unaffiliated district deputies to improve their electoral fortunes despite potential costs to party discipline. The latter involves parties selecting affiliated deputies on the expectation of greater loyalty if elected. The analysis reveals that while the ruling party, Our Ukraine, employed a cautious version of inclusion, its opponent, the Party of Regions, emphasized cohesion. The findings show that “one size does not fit all” when it comes to how parties react to the introduction of list-only systems. [R, abr.]
67.5831 MOSS, Christina L.; JACKSON, Ronald L., II, eds. —
Introduction of the same title, pp. 123–131, by Christina L. MOSS and Ronald L. JACKSON II. Articles by Carlos MORRISON and Jacqueline TRIMBLE, “Still work to be done: the Million Man March and the 50th Anniversary Commemoration Selma to Montgomery March as mythoform and visual rhetoric”, pp. 132–143; Lisa M. CORRIGAN, “50 years later: commemorating the life and death of Malcolm X”, pp. 144–159; Samuel PERRY, “Barack Obama, civil mourning, and prudence in presidential rhetoric”, pp. 160–173; Andre E. JOHNSON, “The ‘scold of Black America': Obama, race, and the African American audience”, pp. 174–185, Maegan Parker BROOKS, “Countering white conceit through the commemoration of Keyes“, pp. 186–198.
67.5832 MÜLLER-ROMMEL, Ferdinand; VERCESI, Michelangelo —
This article presents empirical findings on two questions: what are the “political stepping stones” on the way to the prime ministerial post? Are there any differences between female and male prime ministers on their way to the chief executive? These questions are primarily linked to the literature on women's recruitment in top political offices. The data for this analysis stem from unique biographical records of 76 prime ministers in those 10 member states of the EU where women have been in prime ministerial positions from 1979 to 2015. Consistent with theoretical expectations, the empirical findings show that there is indeed a gender difference in the pathways to the prime ministerial post. [R, abr.]
67.5833 MUSUVA, Catherine —
How do South African political parties frame immigration policies and concerns regarding the integration of immigrants? This essay analyzes seventeen manifestos of five political parties, covering five national elections from 1994 to 2014, to understand how the parties conceive and represent what is commonly known as the “immigration issue”. It applies a new international measure of the parties’ perspectives on immigration, based on manifesto data. Four of the five parties do not give much attention to immigration and the integration of immigrants into society. This comes as a surprise in a country with strong anti-immigrant sentiments but also a shortage of critical skills which could be reduced through immigration. When parties have framed the issue, they have focused most of their attention within the cultural dimension. [R, abr.]
67.5834 MYERS, C. Daniel —
The ability of citizens to advance arguments and have them considered fairly is essential to the equality and epistemic quality of deliberative institutions. This article builds on game-theoretic models of strategic information transmission to offer a theory of how the interests that deliberators have in the outcome of deliberation can reduce the influence of some citizens in deliberative process. Specifically, it argues that the influence of an argument depends on whether the deliberator making the argument is in the majority or minority in terms of her interests in the outcome of deliberation. An argument made by a member of the minority will be less influential than the same argument made by a member of the majority. We offer the first empirical test of this kind of model in realistic deliberative conditions. [R, abr.]
67.5835 NACEVSKA, Elena; LOKAR, Sonja —
In Macedonia, Serbia and Croatia, women activists supported by strong international partners, using lobbying in pre-electoral competitions, succeeded to put the issue of underrepresentation to the agenda of mainstream politics, to introduce party quotas and legislated candidate quotas. Trends regarding women MPs are showing that party quotas were effective in Croatia, but not in Serbia and Macedonia and legislated candidate quotas were effective in Macedonia and Serbia but not in Croatia. This article comparatively analyzes reasons for the (in)effectiveness of legislated candidate quotas and party quotas, offers basic evidence on (in) sustainable legal improvements and a conclusion that it would be a great mistake to expect that quotas alone could lead to transformative gender-equality-aware policies. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5704]
67.5836 NADEAU, Richard, et al. —
Perhaps no variable in political science has received more attention than electoral participation. Despite, or because of, the great amount of research on this topic, significant new determinants for electoral participation have not been recently forthcoming. Here we offer a significant new determinant — patrimony. For theoretical reasons, we expect a voter's wealth portfolio to influence his turnout. We test these ideas using a battery of asset items asked in French election surveys. Our finding is that voters who possess more patrimony are more likely to vote. The strength of this patrimonial effect rivals the influence of the strongest traditional predictors, such as political interest. Finally, patrimonial effects seem able to subsume, even replace, the traditional class effects from income, occupation, and education. [R, abr.]
67.5837 NAGTZAAM, Marijn A. M.; VAN ERKEL, Patrick F. A. —
We investigate how electoral rules affect intra party preference voting. Given the importance of the debate on the personalization of politics, insight into how electoral rules shape intra-party choice is a valuable contribution to the literature. We focus on the effect of two specific rules: the option to cast a list vote and on a single versus multiple preference votes. The results of experiments conducted in Belgium and the Netherlands show that electoral rules indeed influence voting behavior with regard to intra party preference voting, although differences exist between the Netherlands and Belgium. [R, abr.]
67.5838 NEVILLE-SHEPARD, Ryan —
The 2016 presidential election saw the rise and fall of third-party candidates Jill Stein and Gary Johnson. This essay proposes that such third-party candidates are challenged in navigating the dichotomous nature of the myth of the American Dream that serves as the basis of party master narratives. Suggesting that third-party candidates attempt to create alternative narratives through what Rushing and Frentz called dialectical transformation and dialectical synthesis, the essay examines how such strategies were put to use by Stein and Johnson, and how they demonstrate a significant disadvantage for third parties. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5839 NEZ, Héloïse —
In Spain, the 15M movement propelled a wave of occupations from 15 May 2011, not only of squares, but also of disused premises and empty housing. The Indignados, part of the squatters’ movement, distinguished themselves from it in manifesting diverse socio-economic profiles, as well as ideological orientations and occupier trajectories. From a case study in the Carabanchel district of Madrid, this paper focuses on these new occupiers with no activist past, by linking their practices and representations of the occupation with their social, professional and political trajectories. It [examines] the main factors underlying their involvement by emphasizing the deterioration of their socio-economic situation and the opportunities offered by the squat in terms of problem-solving and social recognition. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5671]
67.5840 NG, Vitrierat; CHAN, Kin-man —
This study explores the role of emotion in political mobilization by studying People Power, a radical group in Hong Kong. The group abandoned their disruptive approach and adopted a new tactic of social movement — joyous resistance — which attracted large numbers of participants and thus became a powerful political force exerting great pressure on the government. This case shows that festive emotion can be an intangible resource that reduces the cost of participation compared with confrontational tactics. The cathartic function of joyous resistance also reduces the potential for violence during mobilization. [R, abr.]
67.5841 NGEOW, Chow Bing —
As Malaysia and China have become “comprehensive strategic partners” since 2013, the bilateral relations of these two countries have been getting stronger. However, party-to-party relations between the two countries have not received much scholarly attention. This article discusses the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) interactions with the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition and its main component parties, United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) in Malaysia. It discusses the origins of China's party-based diplomacy, the actual development in this area of diplomacy between Malaysia and China, and the implications of this kind of party-based diplomacy. It suggests that one of the main activities carried out under party-based diplomacy is for CCP to offer its governing lessons to other ruling parties. [R, abr.]
67.5842 NIKOLAKAKIS, Nikolaos —
The paper argues that Syriza has remained faithful to its distinct form of left Europeanism in the post-crisis era. It tests the relative importance of four factors: the party's Eurocommunist heritage, its ideological pillars, its internal balance and party factionalism, and its transnational affiliations. It draws from on-going research applying a theoretical framework that combines the work of K. M. Johansson and T. Raunio [“Partisan responses to Europe: comparing Finnish and Swedish political parties”, European Journal of Political Research 39(2), March 2001: 225–249; Abstr. 51.5879] with G. Charalambous’ [European Integration and the Communist Dilemma, e-book, 2013] communist dilemma. While the former framework provides us with the required areas of investigation, the latter focuses on the party's mechanisms of altering salience levels in respect to its transnational affiliations. It thus pinpoints an additional level of analysis that highlights the importance of the Party of the European Left for Syriza's unaltered stance towards the European edifice. [R, abr.]
67.5843 NOLAN-GARCÍA, Kimberly A.; INCLÁN, María —
The literature on voting behavior has generally accepted that party identification largely determines voter choice. While many studies have found that party identification is largely transmitted through social learning, less studied are the processes of the construction of party identity by way of group membership. This study seeks to understand how group identity influences party identification among Mexican workers through an analysis of the effects of union affiliation on political behavior. It assesses the utility of corporatist legacies in explaining party identity in Mexico and provides a first assessment of party affinities among independent unionists. The evidence draws from original survey data collected during six demonstrations in Mexico City. The study finds that union membership does condition the party identity of corporatist workers but not that of independent unionists. [R]
67.5844 NUÑEZ-MIETZ, Fernando G.; GARCÍA IOMMI, Lucrecia —
Norm cascades often spark resistance from states under pressure to conform. Some react by further distancing themselves from the norm — a process known as “norm backlash”. We identify a particular kind of norm backlash: the creation of legal barriers aimed at fending off a transnationally diffusing norm by blocking the ability of local actors to advocate for it. We call this phenomenon “norm immunization” and provide an account of the conditions that bring it about. In this account, transnational advocacy increases the local salience of the norm, which is discursively constructed as a national threat that calls for defensive regulations against the advocacy of the threatening norm. Using this model, we analyze Uganda's immunization against LGBT rights as instantiated in the Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2014. [R, abr.]
67.5845 OCAKLI, Feryaz —
How do Islamist parties mobilize support and win elections in secularist strongholds? What explains the electoral performance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey's most consistently secularist region — western Anatolia? This article explores these questions with a comparative case study of two similar cities in the periphery of Izmir where the AKP registered significantly different electoral results: Ödemis and Salihli. It shows that deep institutional transformations of the local party organizations, including leadership turnover, reshuffling of the party cadres, and an explicit attempt by local party leaders to moderate and move to the political center, were necessary factors for the AKP to succeed in elections where the Islamist constituency is weak. [R]
67.5846 ODEGAARD BORGE, Julie Ane —
This study investigates the relation between political education in schools and the willingness of students to vote in parliamentary elections. Empirically tested through the case of mock elections at schools in Norway shortly before the 2013 parliamentary election, the multivariate logistic regression analyses of the data show a strong connection between voting in mock elections at school and students’ willingness to vote, even after controlling for background factors. The results strengthen the case for political education in schools while simultaneously acknowledging its limits. [R]
67.5847 OGNEVA, Yu.I.; KALMYKOV, N.N. —
The article analyzes the online survey aimed at defining the image of the ideal political figure in Russia, i.e., demands from the society and from the government, the specific characteristics of policies and criteria for success in politics, the possible obstacles to its achievement. The method of research is the expert survey of 174 professionals from public administration and policy, scientific and business communities. The experts were selected based on recommendations from other experts, [with] at least 5 years’ professional or academic experience, have contributed to science and take part in sessions and meetings held by the authorities. This article contains results of the analysis of social and psychological factors, which influence the formation process of the image of a politician. [R, abr.]
67.5848 OKLOBDZIJA, Stan —
Can politically polarizing events bear dividends for extremist lawmakers? Evidence from California legislative financial disclosures suggests they can. During the state's numerous budget shutdowns of the last 30 years, extremist legislators outside their party median could expect greater fund-raising hauls than their more centrist counterparts. The results suggest that polarizing events such as California's perennial budget impasses can make extremist positions more appealing to the polarized political elites who generally fund political campaigns. Regardless of the motivation, however, these results suggest a strong incentive to prolong political discord by extremists — a troubling outcome in cases where supermajority votes are required. [R]
67.5849 OLIVEIRA, Daniel José Silva; BERMEJO, Paulo Henrique de Souza; DOS SANTOS, Pâmela Aparecida —
This study [considers] whether the results obtained by applying sentiment analysis to data extracted from social media can reveal the political preferences of citizens to a greater degree of accuracy than traditional public opinion surveys. The researcher collected and analyzed 92,441 tweets related to the Brazilian presidential candidates during the second round of elections in 2014. The analysis results were compared with six voter preference polls conducted by the Datafolha Research Institute. The results showed that sentiment analysis may indicate voter preferences at an accuracy that was only 1% to 8% different [from] that of traditional research, which has an average accuracy of 81.05%. [R]
67.5850 OLSEN, Asmus Leth —
The abundance of quantitative performance information has motivated multiple studies about how citizens make sense of “hard” performance data. However, research in psychology emphasizes that episodic information (e.g., case stories) often leaves a greater mark on citizens. This contradiction is tested using multiple experiments embedded in a large, nationally representative sample of Danish citizens. The results stress three differences between statistical and episodic data. Citizens have strong preferences for statistical data when asked to evaluate an organization. However, episodic information has in some instances a stronger impact on citizens’ evaluations of an organization and often is more emotionally engaging than statistics. Finally, when asked to immediately recall recent performance information about public services, citizens report more elaborate information about personalized stories and experiences than about statistics. [R, abr.]
67.5851 ONDERCO, Michal —
Scholarship has increasingly acknowledged the importance of public attitudes for shaping the EU's CFSP. Economic sanctions emerged as one of CFSP's central tools. Yet despite the emergence of sanctions as a popular instrument in the EU foreign policy toolbox, public attitudes towards sanctions are yet to be studied in depth. This article explains public support for EU sanctions, using the empirical example of sanctions against Russia. It looks at geopolitical attitudes, economic motivations and ideational factors to explain the variation in public support for sanctions. The conclusion suggests that geopolitical factors are the most important, and that economic factors matter very little. Euroskepticism and anti-Americanism play an important role in explaining the support for sanctions at the individual level. [R]
67.5852 ÖNEY, Berna; SELCK, Torsten J. —
This article offers an analysis of the level of post—1980 Turkish party system institutionalization (PSI) and party system type. Although Turkey shares characteristics with both established and new democracies, no research has compared Turkey to both the established and new democracies with regard to PSI. Utilizing Croissant and Völkel's four-dimensional index of PSI and Siaroff's typology of party system type, this article shows that the level of Turkish PSI is higher than that of new democracies. The Turkish party system has not been fully institutionalized yet; however, the dominant party system introduces a certain degree of stability and predictability. [R]
67.5853 ÖNNUDÓTTIR, Eva H. —
This paper combines the nature and outcome of representation by analyzing how different styles of representation emphasized within parties explain party voters’ evaluations of the performance of liberal democracy in their country, using for parties the Comparative Candidates Survey and for voters the European Social Survey 2012. Styles of representation are defined at the party level as the proportions of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. The results show that the more the trustee style is emphasized within parties, the more positively the performance of liberal democracy is evaluated. The relation for the delegate style is inverse; the more that style is emphasized, the more negatively democratic performance is rated, while the effect for the partisan style is negligible. [R, abr.]
67.5854 ORLOVA, Dariya —
“Europe” has long been an essential marker in Ukrainian public discourse. Its significance was strikingly apparent during the Euromaidan protests, with the very name reflecting the movement's “European aspirations”. Europe has been associated with polarization in Ukrainian political debates on national identity and foreign policy. Nevertheless, Europe evolved as a normative model in Ukrainian public discourse throughout the 1990s and 2000s. This essay argues that the normative model of Europe was particularly reinforced by the mediatized discourse of Ukrainian political elites in the years before Euromaidan. Critical discourse-analysis of popular Ukrainian talk shows is presented as evidence. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5925]
67.5855 OSMAN, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed; ALI, Rashaad —
The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the N. Razak administration and the federal government. This paper examines the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the center. [R, abr.]
67.5856 OUMLIL, Kenza —
This paper examines the construction of women's identity in Moroccan television talk shows. Using textual analysis, it investigates two television shows Bidoun Haraj and Mâa Nass, both hosted by women. The episodes for this analysis were selected based on the criteria of relevance and popularity. The analysis revealed that the episodes carry a pedagogical function: they inform and educate viewers about women's rights, statistics, laws, studies, and government or civil society-led initiatives. They particularly bring to the fore sociocultural and legal injustices and obstacles women face in Moroccan society. However, solutions offered on-air provide a mixed picture of how women's rights have developed so far, and how much traditional mores and practices still play a role in the position of women in Moroccan society. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5960]
67.5857 OVERMAN, Sjors —
Is the delegation of public services to semi-autonomous agencies associated with increased citizen satisfaction? This article assesses three theoretical routes that might link the two: responsiveness, credible commitment, and blame deflection. The article draws on data from the European Social Survey and an expert survey about delegation of tax and police services to semi-autonomous agencies in 15 countries. No supporting evidence was found for the responsiveness and credible commitment theories. Yet semi-autonomous agencies sometimes can absorb or deflect blame for bad performance. In the tax case, dissatisfied service-users blame the agency, rather than the government. The presence of an agency worked as a scapegoat for dissatisfied service-users and resulted in less dissatisfaction with the government in countries where tax services were delegated. [R]
67.5858 OW-FREYTAG, Barbara von —
In Russia, the V. Putin system systematically destroys civic engagement. The authorities try to separate the NGO sector from society. However, the suppression of civil society is a reflection of the treatment of society as a whole. Anti-corruption protests in March 2017 showed that despite all the repressive measures, civil society is still alive in Russia. Germany, the EU and donor organizations should take into account the fact that stronger commitment, a new approach and a higher degree of flexibility are required when working with civil society. [R]
67.5859 OZEN, Ilhan Can; KALKAN, Kerem Ozan —
This study offers a comprehensive approach to spatial analysis of parliamentary elections in Turkey since 2002. Using advanced spatial models, we find that electoral competitiveness and concentration mostly stabilized in the Western sub-provinces whereas they are still in flux in the Eastern and Southern regions. There is an increasing level of geographically dependent concentration and competitiveness in recent elections, particularly in the 2015 elections (June and November). Our analyses also show that while the ruling AKP party has become the party of all regions, its competitors (CHP, MHP, and HDP) exhibit a narrowing geographical appeal. [R]
67.5860 PACHÓN BUITRAGO, Mónica; AROCA, María Paula —
Starting in the 1990s, reforms aimed at addressing the underrepresentation of women have been implemented in Colombia. However, research on the consequences of these reforms has been inconclusive. This article analyzes the influence of institutional variables on the proportion of nominated and elected women in Colombia between 1962 and 2014, at both the national and local levels of government, in three different institutional environments. Results confirm the influence of institutional change, indicating that decentralizing reforms and the introduction of the gender quota have had a positive impact on the proportion of women's candidacies and elections, but that the adoption of the open list negatively affected the percentage of elected women. [R]
67.5861 PARIS, Gilles —
Never has a US President had to face such ferocious and diverse opposition right from his election. D. Trump is literally besieged on all sides. Attacks are understandably coming from the Democratic Party, but also from certain Republicans who are resisting calls for party discipline, as was seen during the aborted attempt to reform Obamacare. The majority of the major media outlets regularly target the head of state and the members of his government. The legal branch has not hesitated to block certain emblematic measures. The scientific community is in revolt against decisions infused with climate skepticism. And above all millions of American citizens are loudly expressing their rejection of a leader judged — rightly or wrongly — to be a misogynist and racist. [R, abr.]
67.5862 PARK, Sunoo; RIVEST, Ronald L. —
We provide an overview of some of the security issues involved in securely implementing Lalley and Weyl's “Quadratic Voting”, and suggest some possible implementation architectures. Our proposals blend end-to-end verifiable voting methods with anonymous payments. We also consider new refund rules for quadratic voting, such as a “lottery” method. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5863 PASQUINO, Gianfranco; VALBRUZZI, Marco —
On 4 December 2016, Italians went to the polls to say yes or no in a popular referendum called by Prime Minister M. Renzi on his package of constitutional reforms. Turnout was very high: 65.5 per cent. The No vote scored an impressive victory: 59.1 per cent rejected those reforms; 40.9 per cent supported them. This article puts those reforms in the context of previous attempts to modify several articles of the Italian constitution. The authors analyze and criticize the substance of those reforms and explain their possible impact on the functioning of the Italian political system. [R, abr.]
67.5864 PATTY, John W.; PENN, Elizabeth Maggie —
We consider the quadratic voting mechanism and focus on the incentives it provides individuals deciding what proposals or candidates to put up for a vote. The incentive compatibility of quadratic voting rests upon the assumption that individuals value the money used to buy votes, while the budget balance/efficiency of the mechanism requires that the money spent by one voter by redistributed among the other voters. From these assumptions, we show that it follows that strategic proposers will have an incentive to offer proposals with greater uncertainty about individual values. Similarly, we show that, in an electoral setting, quadratic voting provides an incentive to propose candidates with polarized, non-convergent platforms. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5865 PECLAT, Martin; PUDDU, Stefano —
Focusing on the of 49th Swiss legislature, we build a dataset about the politicians’ links with lobbying groups. We approximate political ties considering three dimensions: (1) politicians’ mandates in legal entities; (2) their professions, and (3) the enterprises, associations and other organizations related to the recipients of access rights provided by politicians. This research note proposes an objective and integrated way to classify the links coming from different sources by using codes of the General Classification of Economic Activities (NOGA2008). We find that the three dimensions used to approximate politicians’ links are complementary, each of them containing additional information. Our results also show that politicians’ interests distribution across economic categories depends on political group, gender and geographical origin. [R]
67.5866 PETROVSKY, Nicolai; MOK, Jue Young; LEÓN-CÁZARES, Filadelfo —
Citizen satisfaction with public services has been shown to depend on citizens’ expectations and their perceptions of performance. If performance exceeds expectations, satisfaction is likely; if performance falls short of expectations, dissatisfaction is likely. The existing evidence on this process covers the US and the UK. The authors generalize the idea of expectation-driven citizen satisfaction (the “expectancy-disconfirmation model”) theoretically and empirically to an institutional context of limited accountability and widespread citizen distrust. Using a survey of a broad cross-section of the general adult population in Guadalajara, Mexico, in 2014, this article finds support for the expectancy-disconfirmation model in this very different context. [R, abr.]
67.5867 PETUKHOV, V.V. —
On the basis of results of the sociological monitoring study held by the Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences, the author analyzes the features of the “new crisis reality” and its influence on the political process in contemporary Russia. The author also pays attention to the citizens’ perception of activities of the authorities of different levels and of the key public agencies. It is noted that the reorientation of the mass attention from the foreign policy agenda to the problems of the everyday practices substantially reduced the level of confidence in the majority of the state and public institutions to the one of the “Crimean period”. At the same time, in accordance with the sociological data, social reaction to the crisis is “childish”. [R, abr.]
67.5868 PIASECKI, Stefan —
“Nudging”, a form of motivational help to make people change their behavior, habits or attitudes, is becoming more and more popular. While initially mainly used in sales, marketing and advertising, its principles and methods, also referred to as “behavioral design” or “behavioral economics”, have been refined and expanded over the past 30 years, now making it also suitable for politics and public services. First the term and meaning of “nudging” will be introduced. It has a much longer and richer history than recent mention in the German public sphere indicates. Then examples of current uses will be given and possible political and cultural implications will be discussed. This article refers to international sources and discourses but concentrates on shedding light on nudging in Germany. [R, abr.]
67.5869 PICCIO, Daniela R. —
Do political parties respond to social movements only when electoral incentives are at stake, as movements’ activists have often lamented and rational-oriented scholarly approaches have maintained? This article tackles this question reconstructing the conditions that led the Dutch Social Democratic party to turn supportive to the social movements’ mobilizations at the time of the “participatory revolution” decades. The analysis shows that not the competitive environment but rather the internal organizational characteristics of the party are the strongest predictor in explaining the party's openness to the movements. The article provides additional empirical backing to research on party change; shows that rational-oriented perspective can disguise the processes by which events take place and distort their meaning; points to social movements as important stimuli for political parties to change. [R, abr.]
67.5870 PLESCIA, Carolina; KRITZINGER, Sylvia —
Retrospective voting is arguably one of the most important mechanisms of representative democracy, and whether or not the public holds the government accountable for its policy performance has been extensively studied. We test whether retrospective voting extends to parties in the opposition, that is whether and how parties’ past performance evaluations affect their vote, regardless of whether they were in government or in opposition. Taking advantage of a rich set of questions embedded in a representative German national elections panel, we update our knowledge on the retrospective voting mechanism by modeling retrospective voting at the party level. The findings indicate that the incumbent status is not the only criterion for retrospective voting. [R, abr.]
67.5871 POMATTO, Gianfranco —
Over the last decade, deliberative mini-publics have been increasingly promoted throughout the world and have been the subject of a growing amount of both theoretical and empirical literature. In spite of this, the normative debate on them is often disconnected with evidence being derived from empirical studies, and these in turn are mainly composed of single case-studies that often fail to focus on the crucial aspects, such as the micro-interactions that take place among the participants, the role played by experts and facilitators, the interactions between mini-publics, and public opinion and the effects on policy-making. [R]
67.5872 POSNER, Eric A.; STEPHANOPOULOS, Nicholas O. —
The standard form of electoral system in the US — plurality voting with one person, one vote — suffers from countless defects, many of which stem from its failure to enable people to register the intensity of their preferences for political outcomes when they vote. Quadratic voting, an elegant alternative system proposed by Glen Weyl, provides a theoretically attractive solution to this problem but is an awkward fit with America's legal and political traditions. We identify the legal barriers to the adoption of quadratic voting, discuss modified versions that could pass muster, and show how even a modified version would address many of the pathologies of the existing system. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5873 POTOSKI, Matthew; URBATSCH, R. —
Raising the opportunity cost of people's time may reduce their commitment to social obligations such as voting. To consider sporting events’ influence on political behavior, this paper examines the effect of Monday Night Football games the day before US general elections from 1970 to 2014. More attractive games, such as those that feature more prominent and competitive match-ups or that feature local or high-scoring teams, may entice people to consume more entertainment and thus have less time to devote to civic affairs. These effects are somewhat weaker among those more interested in politics and do not appear in placebo tests on other political behaviors occurring before the pre-election game. [R, abr.]
67.5874 POWER, Sam —
This article analyzes the state of play regarding party funding reform in British politics through the application of new institutionalism. It then investigates whether the Collins Review of 2014 represents a critical juncture in the evolution of the political finance regime. Utilizing elite interview and documentary research, the article argues that the removal of a key institutional stumbling block — the concession of the opt-in for trade union members of the Labour party — has created a situation which may have a very real effect on both British party funding and how we understand party finance reform more generally. [R]
67.5875 PRATO, Carlo; STRULOVICI, Bruno —
Citizen initiatives and referendums play an important role in modern democracies, from treaty ratifications in the EU to gay marriage in California [US], to the control of foreign workers in Switzerland. Departing from the classic opposition between direct and representative democracy, we study the equilibrium effects of direct democracy institutions on the incentives and selection of elected officials. We find that facilitating direct democracy induces a negative spiral on politicians’ role and contribution to society, which may dominate any direct benefit. The theory offers predictions on re-election probabilities and politicians’ performance consistent with recent evidence from the US states. [R]
67.5876 PROSSER, Brenton, et al. —
The current process of devolving powers within England constitutes a significant change of governance arrangements. This process of devolution has been widely criticized for including insufficient consultation. This paper assesses whether that criticism is fair. Modifying A. Fung's framework for the analysis of public participation mechanisms, we begin by considering whether the depth of public engagement has been limited. Then, by comparing these consultation practices with other examples (including one we have ourselves trialed in pilot experiments), we find that deeper forms of public engagement would have been both possible (though at some financial cost) and productive. [R]
67.5877 PRUVOST, Geneviève —
The struggle to occupy the “zone to be defended” (ZAD) of Notre-Dame-des-Landes against the building of an airport has been ongoing since 2008 in a rural area in which the way of life adopted by the occupiers of the site intends to demonstrate, in situ, that another world is possible. Since this type of movement denounces a logocentric and pyramidal conception of politics or a spectacular conception, we have therefore focused our attention on everyday life. The critique of everyday life at the ZAD takes the form of direct action, simplicity, self-government in the distribution of tasks and free access to core resources. The ZAD, however, presents a variety of arrangements whose points of convergence and divergence are explored here. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5671]
67.5878 PYSCHNY, Anastasia; HELLMANN, Daniel —
Under which conditions can a constituency be counted as safe? Based on results since the 1998 Bundestag election, the article investigates which of several indicators proves best to predict the constituency-winner in Germany. Empirically, winning by a margin of 17 percentage points of the personal vote turns out to be a valid criterion. With regard to differences between the electoral performances of parties represented in the Bundestag it becomes clear that party-specific criteria are, however, more vulnerable in case of party-system change. Especially the Alternative for Germany (AfD) remains an unknown factor for the forthcoming federal election. Due to the success in Landtag elections, it seems possible that the AfD could win direct seats not only at the state level, but also at the federal level. [R, abr.]
67.5879 QUATREPOINT, Jean-Michel —
To reduce the debt and deficit and create jobs, especially in manufacturing, and to recover tax revenue, the new president has called into question the free trade dogma that has reigned since the 1990s. His program represents a disruptive policy with two main components. The first aims to challenge globalization and free trade agreements, shifting the emphasis to bilateral negotiations. The second aims to spur new investment in the US through fiscal measures benefiting businesses in particular, along with deregulation. Ultimately, this policy mix — which could be termed “liberal-protectionism” — is not that much different from what China has been doing for decades. [R]
67.5880 RAMSWELL, Prebble Q. —
Racism and xenophobia are no longer isolated issues affecting only small portions of a society. Rather, these issues are now at the forefront of debate and have assumed a position on the frontlines of political warfare. In 2016, both the UK and the US found themselves embroiled in bitter battle, a battle wherein the citizens themselves became their own worst enemies. The Leave/Stay campaigns in the UK and the 2016 US presidential campaign precipitated a rebirth of nationalism, reinvigorating entire populations and charming even the casual observer into political action and discourse. Yet in both cases, what began as an endeavor to serve the needs of the citizenry morphed into a battleground of derision and division. As this article reveals, the parallels between campaigns are not merely provocative they are disarming. [R]
67.5881 RATCLIFF, Shaun —
This paper examines whether Australia's major political parties continue to fulfill a representational role. This was often the traditional view of the parties, but has been much criticized in recent decades by scholars arguing they have largely converged, moderating their policies and abandoning their links with civil society. I outline a theoretical framework — supported with evidence from four empirical tests — that characterizes the major parties as interest aggregators representing electoral alliances made up of politicians, activists, financial contributors and voters, united by key economic policy goals. These actors create a centrifugal force, pushing party policies away from each other in salient areas. I theorize that the parties matter for policy outcomes. [R, abr.]
67.5882 REED, Daniel C. —
While it has been suggested that the original Australian ballot reforms of the late 19th and early 20th c. may have had a detrimental effect on later third-party success in US elections, others have observed that many ballot laws “explain very little of the variance in either the number of minor party candidacies or the vote for them”. This research examines the effects of the original Australian ballot laws on state legislative elections, where office-seeking third-party candidates had a proven record of electoral success. The effects of initial reform adoption, straight ticket provisions, ballot form, prohibitions against ballot fusion, and the inclusion of write-in options on the ballot are tested in time-series Tobit models of the percentage of state house seats won by third-party candidates from 1870 to 1920. [R, abr.]
67.5883 REINEMANN, Carsten —
Against the backdrop of the rise of populist actors and movements in various European countries, this paper reviews the relevant literature and identifies routes for future research at the crossroads of populism, communication und media. After laying out the understanding of populism used here, its communicative aspects is [examined]: the relevance of traditional news media and online media and then the possible effects of populist communication on citizens is discussed. Our knowledge regarding the issue of populism and the media still is rather scarce as far as comprehensive empirical research is concerned, although the number of studies has been on the rise recently. Most importantly, there is a dire need for comparative research taking into account different parties, politicians, media and other means of communications across different national contexts. [R, abr.]
67.5884 RÉNIÉ, Dominique —
The past dozen years have seen a surge in right-wing populism almost everywhere in Europe — the National Front in France, the NVA in Flanders, the FPÖ in Austria, Jobbik in Hungary, the UDC in Switzerland, the Dutch Freedom Party, the Danish People's Party, the Sweden Democrats, the True Finns and the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany. [This] phenomenon that can be explained by the two main messages these parties promote. First, they vigorously denounce their government's policies as failing to respect national identity, with the elimination of borders, promotion of an idealized métissage, and a reluctance to denounce the most retrograde aspects of Islam. Second, these movements oppose an economic globalization that for millions of Europeans has led to offshoring of factories, weaker social protection and an increase in unemployment. [R, abr.]
67.5885 REUCHAMPS, Min, et al. —
Consociational theory posits that political elites in divided societies will show a stronger “spirit of accommodation” than the groups they represent, and that this prudent leadership on behalf of the elites explains why divided societies hold together. Belgium has long been considered to be one of the best examples of such a consociational democracy. Yet in this country the spirit of accommodation of prudent leaders was questioned and discussed publicly during the 2010–2011 political gridlock. The question is therefore whether Belgian political elites are indeed less radical and hold less extreme views than voters, as suggested by consociational theory. To explore this question, this article relies on survey data gathered during the historically long government negotiations of 2010–2011 between members of all six Belgian assemblies. [R, abr.]
67.5886 REYSEN, Stephen; HACKETT, Justin —
We examined the influence of prior work with activist issues on the antecedents, identification, and outcomes of global citizenship. Participants rated their engagement with activist issues and measures related to global citizenship identification antecedents and outcomes. The results showed that engagement with activist issues predicted global citizenship through the perceptions of one's normative environment and global awareness. Activism also indirectly predicted prosocial values and behaviors related to global citizen identity through antecedents and global citizenship identification. The results highlight the prosocial outcomes of participation in activist movements. [R]
67.5887 RICH, Timothy S.; BANERJEE, Vasabjit —
Duverger's Law expects two-party competition in single-member districts (SMDs), but evidence from mixed-member systems is less consistent with these theoretical expectations. Rather than simply focusing on whether Japan's most recent House of Representatives election converges toward Duvergerian equilibrium, this article focuses on three factors within Japan. In particular, how do the roles of major party nominations, incumbency, and dual-listing shape district competition vis-à-vis Duverger? Empirical results find that the lack of a Democratic Party of Japan candidate decreases the effective number of candidates, while the lack of a Liberal Democratic Party candidate, multiple incumbents, and dual-listing correlates with an increased number of candidates. The results suggest that often ignored underlying effects of Japan's mixed system influences its consistency with theoretical expectations. [R]
67.5888 RICHARDSON, Lilliard —
The relationship between approval of the state legislature and political polarization in the legislature is investigated by matching responses from a large national survey to Shor and McCarty's ideological scores for state parties. In contrast to popular wisdom, citizens do not have a negative view of more polarized legislatures or more extreme majority parties, all else constant. Instead, legislative approval is filtered primarily through a partisan lens; partisans are more approving when their party is in control and more extreme (and less approving when the opposing party is in control and more extreme). [R] [See Abstr. 67.5500]
67.5889 RINCKER, Meg; ASLAM, Ghazia; ISANI, Mujtaba —
Exploration of gender and political ambition is a crucial endeavor in liberal democracies like the US and in electoral democracies with unstable political rights and civil liberties. We use a mixed-methods approach to conduct a political ambition survey of participants in the 2007–2009 Pakistani Lawyers’ Movement. We tested eight hypotheses about gender and participation in the movement, whether participants considered running for office (nascent ambition), or have taken steps to run (expressive ambition). Contrary to US findings, among eligible males and females in Pakistan, our logit analysis shows that gender is not significant in explaining nascent ambition among men and women. Running for office has equally crossed women's minds because of female executive role models and women's reserved parliamentary seats. [R, abr.]
67.5890 ROBERTS, Kenneth M. —
Although scholars of West European politics have long debated whether the region's highly institutionalized party systems were becoming de-aligned and electorally unstable, the political fallout from the post—2008 financial crisis has lent a new sense of urgency to the debate. Threats posed to party systems by economic crises are hardly unique to Europe. The Latin American experience with the debt crisis of the 1980s and 1990s suggests that party system upheaval was not simply a function of retrospective economic voting during the period of crisis. This article explores the political fallout from the European and Latin American economic crises from a comparative perspective, arguing that it is essential to think beyond the short-term political dynamics of crisis management to consider the longer-term institutional legacies and fragilities of the different political alignments forged around crisis-induced policy reforms. [R, abr.]
67.5891 ROBERTS, Kenneth M. —
The study of party system institutionalization in Latin America is complicated by the fact that political development in the region has been indelibly marked by period-specific stages and challenges of capitalist development. These periods are associated with distinct patterns of social mobilization, class conflict and political incorporation or exclusion of labor and popular constituencies. These patterns heavily condition the programmatic structuring of partisan competition and its impact on party system institutionalization. Important theoretical insights can be derived from the study of intra-regional variation in period-specific challenges and effects, but this requires careful attention to the factors that differentiate cases. [R] [See also Abstr. 67.5804]
67.5892 ROBERTSON, Graeme —
Citizen perceptions of the extent of fraud in a given authoritarian election can differ widely. This article builds on the literature on information acquisition and processing in democracies to argue that much of this variation is due to the way in which citizens’ underlying political orientations affect both the kind of information they gather and how they process that information. These differences in information acquisition and processing have important implications for how election monitoring reports, access to the internet and other sources of information are likely to affect the stability of contemporary authoritarian regimes. The theory is tested using observational data and a survey experiment from the Russian presidential election of 2012. [R]
67.5893 ROCA, Beltran; DIAZ-PARRA, Iban —
This article analyzes the relationships between the M15 movement and radical labor organizations in Spain. Based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis, it concludes that to the extent that the economic crisis has evolved, the relations between the M15 and the trade unions have moved from mistrust to convergence. This is especially evident in the case of radical trade unionism with which the M15 shares several features. Although the M15 has been studied as an example of a “new social movement”, recent changes suggest certain shifts in relation to the type of activated subject and to the motivating factors for collective action. One of the consequences of this is the closeness to the institutions of the workers’ movement, which blurs the borders between old and new social movements. [R]
67.5894 RÖLLE, Danie —
Though people have to no other institution of the political systems such a regular direct contact than to public administration, the attitudes towards the public administration have been relatively little studied. A specific form of these attitudes represents the perceived responsiveness of public administration which is the focus of this paper. Based on representative population surveys in the German large city of Erfurt, the analyses could show that responsiveness is related to the satisfaction with public administration. However, responsiveness in the multivariate analysis model represents no significant explanation factor for the satisfaction with public administration. Instead, the personal prestige of the administration has the highest contribution of the explanation for the satisfaction with administration. [R, abr.]
67.5895 ROODUIJN, Matthijs; AKKERMAN, Tjitske —
How is populism distributed over the political spectrum? Are right-wing parties more populist than left-wing parties? Based on the analysis of 32 parties in five Western European countries between 1989 and 2008, we show that radical parties on both the left and the right are inclined to employ a populist discourse. This is a striking finding, because populism in Western Europe has typically been associated with the radical right; only some particular radical left parties have been labeled populist as well. This article suggests that the contemporary radical left in Western Europe is generally populist. Our explanation is that many contemporary radical left parties are not traditionally communist or socialist (anymore). They do not focus on the “proletariat”, but glorify a more general category: the “good people”. [R, abr.]
67.5896 ROOIJ, Eline A. de; GREEN, Donald P. —
Although similar to other US minorities in terms of socio-economic status and political interest, Native Americans are more dispersed geographically and much less likely to vote. This pattern suggests that at least part of the disparity in turnout might be due to Native Americans’ lower exposure to statewide and national mobilization campaigns. To test this idea, a randomized experiment was conducted in order to evaluate the effectiveness of a radio campaign that encouraged Native Americans to vote. In 2008 and 2010, experiments were conducted across a total of 85 radio markets spanning more than a dozen states. Results suggest that this nonpartisan radio campaign increased turnout among registered Native American voters in both elections, although the estimated effects fall short of conventional levels of statistical significance. [R]
67.5897 RUIZ-RUFINO, Rubén; ALONSO, Sonia —
It is argued that citizens take into account the degree of a government's political autonomy to implement particular policies when expressing their views on satisfaction with democracy (SWD) but, in order to do so, they need to perceive it. When citizens directly observe the external constraints that reduce their government's autonomy, then variations in levels of regime satisfaction may no longer be exclusively about government performance — as widely argued by political economists — but also about democratic choice. The argument develops after comparing the existing scenarios in the Eurozone before and after the Great Recession. Citizens began to perceive their own lack of choice to decide between policy alternatives only when the sovereign debt crisis broke out in May 2010, the date of the first Greek bail-out. [R, abr.]
67.5898 SALA, Emanuela; LILLINI, Roberto —
In Europe, list-frame sampling methods are often adopted in computer-assisted telephone interviewing surveys. When sampling frames (i.e., white pages) are incomplete, the quality of the resulting survey data may be seriously jeopardized. In 2012, only 50% of Italians are included in the sampling frame; the remaining are excluded, as they do not own a landline telephone (32%) or their landline telephone number is unlisted (18%). This paper explores differences in the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of different sub-samples of respondents, investigates the impact of telephone under-coverage on a set of items belonging to different survey domains, and assesses the effectiveness of current weighting procedures. We find that under-coverage leads to bias and that a “one size fits all” weighting strategy can hardly be considered as an accurate method to correct for noncoverage bias. [R]
67.5899 SANCES, Michael W.; YOU, Hye Young —
We examine US city governments’ use of fines and court fees for local revenue, a policy that disproportionately affects black voters, and the connections between this policy and black representation. Using data on over 9,000 cities, we show that the use of fines as revenue is common and that it is robustly related to the share of city residents who are black. We also find that black representation on city councils diminishes the connection between black population and fines revenue. Our findings speak to the potential of descriptive representation to alleviate biases in city policy. [R]
67.5900 SÁNCHEZ MUÑOZ, Óscar —
The results of the general elections of 2015 and 2016 in Spain led to a reconfiguration of the party system, moving from an imperfect two-party system to a fragmented multi-party system. These results are in apparent contradiction with the hitherto proven capacity of the electoral system of the Congress of Deputies to manufacture parliamentary majorities. The article analyzes the real impact of the electoral system on the results of 2015 and 2016 and its possible influence on the future evolution of the party system. [R]
67.5901 SCACCO, Joshua M.; COE, Kevin —
The American presidency is evolving, and with it public expectations of how often and where the president should communicate. The rhetorical presidency, characterized by inclusive public appeals broadcast in a few media venues, has transitioned to a ubiquitous presidency wherein accessible, personal, and pluralistic communications are the norm. Despite these changes in communication style at the presidential level, scholars have yet to document formally how individuals’ expectations might be changing accordingly. Specifically, what do individuals expect of the frequency of and venues for presidential communication? We investigate established and emergent expectations of presidential communication via a field survey completed in the lead-up to the 2016 Iowa Caucuses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5902 SCARAMUZZINO, Gabriella; SCARAMUZZINO, Roberto —
The article examines the extent of and factors behind Civil Society Organizations’ (CSOs') use of social media to influence politics compared with nondigital political strategies, that is, using the traditional media and demonstrations. Taking stock of previous research on information and communication technologies, social media, and political influence, the relevance of four sets of factors is tested: resources, resource-dependency, geographic level of activity, and age of the organization. Based on survey data on 907 Swedish CSOs, the results show that social media is used alongside other strategies with no trade-off between them. [R, abr.]
67.5903 SCHWANDER, Hanna; MANOW, Philip —
We address the electoral consequences of profound welfare state reforms taking the German Agenda 2010 as an exemplary case. The Agenda is usually perceived as having developed into an electoral disaster for the German Social Democrats (SPD). We focus on the electoral reactions of directly affected labor market groups in four elections from 1998 to 2009. We combine detailed meso-level information on the regional socioeconomic structure with official elections results. Our findings indicate that the electoral effects of the reform on the group of “Agenda losers” were limited, while the effect on the German party system and its coalition dynamics are more permanent as the reform helped to entrench a party left to the SPD in the German party system. [R]
67.5904 SCIARINI, Pascal; GOLDBERG, Andreas C. —
Earlier studies on turnout bias in post-election surveys have focused on vote over-reporting (measurement bias) and have disregarded nonresponse bias associated with voter overrepresentation. Based on a unique data set of validated votes collected for two different ballots, we offer an in-depth analysis of the size and sources of nonresponse bias. On the aggregate level, we find that voter over-representation accounts for a larger share of total turnout bias than misreporting. On the individual level, past voting record, ballot vote, and age appear as strong predictors of survey participation. Breaking down further the analysis, we show that these factors contribute to nonresponse bias through both contact and cooperation. By contrast, the effects of some other factors work at cross-purpose in the contact and cooperation stages. [R]
67.5905 SEEBERG, Henrik Bech —
Research on issue-ownership is accelerating and so is its use in studies of voting and party behavior. Yet we do not know how stable issue-ownership is. Does it describe a solid, persistent association between a party and an issue in the eyes of the electorate, or does it describe a more fluid and fragile issue reputation of a party among the electorate? Theoretical and empirical work suggests both stability and variability in issue ownership. To get closer to an answer, this article presents and analyzes unprecedented comprehensive data on issue-ownership. The analysis identifies stability rather than change in issue-ownership over time and similarity more than difference across countries, and therefore suggests that issue-ownership is a general and long-term rather than a local and short-term phenomenon. [R, abr.]
67.5906 SENNINGER, Roman —
The scrutiny exerted by opposition parties in EU affairs crucially contributes to the functioning of democratic accountability in the EU. While our knowledge about the extent of control activities has increased, we know little about their content. This article investigates the policy issues that opposition parties address in parliamentary questions about the EU. I argue that Euroskeptic opposition parties follow vote-maximizing strategies and selectively scrutinize very general aspects of the EU. My expectation is tested using a unique data collection of written questions in the Danish Folketing (1973–2013). I find evidence that the content of questions has been broadened over time and that Euroskeptic parties strongly emphasize general EU matters. The results point to the importance of political parties in making democratic accountability in the EU work. [R]
67.5907 SERRANO, Ivan; BONILLO, Albert —
This paper analyzes the dynamics between ethnic boundaries and electoral alignment in the context of western minority nationalisms by focusing on the Catalan case. In particular, the research explores the changes in boundary shifts at the electoral level, whether they affect differently pro-sovereignty and pro-union parties, and to what extent changes have reinforced the ethnic alignment of vote. Methodologically, the analysis is based on observational data from the elections of 2010 and 2012, which allows control over some of the traditional limits of opinion studies. The results suggest that ethnicity is a dynamic factor that has gained relevance for both sub-state and state-wide parties, and that processes of boundary contraction are not necessarily associated with electoral failure. [R]
67.5908 SEVIN, Efe; UZUNOĞLU, Sarphan —
The US presidential elections always attract the attention of foreign audiences — who, despite not being able to vote, choose to follow the campaigns closely. For a post that is colloquially dubbed as the “Leader of the Free World”, it is not unexpected to see such an interest coming from nonvoters. Mimicking almost hosting a mega-event, the elections increase the media coverage on the US, thus making the elections a platform to communicate with the rest of the world and to influence the reputation of the country, or its nation brand. This study postulates that the increasing adoption of social media by campaigns as well as ordinary users, increase the symbolic importance of presidential elections for foreign audiences. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5909 SHAIR-ROSENFIELD, Sarah; WOOD, Reed M. —
We argue that the proportion of female representatives in a national legislature prolongs peace following a negotiated settlement. Moreover, we highlight two mechanisms through which greater female representation reduces the risk of conflict recurrence: (1) by prioritizing social welfare spending over military spending and (2) by improving public perceptions of good governance and the credibility of political elites. We further argue that legislative independence and authority conditions this relationship, implying that greater female representation is more likely to promote peace in states with nominally democratic political institutions. Our empirical analyses of peace duration following negotiated settlements between 1946 and 2011 provide robust support for our general argument and the underlying mechanisms we believe drive this relationship. [R, abr.]
67.5910 SHARIPOVA, Dina; BURKHANOV, Aziz; ALPEISSOVA, Alma —
This article investigates the determinants of ethnic and civic nationalism in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. Using data from an original nation-wide survey (N=1600), the regression-analysis is applied to evaluate the influence of trust and perceptions of discrimination as well as sociodemographic factors on people's support of civic and ethnic nationalism(s) in Kazakhstan. The results show that trust in political institutions, perceived discrimination, and the knowledge of the Kazakh language have an impact on both types of nationalism. In addition, intragroup (ethnic) trust and income determine civic–nationalist attachments, while rural residence, Kazakh ethnicity, income, and other ethnic minorities influence ethno-nationalism in Kazakhstan. [R]
67.5911 SHARKOV, F. I. —
Media space is a part of social space covered by means of mass communication. Social environment, saturated with visual images, gradually turns into visual space, and if controlled by visual mass media, it turns into visual media space. Visualization is, on the one hand, a tool for orientation in the world, and on the other hand, it is a means of representing the world, in other dimensions and projections. The media space, rich with political content, turns into a political media space, formed mainly by political stakeholders to influence the target segment — for example, the electoral audience. The media space produces the most effective political impact on people. This, in particular, explains the emergence of mass society, which is dominated by the average perception of the familiar world of images, which saturated the world. [R, abr.]
67.5912 SHECKELS, Theodore F. —
The concept of genre is an important one in rhetorical criticism. Important work has been done on presidential genres as well as more general ones. In this vein is work on certain genres that recur at the many political party conventions. If one adopts an historical perspective, there are many genres: the welcome address, the keynote address, the nominating and seconding speeches, and the vice-presidential and presidential nomination acceptance speeches. This essay focuses on just one of these genres, the keynote. I argue that the genre is an important one, one that performs both important rhetorical and political work. Based on the 2016 party conventions, the genre is very much an endangered species of political communication, portending rhetorical problems for the nation's two parties. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5913 SHIN, Jae Hyeok; LEE, Hojun —
This article explores legislative voting behavior in the regional party system where electoral competition is based primarily on geographic divisions instead of national public policies. An analysis of roll-call votes in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea from 2000 to 2008 reveals that in the regionalized context, legislative voting unity is high because legislators are disciplined to receive endorsement from their regional champion party. Those legislators are far more disciplined when voting on pork legislation. Nonetheless, as the socio-economic status of constituents rises and the constituents thus care more about policy than pork, then opposition legislators tend to vote against their parties more often. Conversely, governing-party members are more disciplined to pass bills where voters often desire policy over pork. [R, abr.]
67.5914 SHOMER, Yael —
Do electoral systems and intra-party candidate-selection procedures influence the degree to which parties act in unison? Empirical evidence is mixed. I solve the puzzle and theorize about the interactive effects of elections and selections on parties’ behavior. I argue that the effect of candidate selections depends on the electoral environment within which they operate. Specifically, in an electoral environment that creates incentives for candidate-centeredness, the less restrictive the selection method a party uses, the less unified its record; whereas in an electoral environment that emphasizes party-centeredness, the effect of selections on unity is more muted. Using the electoral reform and divergent selection mechanisms characterizing Israel during the last three decades and utilizing Rice Scores, I provide support for the conditional effect of electoral systems and selection procedures on party behavior. [R, abr.]
67.5915 SHUKRI, Syaza Farhana Mohamad; HOSSAIN, Ishtiaq —
The Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP, Justice and Development Party) in Turkey has been blamed for Islamizing Turkish society. Its conservative policies spring from ideas similar to those expressed in Islamic writings. However, the AKP government has maintained that it abides by Turkish laicism. This paper analyzes the extent the leaders’ rhetoric has changed over the years, to find out whether the party truly intends to Islamize Turkey as part of a strategy to win votes. The paper highlights how the changes are related to the current national mood and issues, and concludes that the AKP cannot be said to have always intended to turn Turkey into a religious country. [R, abr.]
67.5916 SILVA, Eduardo —
Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela are cases in which, despite of the collapse of party systems, the fragmentation of popular sectors, and the dismantling of corporatism that resulted from neoliberal reforms, a new mode of incorporation nonetheless emerged. This article argues that left government responses to the demands of heterogeneous, mobilized, popular sectors shaped a new incorporation in the political arena. In it governments deal differentially with the proliferation of politically significant popular sectors and subaltern social groups. This segmented popular interest-intermediation is explained by the interaction of three broad conditions: the configuration of popular sector forces and their linkages to left parties when they took office after the crisis of neoliberalism, the ideational frames of said parties’ leadership, and the dynamics of opposition and support for the regime's project. [R, abr.]
67.5917 SIMONIA, N. A. —
Analyzing the agenda for the D. Trump administration, the author argues that the US today is facing the issue of a large-scale package of measures to rescue a significant part of the American people living in “its backyard”. Trump has quietly encountered the challenge of “distorted traditional industrialism to the “new economy”. Trump as “globalization”, aimed at mainstream “running ahead” in the interests of its superpower geopolitics and geo-economics, sacrificing once admired American industrial technology. Trump's slogan “Let's make America great again” does not call back to decades ago (as his enemies attribute to him), but as an appeal for a temporary “pedaling back” of “rushing” to a harmonious transition of the whole people, not part of it, to the post-industrial phase of development. [R, abr.]
67.5918 SIMPSON, Kathryn; LOVELESS, Matthew —
Following the 2007–2008 financial crisis, it was expected that the economic downturn and the widening of economic disparities would produce lower support for the EU and its continued integration. Using the 2009 European Election Study (EES) data in 27 EU member states, we find that citizens who see greater economic instability and insecurity, regardless of their current economic status, lower their support for the EU as it is but increase their support for continuing integration. Substantively, this suggests that EU citizens may offer the EU another chance to tackle this timely issue and counterbalance market-generated inequality. [R]
67.5919 SINPENG, Aim —
The mobilization thesis suggests that social media use can bring previously disengaged or under-represented groups into politics. The reinforcement thesis, in contrast, posits that social media have little impact on existing patterns of political participation and can, in fact, exacerbate them. I test these two hypotheses in the context of street protests in Thailand which occurred from November 2013 through March 2014. I contrast data from the Asia Foundation's socioeconomic survey of over 300 street demonstrators with unique socio-demographic profile data drawn from 600 Facebook users affiliated with either the anti-government People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) or the pro-government United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD). [R, abr.]
67.5920 SLUTSKY, Pavel; GAVRA, Dmitrii —
Russia is the only country in the G20 group of nations where D. Trump is the preferred choice for the next President of the US. This article examines a hypothesis that Trump owes his popularity in Russia to the way Russian media frames his image. The media content was analyzed by quantitative parameters and then, these parameters were further complemented with a discourse-analysis which, in addition to examining the texts themselves, also appeals to the reality beyond the texts, including social and political circumstances that surround the issue. The results demonstrate that the discourse about Trump in the Russian media possesses all the necessary typological characteristics of propaganda. Russian official media actively support Trump and deliberately create favorable opinion of him. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5921 SONAY, Ali —
Among the effects of the Arab uprisings on Morocco were the adoption of a new constitution and the emplacement of an Islamist-led coalition government. Despite these significant changes, the internal discussion on democratic change and increased political participation and freedom is ongoing. The media are both one of the major subjects and the forum of this debate. An important development has been the liberalization of the previously state-controlled radio sector in 2005, with 13 private radio stations having been established in addition to the already existing public stations. As the restructuring of the audiovisual sector is a recent phenomenon, this paper asks how contemporary Moroccan audiences responded: What do they listen to and why? Theoretically, the paper approaches the topic by looking at the “uses and gratifications” theory in an authoritarian context. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5960]
67.5922 STEWART, Patrick A. —
A field experiment was conducted to analyze the third and final 2016 presidential debate. Randomly assigned participants watched the debate in the format of mainly solo camera shots that alternate between the candidates (i.e., switched feed), or with both candidates framed side-by-side on screen (i.e., split-screen feed). Though viewer feelings of positivity toward the candidates did not differ, visual presentation style had a significant effect on trait judgments for D. Trump overall. There was not an effect for H. Clinton's trait ratings overall, though she was perceived as significantly more Strong, Competent, and Intelligent by those watching the switched feed. This suggests that visual presentation style significantly influenced viewer perceptions. Political ideology was a significant predictor of all but one of the traits for each candidate. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5923 STOKER, Gerry, et al. —
Negativity towards mainstream politics is at an all-time high, with young people often targeted as the issue. This article seeks to make sense of contemporary debate about political disenchantment in Australia using a cluster analysis to compare levels of complacency across generational cohorts. In this, we find no evidence to support the idea that Australians of any age cohort are complacent about their democracy. Although, there is some evidence of attitudinal differences between cohorts, criticisms of the practice of politics are also widely shared. Moreover, a majority of citizens appear to favor a mix of reforms combining mechanisms to open-up representative politics with opportunities for more direct intervention. We rebuke the narrative of a specific apathetic or disconnected Australian age cohort. [R, abr.]
67.5924 STORY, Jonathan —
The reasons for the result of the UK's June 2016 referendum reveal nothing we didn't already know. They have to do with the development of British society and political debates particular to the UK. This points to a fundamental difference in the conception of the nature and objective of the European construction. The UK hasn't been the naughty student of the European class as it has often been described. However, its heritage and culture mean that it favors an idea of a Europe in which sovereignty remains within the states. [R]
67.5925 SUSLOV, Mikhail —
The essay inquires into the cultural production of “Novorossiya” as a politically-colored territorial “brand”, promoted by pro-Kremlin intellectuals, activists of the Donbass rebellion, and internet users. It argues that “Novorossiya” is not only constructed from the building blocks of historical traditions, but also framed by geographical metaphors in popular imagination. Drawing on studies in critical geopolitics and fan fiction, this research interprets “Novorossiya's” constituency in the Russian-language internet as a sort of political “fandom”. Relative to the annexation of Crimea, however, this “brand” has been less successful on the “market” of geopolitical projects. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Popular geopolitics in Russia and post-Soviet Eastern Europe”, edited and introduced, pp. 195–201, by Joanna SZOSTEK. See also Abstr. 67.5854, 5928, 6232, 6292, 6339]
67.5926 SWEETSER, Kaye D. —
American Behavioral Scientist 61(3), March 2017: 345–356. Using a national sample of first-time voters (N = 1,465), this online survey investigated relationship theory in political public relations. Looking at one's relationship with both major US political parties during the 2016 US presidential election, this study seeks to determine the level of relationship and variables that might predict it. Results indicate that these first-time voters had moderate-to-low relationships with the parties. Even so, relationship with one's party is predicted by authenticity of your party's candidate and the level of credibility you assign your party. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5927 SZCZERBIAK, Aleks —
While Poles generally supported a radical approach towards truth revelation, on its own the issue did not appear to be especially salient. Poles wanted to move on from debates about the communist past and felt that the process of achieving transitional justice was a potentially destructive one. However, they also felt that they had a right to know about the past of their political elites and that collaboration with the communist security services was an especially reprehensible form of pro-regime activity. Moreover, in the public mind truth revelation was often considered in conjunction with other, more salient issues. [R]
67.5928 SZOSTEK, Joanna —
This essay investigates the relationship between habits of news consumption and geographical imaginations in Russia. It uses results from a survey of students at a Moscow university to demonstrate an association between the news sources used by respondents and their acceptance of the Russian authorities’ narrative about the West. Students who used at least one state-aligned news source were inclined to express greater agreement with the official (negative) narrative about the West than students who did not use any state-aligned news sources. However, some of the Russian authorities’ anti-Western claims resonated strongly even amongst the non-users of state-aligned sources. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5925]
67.5929 TAŞKIN, Burcu —
This article, based on the link between institutional changes and voter behavior, focusing mainly on the 2015 parliamentary elections in Greece and the Syriza Party's success in Greek Thrace, [examines] why the Muslim minority voted significantly for Syriza and how they managed to send four Muslim representatives to the Greek Parliament, three of them from the same party. The article argues that, although there is massive support for radical-left Syriza due to its electoral promises to improve social services in addition to the party's rational candidate nomination, this support reflects a mixture of sociological and issue-voting behavior of the Muslim minority related to their motivation for political representation rather than an ideological shift. [R, abr.]
67.5930 TAYLOR, Charles Fernandes; PEVEHOUSE, Jon C. W.; STRAUS, Scott —
Why do some multiparty elections lead to political violence while others do not? Despite extensive literatures on democratization, civil war, and violence against civilians in civil war, the topic of electoral violence has received less attention. We develop a set of theoretical propositions to explain this variation, testing them on an original dataset on African elections from 1990 to 2008. We find that elections in which an incumbent presidential candidate is running for re-election are significantly more likely to experience electoral violence, both prior to the election and after voting has taken place. We argue that clientelism is behind this pattern, and that clients often resort to electoral violence to protect a reliable incumbent patron. [R, abr.]
67.5931 THAL, Adam —
Rising inequality and pro-affluent housing policy have led affluent Americans to become increasingly isolated into neighborhoods that only they are able to afford. I use an under-utilized and unusually large dataset to measure the effects of this isolation on affluent Americans’ perception of social conditions, including crime, healthcare accessibility, joblessness, and public school quality. I find that the affluent form perceptions of such social conditions by extrapolating from the conditions that exist in their own neighborhoods. When these neighborhoods are predominately affluent, offering little hint of the problems faced by the lower classes, the affluent take on perceptions of social conditions that are significantly more positive than the perceptions of everyone else in society. Class isolation may imperil the prospects for improving social conditions in the US. [R, abr.]
67.5932 THOMSEN, Danielle M.; SWERS, Michele L. —
Campaign finance impacts which women can run for office because candidates have to build their own donor networks. Using a unique dataset that includes primary and general election candidates for the US House in 2010 and 2012, we examine the gender composition of candidates’ donor networks. We find that candidates’ ideological views are very important to contributors. Donors, particularly Democrats, also exhibit a gender-affinity effect in which men give more to male candidates and women favor female candidates. Furthermore, female Democratic donors seem to value the election of women, especially liberal Democratic women, over other traditional predictors of giving, such as incumbency and competitiveness. Meanwhile, Republican male and female donors do not focus on candidate gender, and female Republican donors prefer conservative candidates. [R, abr.]
67.5933 TIDEMAN, Nicolaus; PLASSMANN, Florenz —
We discuss the mechanisms related to quadratic voting, from Vickrey's counter-speculation mechanism and his second-price auction, through the family of Groves mechanisms and its most notable member, the Clarke mechanism, to the expected externality mechanism, Goeree and Zhang's mechanism, the Groves-Ledyard mechanism, and the Hylland-Zeckhauser mechanism. We show that each mechanism that involves collective decisions has a quadratic aspect and that all of the mechanisms that we discuss are applications of the fundamental insight that for a process to be efficient, all parties involved must bear the marginal social costs of their actions. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Quadratic voting and the public good”, edited and introduced, pp. 1–22, by Eric A. POSNER and E. Glen WEYL. See also Abstr. 67.5615, 5753, 5782, 5811, 5862, 5864, 5872, 5949]
67.5934 TOROS, Emre —
Although the academic literature on negative campaigning is growing, more research is needed to contribute to the theoretical and empirical knowledge on the phenomenon. Accordingly, this article examines the impact of negative political messages on political trust in Turkey. The findings indicate that although exposure to negativity alters the trust level of the citizens, this impact is not uniform and dependent on party identifications. [R]
67.5935 TRACEY, Sean —
The election of D. Trump as President of the US was considered shocking for many pundits and political-communication scientists. Nonetheless, the success of Trump was predictable from a marketing point of view. This article tells a narrative about how two campaigns connected differently with people. The rhetorical and media techniques of Trump enabled him to connect with working-class folks from “Middle America”. In contrast, the face of the H. Clinton campaign did not connect well with this segment of the population. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5936 TRAN, Van C. —
Analyzing restricted, geocoded data from the National Survey of Latinos on Politics and Civic Participation, this article examines how age-at-arrival and civic institutions shape political participation among Latino immigrants. Logistic regression and random effects models suggest three key findings. First, age-at-arrival has a strong impact on participation, with child arrivals showing the highest level of participation and midlife arrivals reporting the lowest level of participation. Second, there are no ethnic differences in the likelihood of participating in non-electoral politics among Latinos. Third, involvements with civic institutions significantly shape political participation, confirming these institutions’ potential role in cultivating political efficacy and participatory skills. [R, abr.]
67.5937 TRENT, Judith S., et al. —
Political image is a transactional process between candidates’ actions and how voters assess them with their own individual ideas of the ideal [UA] presidential candidate. This 28-year longitudinal study of political communication addresses the following questions. First, what attributes do voters find most important or desirable for a candidate to possess — in other words, what makes him or her an ideal presidential candidate? Second, how do these evaluations of ideal characteristics change across time and a different field of candidates? Third, how important are the candidates’ demographic variables? Fourth, how do the evaluations of ideal characteristics differ across the age, gender, and political party affiliation of the voters? These questions are posed and answered across 1988 to 2016 presidential campaign cycles in one of the longest research studies in the discipline of political communication. [R] [First article of thematic issues on “2016 US presidential election”, edited and introduced by J. Gregory PAYNE. See also Abstr. 67.5616, 5629, 5727, 5738, 5823, 5824, 5838, 5901, 5908, 5912, 5920, 5922, 5926, 5935, 5950, 5954, 5979]
67.5938 VAIOU, Dina; KALANDIDES, Ares —
The multi-faceted crisis that has hit Greece and other (southern) European countries has had severe consequences on people's everyday lives. Many people have abandoned their privacy to participate in public actions of solidarity, in initiatives that often involve new or alternative uses of urban space. It seems that practices of solidarity and claims around material spaces are becoming an important “laboratory” for shaping a different public sphere. Drawing from relevant examples in Athens, the paper reflects on [how] such practices and claims arise and develop; how different types of rights and forms of doing politics are enacted in situations of crisis and deprivation; and finally how such practices reconfigure public space and shape notions of belonging, which ultimately (re)define urban citizenship. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1223]
67.5939 VAN DE WARDT, Marc; BERKHOUT, Joost; VERMEULEN, Floris —
This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our expectations. We find that political parties are more likely to exit when density within their niche increases. Also there is competition between adjacent ideological niches, i.e. between centrist and right-wing niches. In contrast to our expectations, neither density nor institutional rules impact party entry. This raises important questions about the rationale of prospective entrants. [R]
67.5940 VAN HEERDEN, Sjoerdje Charlotte; VAN DER BRUG, Wouter —
Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical-right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimization. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimization, which we label “demonization”. We estimate the effects of demonization on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time-series analyses show that demonization has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical-right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonization does not have its intended consequences. [R]
67.5941 VanderMOLEN, Kathryn; MILYO, Jeffrey —
This study examines the determinants of public confidence in the honesty and integrity of state redistricting processes by analyzing responses to the 2011 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies. Individual opinions about the redistricting process are matched to several state characteristics, including the presence of independent redistricting commissions, state legislative polarization, and legislative professionalism. Contrary to popular wisdom, the analysis reveals that neither partisan redistricting procedures nor political polarization reduce confidence in the redistricting process. Rather, public attitudes are determined more so by distaste for legislative professionalism and affinity for the party in control of state government. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5500]
67.5942 VELEZ, Yamil Ricardo; LAVINE, Howard —
Past work on the political impact of racial diversity has focused on direct effects, demonstrating that diverse environments are associated with more negative — or in some circumstances, more positive — racial attitudes and race-targeted policy preferences. We show that diversity functions in a second way, as a variable that magnifies the political impact of individual differences in the psychological disposition of authoritarianism. Using a national sample, we find that in white areas with minimal diversity, authoritarianism had no impact on racial prejudice, political intolerance, and attitudes toward immigration. As diversity rises, however, authoritarianism plays an increasingly dominant role in political judgment. In diverse environments, authoritarians become more racially, ethnically, and politically intolerant and nonauthoritarians less so. We conceptually replicate these findings in a dorm setting with plausibly exogenous levels of local diversity. [R, abr.]
67.5943 WALGRAVE, Stefaan; DEJAEGHERE, Yves —
Information in politics is overabundant. Especially elite politicians are bombarded with information. Politicians must be selective to stay on top of the information torrent. Aggregate-level work within the bounded rationality framework showed that information selection is at the core of decision making. Yet, an answer to the question as to how individual elite politicians go about selecting information is lacking. We know that they unavoidably do, but how exactly they perform this selection task remains largely unknown. The article draws on interviews with 14 party leaders and ministers in Belgium about their information processing. We present a typology, and a funnel, of consecutive information selection mechanisms and attitudes. [R, abr.]
67.5944 WALTER, Stefanie —
This article analyzes the visibility of EU citizens in EU news during the 2009 EP election. It argues that the presence of EU citizens in EU news is vital for responsiveness of European governance. First, the theoretical notion of EU citizens is considered. Next, a new way of defining EU citizens is proposed: EU citizens are divided into national and supranational EU citizens. The visibility of EU citizens in EU news of 27 EU member states is analyzed aiming to explain cross-country differences. The paper is based on a large-scale content-analysis of TV and newspaper articles gathered during the 2009 EP election. The results suggest that EU citizens are visible in the EU news, yet, their presence strongly varies across countries. [R, abr.]
67.5945 WANG Ching-Hsing; WENG Dennis Lu-chung —
This study examines the effects of civic consciousness and civil disobedience on individual attitudes toward, and participation in, contentious politics. This study finds that both civic consciousness and civil disobedience are significantly associated with individual support for and engagement in contentious politics. Specifically, people with strong civic consciousness and civil disobedience are more likely to support the Sunflower Movement and take part in contentious political activities such as rallies, marches, and strikes. The findings imply that as the ideas of civic consciousness and civil disobedience prevail in a democracy, the public will be more likely to choose to use contentious political activities to express their opinions instead of institutional and legal approaches when the government is unable to respond to public needs in a timely manner. [R, abr.]
67.5946 WANG Zhengxu; SUN Long —
In research on China's state-controlled elections, whether pro-democratic and politically efficacious citizens vote or abstain more has dominated the debate. Analyzing an up-to-date data-set, we find class status and citizens’ institutional environment command overwhelming power in determining voter turnout, while psychological and motivational variables show no significant impacts. Specifically, members of the middle class employed in the state sector are more likely to vote than other social groups, while their counterparts in the private and foreign sectors are far less inclined to vote. While in general, citizens show relatively high level of support for the regime, except among the state-employed middle class, this support is not translated into a higher turnout rate. Electoral behaviors of Chinese citizens, therefore, are heavily conditioned by an individual social group's particular relation with the state. [R, abr.]
67.5947 WEHNER, Markus —
For a long time, there has been a failure in the political and the public spheres in Germany and the EU to recognize both the degree of influence of Moscow through propaganda and disinformation and the risk of cyber attacks originating from Russia. It was not until the cyber-attack on the German Bundestag, the “Lisa case”, and the hacking scandal during the American election, that the full realization dawned that Moscow is interfering in the domestic politics of western countries on a massive scale. There is no reason to dramatize the situation. However, at a time of profound alienation between Russia and the West following the annexation of Crimea and the war in Eastern Ukraine, the Russian leadership is set on a path of confrontation. [R, abr.]
67.5948 WEI Judy Chia Yin —
This article explores the effects of quasi-SNTV (Single Non-transferable Vote) under the Largest Remainder Proportional Representation (LRPR) in Legislative Council (LegCo) elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) after the British handover of 1997. Although the quasi-SNTV results from the inability of political parties to control their candidates, the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) can obtain more seats in total than they could by coordinating around one single list if they can successfully control their party label and the political camps can coordinate different parties and candidates. The quasi-SNTV in Hong Kong is notable for the strategic coordination found in its alliances, a key aspect that differentiates it from Colombia's quasi-SNTV. [R, abr.]
67.5949 WEYL, E. Glen —
S. P. Lalley and E. G. Weyl [Quadratic voting, e-paper, 2016] propose a mechanism for binary collective decisions, Quadratic Voting (QV), and prove its approximate efficiency in large populations in a stylized environment. They motivate their proposal substantially based on its greater robustness when compared with pre-existing efficient collective decision mechanisms. However, these suggestions are based purely on discussion of structural properties of the mechanism. I study these robustness properties quantitatively in an equilibrium model. Given the mathematical challenges with establishing results on QV fully formally, my analysis relies on a number of structural conjectures that have been proven in analogous settings in the literature, but in the models I consider here. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5933]
67.5950 WICKS, Robert H., et al. —
This study explores whether visual presentation style (i.e., camera shot variation) may influence perceptions of presidential candidates during televised debates. In a field experiment, 341 randomly assigned college students viewed or listened to one of seven broadcast network or cable/satellite channel conditions during the first televised presidential debate between Democratic nominee H. Clinton and Republican nominee D. Trump. A feeling thermometer and 19 leadership and personal traits were assessed during the time leading up to the debate and again immediately afterward. No differences were found based on presentation style, likely reflecting lack of variance in visual differences between the networks and broadcast channels. However, participant political ideology was significantly related to feelings toward each candidate. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5951 WILLIAMS, Kim M. —
After a protracted national discussion about racial mixture in the early 1990s, the Office of Management and Budget made the unprecedented decision in 1997 to allow Americans to “mark one or more” racial categories on the 2000 census. A small “multiracial movement” provoked this fundamental change in the way the government collects racial data. This case study shows that even very small and modest social movements can have profound effects on public policy through their unintended consequences. In winning a redefinition of how the US government defines and counts by race, the multiracial movement of the 1990s set in motion a process that has both amplified and been amplified by broader structural and cultural changes in how Americans perceive race. [R, abr.]
67.5952 WILLIAMS, Laron K.; STEGMAIER, Mary; DEBUS, Marc —
The popularity function literature has traditionally focused on incumbent government support, even under coalition governments. Here, we shift the focus from the government to the parties. To what extent are German parties held accountable for economic conditions when they hold the Chancellorship, serve in coalition, or sit in opposition? Using Seemingly Unrelated Regression to relax the Constant Economic Vote Restriction, we simultaneously model separate monthly party support functions for the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), Social Democrats (SPD), Liberals (FDP), and Greens over the post-unification period. After controlling for temporal dynamics and political factors, we find that economic evaluations have the strongest effect on support for the SPD and CDU/CSU when they hold the Chancellorship, and both of these parties are strongly affected when in opposition. [R, abr.]
67.5953 WILLIAMS, Matthew —
Legislative language is a crucial, yet somewhat overlooked element of British politics. So how has the language of British legislation changed over the past century? For this study, all 191,080 pages of legislation enacted between 1900 and 2015 were assessed for changes in the quantity of legislation, and 5,878 sections of legislation from 1920 to 2015 were analyzed for changes to the quality of language. Parts of speech that affect the subject, object and verb of sentences were recorded, giving a novel long-term study of indeterminacy in legislative language. Findings show that interpreting legislation became increasingly dependent on circumstance and discretion after the war. Change further accelerated after 1975. This reflected a widening gap between public demands placed on government power and the difficulties faced in accommodating these demands. [R]
67.5954 WINNEG, Kenneth; JAMIESON, Kathleen Hall —
Over four decades of research show that presidential debates make it possible for viewers to learn about the issues and form opinions about the character of the candidates running for office, but whether this long-lived finding would hold true in 2016 was open to doubt. We draw on panel survey data gathered from viewers of the first and third 2016 general election presidential debates to document across time changes in knowledge of issue positions, beliefs about candidate qualifications and character, and perceptions that, if elected, a candidate would or would not pose a threat to the well-being of the nation. We find that viewers of post-debate coverage of the 2016 general election debates exhibited increased knowledge, but viewing the debates had little effect on assessment of either candidate qualifications. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5937]
67.5955 WOJCIESZAK, Magdalena —
This study theorizes and tests the hostile public effect, according to which citizens who (1) actually are and/or (2) merely see themselves in a minority should be more participatory than those holding the dominant opinion. This study also tests whether it is citizens’ perceptions or their actual status that matters to political engagement. Furthermore, the hostile public effect is tested across three distinct issues and two participatory forms. Drawing on a nationally representative survey (N = 2,500) conducted in Spain, this study finds evidence for the mobilizing hostile public effect, with citizens who are actual minorities when it comes to their positions on abortion and immigration being more participatory than actual majorities. In turn, perceived minority or majority status does not matter to political engagement. [R, abr.]
67.5956 WOLAK, Jennifer; DAWKINS, Ryan —
Why do some Americans feel more patriotic than others? We argue that feelings of national pride are reinforced by cues from people's political and social environments. When Americans reside in contexts that align with their values, traits, and civic orientations, they are more likely to express pride in their country. We consider both civic and ethnic pathways to patriotism. We expect that minorities and those who particularly value political equality will feel increasingly patriotic as the racial and ethnic diversity of their state climbs. We find that Americans are more likely to say that they feel love for their country when they reside in political contexts congruent with their values and approach to citizenship. [R, abr.]
67.5957 WOLFBERG, Adrian —
The author examines the roles of intelligence officers who present the President's Daily Brief to the nation's most senior policymakers. He argues that these officers add to the political landscape by contextualizing meta-information, that is, information about information, that only they can acquire and convey. He concludes that PDB briefers operate as a parallel organization to the intelligence community. [R]
67.5958 WORONIECKA-KRZYZANOWSKA, Dorota; PALAGUTA, Nika —
We examine the legal framework and the institutional and political conditions that have adversely impacted the electoral participation of Internally Displaced Person (IDP) voters in Ukraine. Since 2014, during intense political instability and military conflict, Ukraine conducted three elections — presidential, parliamentary and local. Meanwhile, the number of IDPs climbed to 1,5 million (as of October 2015 when the last election was held). Based on English- and Ukrainian-language legal and political documents, we trace the development of Ukrainian laws on IDPs and elections. [R, abr.]
67.5959 WRIGHT, Tony —
The EU referendum has raised questions about the nature of democracy, which is not just majority rule. It is wrong to claim that direct democracy has now replaced representative democracy, as Parliament is required to answer all the questions that the referendum did not. The conduct of the referendum reflected the worst aspects of Britain's political culture of sterile adversarialism. Both left and right have shared assumptions about governing that have made it difficult to develop a culture of democratic citizenship. The political system still reflects its pre-democratic origins and the role of money in politics represents a form of corruption. Institutional reforms depend for their success on the nurturing of a democratic culture, which is a task for many hands. [R, abr.]
67.5960 ZAID, Bouziane —
This article explores the complex process of media reforms in political transition in Morocco. A key concern questions the extent to which the media reforms represent a break with the past and are aligned with the stated democratization ambitions of the state, or alternatively, represent an illustration of the cyclical fluctuation that has characterized the government–media relationship and freedoms of expression and information in general for the past two decades, and which reflects a deeper ambivalence at the core of Moroccan governance of the media. The article provides an account of why the media structure is an uneven playing field with the state having the upper hand. [R] [First article of a series of articles on “Medias in Morocco”, introduced by Roxane FARMAN-FARMAIAN. See also Abstr. 67.5689, 5856, 5921]
67.5961 ZANKINA, Emilia —
The article examines politicization in the Bulgarian public administration by looking at the restructuring of administrative bodies. The article makes a case for adopting restructuring as an additional proxy measurement of politicization next to already existing methods. Using this approach, the article examines variations in the level of politicization across sectors and across time. The article argues that politicization in the Bulgarian civil service is pervasive, legal restrictions often prove ineffective in uprooting politicization, while external monitoring and control contribute to lower levels of politicization. [R]
67.5962 ZEITEL-BANK, Natascha —
This article focuses on the media system in Austria, with particular interest in the portrayal of asylum-seekers and refugees in the print news media. The objective is to define conditions, processes, and content issues in order to determine their roles in the coverage of this topic. As a framework for analysis, the model of three political dimensions, polity, politics and policy, is used. For each dimension, key factors are determined. In the analysis of the systemic framework (polity), the legal aspects for mass media, the level of concentration in the Austrian media sector, and the media self-regulation measures are considered to be essential as they form the basis for media plurality and diversity of opinion in a democratic system. Regarding the processes (politics), various main players are identified. [R, abr.]
67.5963 ZHANG, Changdong —
China holds direct elections for deputies to serve in the Local People's Congress (LPC) at the county and township levels. As the LPC gains more power and private entrepreneur deputies emerge as the second largest deputy group in many regions, it seems possible that the LPC will become more representative and therefore make local government more responsive. The author performed intensive fieldwork to investigate whether this might be occurring, but found that the LPC is more like an inclusive institution, sometimes degenerating into patron clientelism, rather than a representative institution. In addition, direct elections are tightly controlled and sometimes deteriorate into personalized patronages, because private entrepreneurs purchase votes to win personal privileges, rather than to promote institutional reform. [R]
67.5964 ZIEGFELD, Adam; TUDOR, Maya —
When elections are free and fair, why do some political parties rule for prolonged periods of time? Most explanations for single-party dominance focus on the dominant party's origins, resources, or strategies. We show how opposition parties can undermine or sustain single-party dominance. Specifically, opposition parties should be central in explaining single-party dominance in countries with highly disproportional electoral systems and a dominant party whose vote share falls short of a popular majority. Employing a quantitative analysis of Indian legislative elections as well as a paired case study, we show that opposition coordination plays a crucial part in undermining single-party dominance. [R]
67.5965
Introduction by Lau SCHULPEN and Huib HUYSE, “Citizen initiatives for global solidarity. The new face of European solidarity”, pp. 163–169. Articles by Eugene GURIBYE and Sarvendra THARMALINGAM, “Tamil diaspora-driven development aid: towards an understanding of context, networks and historical changes”, pp 171–188; Ignace POLLET, “Between engagement and reluctance: governments’ stand towards citizen initiatives”, pp. 189–202; Hanne HAALAND and Hege WALLEVIK, “Citizens as actors in the development field: the case of an accidental aid-agent's activities in aid-land”, pp. 203–222; Sara KINSBERGEN, Lau SCHULPEN and Ruerd RUBEN, “Understanding the sustainability of private development initiatives: what kind of difference do they make?”, pp. 223–248.
67.5966
Introduction by Gülçin ERDI LELANDAIS and Bénédicte FLORIN, “Pratiques sociales et spatiales de résistances discrètes dans la ville (Social and spatial practices of the discrete resistance in the city)”, pp. 7–17. Articles by Elisabetta ROSA, “Pratiques discrètes de résistance des migrants Roms à Turin et à Marseille (Discrete practices of resistance by Roma migrants in Turin and Marseille)”, pp. 19–34; Nicolas PINET, “Pratiques politiques subalternes dans un quartier populaire de Tokyo: des formes de résistance? (Subaltern political practices in a working class neighborhood of Tokyo: forms of resistance?)”, pp. 35–56; Tarik HARROUD, “Les pratiques de ‘résistance’ dans les malls de Rabat-Salé: accessibilité et usage social d'un espace sélectif (“Resistance” practices in the shopping malls of Rabat-Salé: accessibility and the social use of a selective space)”, pp. 57–79; Ludovic LEPELTIER-KUTASI and Gergely OLT, “Demander réparation(s). À Budapest, les mobilisations collectives à l'épreuve de leur visibilité (Demanding compensation(s). Collective mobilizations testing their visibility in Budapest [Hungary])”, pp. 81–98; Bénédicte FLORIN, “De l'indignité à l'indignation: petites luttes, résistances quotidiennes et tentatives de mobilisation des récupérateurs de déchets à Istanbul (From disgrace to indignation: small struggles, daily resistances, and attempts to mobilize by waste collectors in Istanbul [Turkey])”, pp. 99–119; Jérôme TOURNADRE, “Sur les bords de la protestation sociale. Illustrations sud-africaines (At the edges of social protest. Illustrations from South Africa)”, pp. 121–138; Gülçin ERDI LELANDAIS, “Le quartier comme espace de résistance et de politisation: la Vallée de Dikmen à Ankara face à un projet de transformation urbaine (The neighborhood as a space of resistance and politicization: Ankara's Dikmen Valley faced with an urban transformation project)”, pp. 139–167.]