Abstract
67.6378 ÅBERG, Martin; DENK, Thomas —
The role of secularization remains underdeveloped in theoretical studies of democratization. We hold that the relation between the two processes is difficult to analyze by help of standard, cross-sectional analysis. We therefore propose a process-oriented model of democratization in relation to secularization. We suggest that these processes do not unfold in random patterns. Theoretically they follow one of four distinct paths: democratization may precede secularization, secularization may precede democratization, democratization may occur without secularization, and democratization and secularization may occur as parallel processes. The contrasts between our model and cross-sectional analysis become particularly obvious when the first and the fourth paths are considered in historical perspective. [R, abr.]
67.6379 ADDISON, Tony; MORRISSEY, Oliver; TARP, Finn, eds —
Introduction by the editors, pp. 987–997. Articles by Carl-Johan DALGAARD and Henrik HANSEN, “The return to foreign aid”, pp. 998–1018; Thomas BWIRE, Tim LLOYD and Oliver MORRISSEY, “Fiscal reforms and the fiscal effects of aid in Uganda”, pp. 1019–1036; Giulia MASCAGNI and Emilija TIMMIS, “The fiscal effects of aid in Ethiopia: evidence from CVAR applications”, pp. 1037–1056; Ernesto CRIVELLI and Sanjeev GUPTA, “Does conditionality mitigate the potential negative effect of aid on revenues?”, pp. 1057–1074; Katarina JUSELIUS, Abdulaziz RESHID and Finn TARP, “The real exchange rate, foreign aid and macroeconomic transmission mechanisms in Tanzania and Ghana”, pp. 1075–1103; Tony ADDISON and Mina BALIAMOUNE-LUTZ, “Aid, the real exchange rate and why policy matters: the cases of Morocco and Tunisia”, pp. 1104–1121.
67.6380 AHEARNE, Jeremy —
This article analyses the emergence in French public discourse since 2010 of the term “insécurité culturelle” (“cultural insecurity”). It traces first the take-up of the term outside France since the 1980s in Anglophone written news media. It establishes four received meanings for the term: a “pure” cultural insecurity expressing simply a relation to the arts world; a nationally refracted cultural insecurity that expresses that relation through the prism of relations between nations; an anthropologico-political conception; and a conception related to the human development paradigm. The take-up in France of the term has conformed to the anthropologico-political conception. Developments after 2002 in France created propitious conditions for coupling the semantic fields of “culture” and “insecurity”. [R, abr.]
67.6381 AHLQUIST, John S.; ANSELL, Ben W. —
US politicians did not respond to growing income inequality with fiscal redistribution. Instead, Americans saved less and borrowed more to maintain relative consumption in the face of widening economic disparities. This article proposes a theory in which fiscal redistribution dampens the willingness of citizens to borrow to fund current consumption. A key implication is that pretax inequality will be more tightly linked with credit in less redistributive countries. The long-run partisan composition of government is, in turn, a key determinant of redistributive effort. Examining a panel of eighteen OECD democracies, the authors find that countries with limited histories of left-wing participation in government are significantly more likely to see credit expansion as prefisc inequality grows compared to those in which the political left has been more influential. [R, abr.]
67.6382 ALON, Ilan; LI Shaomin; WU Jun —
The increase in religion-related conflicts around the world emphasizes the urgent need for a better understanding of the role of religion and religious freedom on socio-economic development, both theoretically and empirically. While studies on the role of religion on economic development have existed as early as Max Weber, there is a dearth of studies on the effect of religious freedom on economic growth, and the existing studies overlook possible negative impacts on economies by unrestricted religious freedom. Drawing on institutional theory, we propose that different types of religious restrictions can exert either positive or negative effects on economic growth. We test our propositions using a comprehensive dataset on religious freedom covering 198 countries for seven years from 2007 to 2013. [R]
67.6383 ANDERSON, Bridget —
This paper reconsiders Stephen Castle's classic paper “Why migration policies fail” [Ethnic and Racial Studies 27 (2), March 2004: 205–227, Abstr. 54.7319]. Beginning with the so-called migration crisis of 2015, it considers the role of numbers in assessing success or failure. It argues that in the UK public debates about immigration changed with EU enlargement in 2004, when the emphasis shifted from concerns about asylum to concerns about EU mobility. Concerns were exacerbated by the government's failure to meet its promise to reduce net migration. This policy is hampered by the general problem of definition of “migrant” and the gap between statistical measures and popular usage in which “migration” signifies problematic mobility. In fact, concern about migration has become a placeholder for concerns about globalization and democratic accountability. [R, abr.] [See also Stephen CASTLES’ answer, pp. 1538–1543]
67.6384 ARJONA, Ana —
Terms like “support” and “collaboration” are often used interchangeably to denote a loose set of acts or attitudes that benefit non-state armed groups (NSAGs). However, these terms are seldom defined, and the alternatives available to civilians are rarely identified. Moreover, existing approaches overlook that the interaction between civilians and NSAGs is often one between ruler and ruled, which makes obedience and resistance central. This paper proposes to conceptualize the choices available to civilians as forms of cooperation and non-cooperation, offers a typology, and discusses the implications for theory building on civilian and NSAG behavior, and on the functioning of armed social orders. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6524]
67.6385 ASLAM, Wali —
Although generally considered beneficial, little is known about how videoconferencing can enhance the quality of Politics and International Relations teaching in traditional classrooms. Studying the author's own practice, this article examines data gathered from a variety of sources including survey questionnaires, Twitter feeds, and online course evaluations to highlight the usefulness of this technology for higher order learning. By integrating videoconferencing technologies into learning designs, lecturers can utilise them to assist students with formulating questions geared towards higher order learning, provide varied learning opportunities to fit their students’ disparate needs, enhance class interactivity, and increase students’ intercultural learning by exposing them to non-Western viewpoints. [R]
67.6386 ATCHISON, Amy L. —
Textbook content is a powerful indicator of what is and is not considered important in a given discipline. Textbooks shape both curriculum and students’ thinking about a subject. The extant literature indicates that gender is not well represented in American government textbooks, thus signaling to students that women and gender are not part of the mainstream in political science. I contribute to this literature by using quantitative and qualitative content analysis to examine gender mainstreaming in 10 introductory political science textbooks. I find that the quantity of gendered content is small, and the quality of that content varies considerably from text to text. [R]
67.6387 AUTESSERRE, Séverine —
Drawing on in-depth interviews, field and participant observations in nine different conflict zones, and document-analysis, this article takes the first step in explaining whether, how, why, and under what conditions international interveners (including donors, diplomats, peacekeepers, and the foreign staff of international and non-governmental organizations) can contribute to successful local and bottom-up peace efforts. It makes three central contributions. First, it shows that the policy and scholarly literatures suffer from a dearth of findings on successful international support to local conflict-resolution. Second, it emphasizes the critical — and under-researched — role of assumptions in shaping peace-building initiatives. Third, it develops a theoretical framework to analyze how assumptions influence international peace efforts. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6439]
67.6388 AVARO, Dante —
This work incorporates factual disagreements as a conceptual hinge between responsibility and responsiveness. Within this conceptual framework, I analyze the policy of debt relief carried out by the Argentine Government between 2003 and 2014. Based on this analysis, it is argued that, although there is a consensus that responsiveness is a positive attribute for democracy, its existence does not always become a valuable fact for the quality of democracy. In order for this to take place, responsiveness must be accompanied by the legitimacy of factual disagreements, which has not occurred in the analyzed period. This paper describes the existence of a deficient institutional performance within the National Public Credit Office to process and legitimize factual disagreements. [R, abr.]
67.6389 BAELE, Stephane J.; BETTIZA, Gregorio —
This article argues that it is pertinent to situate academic metrics (journal, institutions and individual scholars’ rankings and ratings) within the broader logic of neoliberal government, in order to better identify and understand the impact of these metrics on political scientists’ perceptions, behaviours and identities. The results of a pilot survey conducted among political scientists in the UK and Belgium are used in order to further expose this impact. We claim that although metrics are widely seen as a core element of a broader and undesirable political agenda, their repeated use leads to their endorsement, shapes and standardizes individual strategies, and shifts the codes of academic identity to the point of eroding academics’ sense of purpose and permeating their judgements about colleagues. [R]
67.6390 BARANOVSKY, Vladimir G. —
The author considers the global changes to be an intrinsic part of the continuing formation of a new international political system, which is replacing the classical bipolarity; thereby, he opposes the approaches that describe the global changes as a process of destruction of the previous world order and the entry into an unstable era of the universal collapse of the “game by the rules”. The author pays particular attention to an in-depth analysis of the current configuration of the international system, as well as to various scenarios of its development, such as: the revival of the unipolar world order or some kind of “new bipolarity”; slipping down to chaos; recreation of the “concert of nations” or multipolarity as a fundamentally new global configuration of power. [R, abr.]
67.6391 BATEMAN, David A.; CLINTON, Joshua D.; LAPINSKI, John S. —
The study of political conflict in legislatures is fundamental to understanding the nature of governance, but also difficult because of changes in membership and the issues addressed over time. Focusing on the enduring issue of civil rights in the US since Reconstruction, we show that using current methods and measures to characterize elite ideological disagreements makes it hard to interpret or reconcile the conflicts with historical understandings because of their failure to adequately account for the policies being voted upon and the consequences of the iterative lawmaking process. Incorporating information about the policies being voted upon provides a starkly different portrait of elite conflict — not only are contemporary parties relatively less divided than is commonly thought, but the conflict occurs in a smaller, and more liberal, portion of the policy space. [R, abr.]
67.6392 BÉCHARD, Benoît —
Because the elected official requires the civil servant's expertise and the latter owes its survival to its political superior, many see this interface as a strategic opportunity. This dynamic scoping review of the existing literature gathers the main works about strategic transmission of information in a descriptive framework tailored to the needs of practitioners in the state apparatus. Since strategy is likely to influence the output of a decision, formal literature should be considered as a toolbox able to optimize information transmission. Aware of this reality, the public actors break the strategic determinism of such exchanges. [R]
67.6393 BECKER, Michael —
Previous scholarship on variations in violence within a given terrorist organization has primarily focused on factors that lead to the inception or destruction of that organization. However, violence varies substantially even during the “prime” of an organization's life. This article aims to understand why violence varies in the short term within many organizations, and places a special focus on declines in violence. Specifically, I argue that terrorists face countervailing incentives in terms of how much violence to use, and that when declines in violent activity do occur, they can be divided into two types: a) elective declines, which are usually temporary and used for organizational or reputational recovery; and b) imposed declines, which are dictated by changes in the relative capability of an organization, and are more likely to be permanent. [R, abr.]
67.6394 BÉDARD, Pierre-Olivier; OUIMET, Mathieu —
Systematic literature reviews and meta-analyses have been promoted as important types of evidence to inform policy analysis and policy decisions. Little is known, however, about ministerial policy analysts’ knowledge of this type of evidence. Drawing from a survey conducted among policy analysts (Québec), we report on the extent to which these research methods and contributions are known and used across policy sectors, and develop a socio-professional profile of users. We conclude with recommendations for researchers and policy makers to improve the uptake of systematic reviews and meta-analyses and to more effectively implement evidence-informed practices. [R]
67.6395 BELL, Stephen —
This article argues that historical institutionalism has bifurcated into two competing accounts: one focused on institutional stasis and the other on change. A more encompassing theory that accounts for both processes is constructed using a more detailed account of agency — one that utilises key inputs from cognitive and social psychology. This can better account for the conditions under which institutional constraint or change occurs and is used to explain the variable behaviour of bankers in the run-up to the 2008 financial crisis. [R]
67.6396 BERGBOWER, Matthew L. —
For many Political Science programs, research methods courses are a fundamental component of the recommended undergraduate curriculum. However, instructors and students often see these courses as the most challenging. This study explores when it is most appropriate for Political Science majors to enroll and pass a research methods course. The hypothesis posits that the number of prior introductory-level Political Science courses can be a strong precursor to research methods success, even for those who are upper-class students and majors. This hypothesis is tested by analyzing data from six sections of an undergraduate research course offered at a midsized public university. The results demonstrate that students are most likely to succeed in their research methods course if they are majors with at least five previous Political Science courses completed. [R, abr.]
67.6397 BERMAN, Sheri —
A look at liberal democracy's complex historical evolution shows that elite fantasies of liberalism without democracy are ill-founded. Authoritarian legacies and democratic deficits lie at the core of trends that threaten liberal rights. [R]
67.6398 BISBEE, James; LARSON, Jennifer M. —
To answer questions about the origins and outcomes of collective action, political scientists increasingly turn to datasets with social network information culled from online sources. However, a fundamental question of external validity remains untested: are the relationships measured between a person and her online peers informative of the kind of offline, “real-world” relationships to which network theories typically speak? This article offers the first direct comparison of the nature and consequences of online and offline social ties, using data collected via a novel network elicitation technique in an experimental setting. We document strong, robust similarity between online and offline relationships. This parity is not driven by shared identity of online and offline ties, but a shared nature of relationships in both domains. [R, abr.]
67.6399 BISHIN, Benjamin G.; CHERIF, Feryal M. —
To what extent do conventional explanations of women's rights, such as religion, culture, core rights, and advocacy, help to explain the status of women's rights in Muslim majority countries? Religion and patriarchal culture are commonly cited to explain the persistence of gender inequality. While often overlooked, the study of property rights offers leverage for differentiating between religious and cultural explanations of women's status given their different prescriptions regarding the acquisition and management of property. Examining developing and Muslim majority countries, we find that patriarchal norms, more so than religion, constitute the main barrier to gender equality. Further, we find that core rights like women's access to education and, to a lesser degree, normsbuilding by women's rights groups best explain where women enjoy effective property rights. [R]
67.6400 BOLLEYER, Nicole; SMIRNOVA, Valeria —
This article presents a three-dimensional conceptualisation of conflict of interest (COI) regulation directed towards assuring the impartial and unbiased decision-making of parliamentarians. It distinguishes and separately measures (based on a new dataset) COI strictness, sanctions and transparency and shows that they indeed constitute empirically separate dimensions of parliamentary ethics regimes adopted in European democracies. In order to illustrate the usefulness of these indices, the article then examines the relationship between the three indices and trust in national parliaments across 25 democracies. Unlike the Sanctions and Transparency indices, the COI Strictness Index (composed of strictness of rules and enforcement) has a significant and robust negative association with trust, which highlights the importance of disentangling different elements of COI regimes. [R, abr.]
67.6401 BØLSTAD, Jørgen; DINAS, Elias —
This article presents a categorization theory of spatial voting, which postulates that voters perceive political stances through coarse classifications. Because voters think in terms of categories defined by the ideological center, their behavior deviates from standard models of utility maximization along ideological continua. Their preferences are characterized by discontinuities, rewarding parties on their side of the ideological space more than existing spatial models would predict. While this study concurs with prior studies suggesting that voters tend to use a proximity rule, it argues that this rule mainly serves to distinguish among parties of the same side. Overall, the results suggest that voters’ party evaluations are characterized by a nontrivial identity component, generating in-group biases not captured by the existing spatial models of voting. [R]
67.6402 BORGHARD, Erica D.; LONERGAN, Shawn W. —
This article critically assesses traditional coercion theory in light of cyberspace's emergence as a domain in which states use force, or its threat, to achieve political objectives. First, we review the core tenets of coercion theory and identify the requisites of successful coercion. We subsequently explore the extent to which each of these is feasible for or applicable to the cyber domain. We demonstrate that cyber power alone has limited effectiveness as a tool of coercion, although it has significant utility when coupled with other elements of national power. Second, this article assesses the viability and effectiveness of six prominent warfighting strategies in the traditional coercion literature as applied to the cyber domain: attrition, denial, decapitation, intimidation, punishment, and risk. [R, abr.]
67.6403 BORNAND, Thierry, et al.—
There is an oft-heard democratic paradox: while people who do not live under democracy strive for it, where it exists, democracy is under criticism. This does not mean that citizens in democratic systems want to get rid of it, but that their trust in the functioning of democracy is considerably eroded. This article analyses democratic support by questioning the way it is measured, based on a representative sample of the Walloon population in Belgium. It compares two methods for classifying citizens: the a priori method, usually used in the literature, and the inductive method, inspired from social psychology. Three profiles, whose contours partially differ between methods, emerge — “non-democrats,” “satisfied democrats,” and “dissatisfied democrats” — and are analyzed in light of four theoretical approaches: resources, modernization, ideology and national identification. [R]
67.6404 BRONITSKY, Jonathan —
Bernard-Henri Lévy's latest tract, The Genious of Judaism [New York, 2017], is a polemic masquerading as intellectual history. Lévy seems to believe he has brought an earth-shattering tablet down from the summit. [R]
67.6405 BRYSK, Alison; MEHTA, Aashish —
Despite two decades of rapid global economic growth and social modernisation, including increases in gender equity, levels of violence against women remain stubbornly high. Moving beyond conventional liberal views, a growing literature has identified how structural change and conflict associated with economic development can exacerbate women's physical insecurity. We examine the relationship between development patterns and variation in the Physical Security of Women index — the best available cross-national indicator — to fill the gap in emerging ethnographic, case and survey-based accounts with systematic cross-country assessment. We find that, after controlling for standard explanatory variables, income inequality, urban crowding, corruption, political violence, autocracy and unequal representation of women in politics are associated with more physical insecurity, confirming the relevance of structural change and conflict approaches to development. [R, abr.]
67.6406 BUTCHER, Charles —
This paper reports the results of the first cross-national examination of the impact of the geography of nonviolent contention on regime transitions. Nonviolent tactics “work” in part by signaling the preferences of non-participants through the symbolism of participants, unlike violent tactics. This opens the way for nonviolent campaigns to exploit variations in social-spatial meaning to enhance the informativeness of dissent. Capital cities are one such symbolic place and the main prediction of this study is a positive relationship between large protests and regime transitions in the capital, but not elsewhere. I also predict a strong direct relationship between the proximity to the capital of fighting in civil wars, and regime transitions. [R, abr.]
67.6407 BUTCHER, Charles; GOLDSMITH, Benjamin E. —
This article provides a new perspective on the impact of elections on violent political instability in ethnically divided states. A number of scholars argue that elections may provoke large-scale violence in ethnically divided states. We theorize that elections have a pacifying effect in the most ethnically fractionalized countries as they reduce endemic uncertainty and encourage coalition building, lowering the rate at which electoral losers discount the future. Probit regressions using cross-national data for the period 1960–2010 support the notion that instability onsets are less likely in ethnically fractionalized states during election periods, and especially in the year after a national election. [R]
67.6408 BYRNE, Christopher —
This article aims to bring some definitional clarity to the study of neoliberalism by investigating the three most common conceptualisations of the project as an ideology, mode of regulation, and market-oriented governmentality. It is argued that the heretofore somewhat marginalised governmentality perspective offers the most untapped potential for new analytical insights due to its ability to avoid three problems apparent in the literature on neoliberalism: the conflation of the governmental and hegemonic politics of neoliberalism; the prevalence of overly simplistic periodisations of neoliberalism; and, the failure to grasp the importance of processes of subjectification to the practical functioning of neoliberalism. [R]
67.6409 CACCIATORE, Federica; MASCIO, Fabrizio Di; NATALINI, Alessandro —
This article contributes to the expanding body of literature on proactive transparency that is increasing worldwide in the context of the broader open government movement. Building on the institutional processualist approach, it develops a research framework that seeks to explain the dynamics of proactive transparency. In doing so, it unveils the concatenation of causal mechanisms triggered by the interaction between policy design and contextual features. The framework is applied to the Italian case, where the call for proactive disclosure of information has intensified to restore trust in government in a context marked by the intertwining of fiscal crisis and corruption scandals. [R]
67.6410 CAMPBELL, Susanna P.; FINDLEY, Michael G.; KIKUTA, Kyosuke —
IR scholarship on intrastate peace and conflict largely conceptualizes peace as an absence of war and, to some extent, the presence of a minimal degree of democracy. Empirically, scholars treat peace as a non-event, identifying it as the absence of military battles rather than (or in addition to) the presence of conflict-mitigating institutions or activities. This approach hearkens back to a bygone debate about negative and positive peace, and illustrates that negative peace conceptualizations dominate existing scholarship. In this article, we unpack the conceptual foundations of peace to account more fully for cooperation, rather than just violent conflict. We then operationalize this expanded conceptualization of peace through a latent variable measurement approach that carefully aggregates both conflict and cooperation events. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6439]
67.6411 CAMPBELL-VERDUYN, Malcolm —
This article extends the concept of regulatory capture to a prominent element of responses to the 2007–2008 global financial crisis overlooked in political science: the out-of-court settlements undertaken between regulators and financial firms. In outsourcing accountability to markets and diverging from previous crisis responses, these billion dollar agreements have remained highly controversial. How have financial regulators sought to legitimate this novel approach to post-crisis accountability? Contrasting material and cognitive conceptions of regulatory capture, I illustrate how American financial regulators have persistently prioritized market values in self-legitimating post-crisis financial accountability. [R, abr.]
67.6412 ÇAPAN, Zeynep Gülşah —
The article discusses the manner in which the story of the international system and the relationship between violence and civilisation that Andrew Linklater tells in Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems [Cambridge, 2016] remains on the visible side of the abyssal line. Abyssal thinking refers to the distinctions created between visible and invisible realms and it is Eurocentrism as a system of knowledge that sustains and reproduces this abyssal line. The article focuses on two instances of reproducing this abyssal line. The first is with respect to the way in which histories of Europe and colonialism are detached from each other. The second is on where political and moral ‘progress’ is being located within the development of the ‘global civilizing process’. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6413 CARMEL, Emma —
This article examines ideas about what is to be governed, how and by whom, in EU governance. It interrogates the complex relationships of knowledge generation, knowledge circulation, expertise and policymaking in two contrasting policy areas. In social policy, the emergence and later privileging of a discourse of the ‘social investment state’ are traced through the “linked ecologies” [A. Abbott, “Linked ecologies: States and universities as environments for professions”, Sociological Theory 23(3), 2005: 245 274] of formal ‘European’ social science research, academic politicians and the Open Methods of Co-ordination. In security research policy, m tis, or practical knowledge [J. C. Scott, Seeing Like a State, New Haven, 1998], has enabled major European corporations to assert a privileged discursive and political position in the ‘linked ecologies’ of formal scientific research, product development and EU policymaking. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7174]
67.6414 CHONG, Alan —
Andrew Linklater's Violence and Civilization in the Western StatesSystem [Cambridge, 2016] is to be both praised and critiqued for opening spaces for discussing civilisational standards in the era of a globalising world. It offers a healthy provocation for inquiry into how non-Western states ought to comprehend the legacies of Western political evolution colouring existing ‘IR’ as a discipline. Linklater's book inspires three thematic reactions: globalisation does bring harm; the notion of a universal civilisation remains open to debate; and the possibilities of civilising patterns in premodern Southeast Asia serving as supplementary mirrors and extensions of the relationship between violence and civilisation. It is suggested that Linklater's sequel must consider the trajectory of non-Western sociologies of IR. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6415 CLARK, Nicholas, et al.—
While the effects of simulation-based courses on the knowledge of participating students may be marginal in relation to standard lecture and discussion-based courses, this article argues that the greatest leverage is gained by increasing participating students’ level of interest in the subject of study and in politics more broadly. Participants tend to become increasingly absorbed in their roles and in the politics of the institutions at the center of the simulation. To better consider this possibility, we conducted a survey of students participating in the 2015 Mid-Atlantic EU Simulation and of appropriate control populations. The survey results indeed suggest that, much more than simply acquiring knowledge about the EU, the simulation experience serves to generate more robust interest in the subject of study. [R]
67.6416 CLAY, K. Chad; DIGIUSEPPE, Matthew R. —
Leaders are assumed to face fiscal constraints on their ability to remain in office by competitively distributing public and/or private goods. However, many leaders can relax this constraint by borrowing on sovereign credit markets. This article argues that states with the fiscal flexibility offered by favorable credit terms have the resources necessary to (1) respond to citizen demands with policies other than widespread repression and (2) avoid agency loss that may result in unauthorized repression by state agents. Empirical analyses indicate that creditworthy states have greater respect for physical integrity rights and are less likely to suffer diminished respect for those rights when facing violent dissent or negative shocks to government revenues. [R]
67.6417 COOK, Scott J., et al.—
Media-based event data are widely used in political science research. However, events of interest are often underreported by these primary and secondary sources, producing incomplete data that risks inconsistency and bias in subsequent analysis. While general strategies exist to help ameliorate this bias, these methods do not make full use of the information often available to researchers. Specifically, much of the event data used in the social sciences is drawn from multiple, overlapping news sources. Therefore, we propose a novel maximum likelihood estimator that corrects for misclassification in data arising from multiple sources. In the most general formulation of our estimator, researchers can specify separate sets of predictors for the true-event model and each of the misclassification models characterizing whether a source fails to report on an event. [R, abr.]
67.6418 COPPOCK, Alexander, et al.—
Missing outcome data plague many randomized experiments. Common solutions rely on ignorability assumptions that may not be credible in all applications. We propose a method for confronting missing outcome data that makes fairly weak assumptions but can still yield informative bounds on the average treatment effect. Our approach is based on a combination of the double sampling design and nonparametric worst-case bounds. We derive a worst-case bounds estimator under double sampling and provide analytic expressions for variance estimators and confidence intervals. We also propose a method for covariate adjustment using post-stratification and a sensitivity analysis for non-ignorable missingness. Finally, we illustrate the utility of our approach using Monte Carlo simulations and a placebo-controlled randomized field experiment on the effects of persuasion on social attitudes with survey-based outcome measures. [R]
67.6419 CORNAGO, Noé —
This article contends that diplomacy offers frequently a more promising venue for dealing with the challenge of political pluralism than appealing to either the unstable grammars of the right to self-determination or a reified understanding of the principle of territorial integrity of states. In so doing, firstly, the right to self-determination is critically examined. Secondly, based on the discussion of a variety of historical cases, the notion of “constituent diplomacies” is advanced. Finally, this relational understanding of the historical forms of governance of political pluralism within and beyond state boundaries is re-examined. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7116]
67.6420 CORNELL, Agnes; MØLLER, Jørgen; SKAANING, Svend-Erik —
Analogies with interwar Europe are often misdirected. In the 1920s and 1930s, regime breakdowns occurred in struggling new democracies, but established democratic systems exhibited remarkable endurance. [R]
67.6421 COTTON, Simon —
In the absence of a threat of maldistribution, what reason could there be to bar trade of a genuine good that is otherwise owned? Market skeptics have asserted that, once permitted, trade tends to crowd out gifting. Why should we care, though, if needs are satisfied via sales? More importantly, why suppose that permitting trade will cause crowding out? I address both questions with an emphasis on the second. Normatively, I claim that gifting has expressive value over and above its value in satisfying needs. Causally, I differentiate between possible cultural and psychological mechanisms, and I offer an original, institutional one. [R, abr.]
67.6422 COULDRY, Nick —
Connection between humans seems prima facie to be a good, and internet provides an unprecedented infrastructure for connection and for the gathering of data about social life in all its aspects. But what if the continuous automated surveillance on which such data-gathering depends is itself in conflict with values (such as autonomy that underpin the very purpose of democratic institutions? This article explores that potential contradiction, drawing on resources from political and legal theory to clarify the potentially negative implications of surveillance for democratic practice. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7023]
67.6423 CRANMER, Skyler J.; DESMARAIS, Bruce A. —
The large majority of inferences drawn in empirical political research follow from model-based associations (e.g., regression). Here, we articulate the benefits of predictive modeling as a complement to this approach. Predictive models aim to specify a probabilistic model that provides a good fit to testing data that were not used to estimate the model's parameters. Our goals are threefold. First, we review the central benefits of this under-utilized approach from a perspective uncommon in the existing literature: we focus on how predictive modeling can be used to complement and augment standard associational analyses. Second, we advance the state of the literature by laying out a simple set of benchmark predictive criteria. Third, we illustrate our approach through a detailed application to the prediction of interstate conflict. [R]
67.6424 DAVIDSON, Neil; SAULL, Richard —
This article examines the contradictory relationship between neoliberalism and the politics of the far-right. It identifies and explains the divergence of the “economic” and the social/cultural spheres under neoliberalism (notably in articulations of race and class and the “politics of whiteness”) and how such developments play out in the politics of the contemporary far-right. We also examine the degree to which the politics of the far-right pose problems for the consolidation and long-term stabilization of neoliberalism, through acting as a populist source of pressure on the conservative-right and tapping into sources of alienation amongst déclassé social layers. Finally, we locate the politics of the far-right within the broader atrophying of political representation and accountability of the neoliberal era with respect to the institutional and legal organization of neoliberalism at the international level. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “Neoliberalism and the far-right”. See also Abstr. 67.6590, 6616, 6637]
67.6425 DEMMELHUBER, Thomas; ZUMBRÄGEL, Tobias —
Considering the period from the “Arab Cold War” of the 1950/1960s until the recent Arab uprisings in the years 2011, this article seeks to explore different patterns of legality and justification of the political order to explain processes of transformation and modes of continuity. Relying on an understanding of legitimacy as an analytical category to illustrate diverging narratives of legitimacy represented by the different ideal types of republicanism and monarchism, this article aims at contributing to the question why republics have been affected stronger by the uprisings than the Arab monarchies. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6521]
67.6426 DOBROWOLSKY, Alexandra, et al.—
This special issue showcases contemporary feminist political research, theories and practices in Canada. In an era characterized by global movements and numerous transformations that range from the economic to the environmental, the political to the cultural, from macro- through to micro-scales, including complex debates about the fluidity of gender, and where “backlash” against the symbols and agents of past feminist activism is rife, this special issue queries where do we find feminism(s) today? The responses to this question, as well as to the interrogation of the place of gender in the discipline of political science more generally, are undoubtedly diverse and contested. The collective efforts contained in this special issue feature a mere taste of the rich range of thought-provoking recent scholarship on feminisms. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Finding feminism”. See also Abstr. 67.6504, 6728, 6812, 6835, 6936, 7013, 7032, 7042, 7052, 7126, 7469]
67.6427 DREW, Joseph; GRANT, Bligh —
A common interpretation of the principle of subsidiarity in the federalism literature is that decentralized government, which is closer to the people, is better able to respond to the preferences of its citizens. However, when the principle is denuded of its moral foundations it not only fails to provide the grounding for achieving human dignity and the common good, but may also become the harbinger of fiscal crises and social dysfunction. We provide a more comprehensive account of the principle of subsidiarity and contrast this with various conceptions prominently presented in the federalism literature. We then explore how this more comprehensive view of subsidiarity would look in practice. In short, we argue that mere decentralization of government fails to capture the ontology and desirable outcomes of the principle of subsidiarity. [R]
67.6428 DRYZEK, John S. —
The theory of deliberative democracy is here furthered in terms of three images that locate its essence in respectively a single forum, a deliberative system, and an encompassing polity featuring particular integrative norms. Deliberative theorists need to contemplate how practices that make sense in each image connect to the other two. Forums make sense only when linked in a system that can synthesize very different deliberative virtues (notably, justification, reflection, and inclusion). Any system's democratic qualities can be evaluated only in terms of the polity. While judgment in terms of the conditions of normative integration in the polity is therefore primary, particular forums can promote deliberative authenticity in a system, and systems enable inclusive application of deliberative ideals. Deployed in this way, the three images help solve internal disputes and respond to critics. [R, abr.]
67.6429 DUDLEY, Geoffrey; BANISTER, David; SCHWANEN, Tim —
The ride-hailing company Uber has achieved extremely rapid global expansion by means of out-maneuvering governments, regulators and competitors, acting as a market disruptive innovator through a user-friendly technology and making use of the “sharing economy”. These attributes are not unique, but are distinctively augmented by a relentless expansionary ambition and an ability to maintain the capacity to innovate. Uber has generated great political controversy, but the challenge for governments and regulators is to embrace the benefits of the disruptive innovator, while adopting an approach that takes into account the full range of impacts. For Uber, the challenge is to maintain its expansionary style as a disruptive innovator, while also redefining on its terms the political and public debate. The case study of London provides important insights into the dynamics of these processes. [R, abr.]
67.6430 DUKALSKIS, Alexander; GERSCHEWSKI, Johannes —
Autocratic governments make claims about why they are entitled to rule. This article takes seriously these efforts by introducing and interrogating the concept of autocratic legitimation. After engaging in a definitional discussion, it traces the development of autocratic legitimation in modern political science by identifying major turning points, key concepts, and patterns of inquiry over time. Ultimately, this introductory article proposes contexts, concepts, and distinctions. To this end, it proposes four mechanisms of autocratic legitimation that can facilitate comparative analysis: indoctrination, passivity, performance, and democratic-procedural. Finally, the essay briefly introduces the five original articles that comprise the remainder of this special issue on autocratic legitimation. The article identifies avenues for further research and identifies how each article in the issue advances down productive pathways of inquiry. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Legitimation in autocracies”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.6463, 6547, 6671, 6881, 7022]
67.6431 DUNNE, Tim; DEVETAK, Richard —
We first locate Andrew Linklater's Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems [Cambridge, 2016] in the context of Linklater's overarching intellectual journey. It is through his engagement with Martin Wight's comparative sociology of states-systems that Linklater found resonances with the work of process sociologist, Norbert Elias. Integrating Wight's insights into the states-system with Elias's insights into civilising processes, Violence and Civilization presents a high-level theoretical synthesis with the aim of historically tracing restraints on violence. The article identifies a tension between the cosmopolitan philosophical history which underpins the argument of the book, and the ‘Utrecht Enlightenment’ that offers a conception of ‘civilized statecraft’ at odds with a universal conception of morality and justice. The article then examines Linklater's argument about the ‘global civilizing process’. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6432 EADY, Gregory —
What explains why some survey respondents answer truthfully to a sensitive survey question, while others do not? This question is central to our understanding of a wide variety of attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, but has remained difficult to investigate empirically due to the inherent problem of distinguishing those who are telling the truth from those who are misreporting. This article proposes a solution to this problem. It develops a method to model, within a multivariate regression context, whether survey respondents provide one response to a sensitive item in a list experiment, but answer otherwise when asked to reveal that belief openly in response to a direct question. As an empirical application, the method is applied to an original large-scale list experiment. [R, abr.]
67.6433 EDGELL, Amanda B. —
Why do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women's empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. [R, abr.]
67.6434 EICHENHOFER, Johannes —
The paper is devoted to the relationship between privacy and transparency, as well as its relevance for democracy from a legal studies perspective. In the legal context, privacy is mostly perceived as an individual right, whereas its importance for the society as a whole is underexposed. The paper hence contrasts the “individualistic” with a “social comprehension of privacy” and to use that conception as a starting point to examine the importance of privacy for democracy (and vice-versa). The democracy-promoting effect of transparency is commonly seen in the creation of publicity. However, privacy and transparency also have a common reference point, namely the reduction of information and power asymmetries. This goal ultimately expresses the democratic ideal of equal freedom. [R] [Part of a series of articles on “Privatheit und Demokratie (Privacy and democracy)”. See also Abstr. 67.6557]
67.6435 ENGEL, Susan; PALLAS, Josh; LAMBERT, Sara —
This article demonstrates that the purposeful subject design, incorporating a Model United Nations (MUN), facilitated deep learning and professional skills attainment in the field of IR. Deep learning was promoted in subject design by linking learning objectives to L. W. Anderson and D. R. Krathwohl's [A Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching, and Assessing: A Revision of Bloom's Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, New York, 2001] four levels of knowledge or cognition: factual, conceptual, procedural, and metacognitive. Students demonstrated improvement in all four areas; however, this article focuses on outcomes in the conceptual and metacognitive realms as these were where students showed the most growth. [R, abr.]
67.6436 EREZ, Lior —
This article presents a new understanding of the problem of cosmopolitan motivation in war, comparing it to the motivational critique of social justice cosmopolitanism. The problem of cosmopolitanism's “motivational gap” is best interpreted as a political one, not a meta-ethical or ethical one. That is, the salient issue is not whether an individual soldier is able to be motivated by cosmopolitan concerns, nor is it whether being motivated by cosmopolitanism would be too demanding. Rather, given considerations of legitimacy in the use of political power, a democratic army has to be able to motivate its soldiers to take on the necessary risks without relying on coercion alone. Patriotic identification offers a way to achieve this in wars of national defense, but less so in armed humanitarian interventions (AHIs). [R, abr.]
67.6437 FELDMANN, Magnus; KUOKSTIS, Vytautas —
This article analyzes the potential for institutional design to depoliticize macroeconomic policy-making by examining currency board arrangements. It develops a novel argument to understand the effects of institutional design based on institutional complementarities. This argument highlights that the functioning of a given institution is conditioned by the broader institutional context. The article contrasts this framework with two common approaches — here termed the institutional design and the epiphenomenalism views — and argues that the centrality of institutional complementarities can account for the mixed record of currency boards. The most important complementarities of a currency board are with fiscal, labor market and informal institutions, which are important prerequisites for successful currency boards. By drawing on recent advances in the study of depoliticization, we show how these institutions contribute to governmental, societal and discursive depoliticization. [R, abr.]
67.6438 FERRERA, Maurizio —
Reorienting the welfare state towards social investment (SI) constitutes a complex and multidimensional challenge of policy recalibration and raises daunting political problems. The temporal mismatch between SI reforms and their returns requires a degree of ‘political patience’ on the side of both current voters and incumbent politicians which is not readily available in contemporary democracies. After reviewing recent debates about the policy and politics of the long term, the article analyzes the strategy pursued by the EU, with a view to assessing their degree of ‘conduciveness’ to SI recalibration. It is argued that the EU has indeed stimulated policy change at the national level, but that its potential as SI facilitator has been hamstrung by a number of weaknesses and shortcomings, especially on the discursive front. [R, abr.]
67.6439 FIRCHOW, Pamina; MAC GINTY, Roger —
This article examines the possibilities of interaction and collaboration between top-down and bottom-up indicators of peace. It is based on the Everyday Peace Indicators project an experimental research project that operated in local communities in four sub-Saharan countries. The article begins by making the case for bottom-up approaches to the study of peace, conflict and security. It goes on to scope out the opportunities and obstacles for comparison between bottom-up and top-down indicator systems and looks at three issues: comparability, commensurability and complementarity. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Exploring peace”, edited and introduced by Thomas R. GUARRIERI, A. Cooper DRURY and Amanda MURDIE. See also Abstr. 67.6387, 6410, 6484, 6549, 6652]
67.6440 FORLENZA, Rosario; THOMASSEN, Bjørn —
The Risorgimento was the process of independence and unification of the Italian nation between 1848 and 1860, and has remained a powerful symbol of Italian politics ever since. Elaborating on Jan Assmann's concept of cultural memory, the article discusses the Risorgimento at crucial moments in 20th-c. Italian politics: the 1911 anniversary of unification, the elaboration of the Risorgimento during fascism, the re-appropriation of the Risorgimento by the left and by the Resistance during the 1930s and 1940s, the general semantic space carved by the post-war democratic forces on both right and left with reference to the Risorgimento, and the sudden return to the memory of the Risorgimento in the 1990s and afterwards. [R, abr.]
67.6441 FRANCHI, Tássio, et al.—
This article revisits theoretical efforts to classify interstate conflicts. It analyzes South America and discuss the adequacy of influential interpretations about the intensity of interstate conflicts in the region as compared to global or other regions ones. The literature takes for granted that South America is a peaceful region. Such interpretation results from the indicators adopted. We argue that traditional indicators do not fully capture latent tensions and the actual level of conflicts in the region. The article suggests an alternative taxonomy that better fits the South America context and argues that a research agenda on the extent and nature of interstate conflicts is needed. [R]
67.6442 FREGA, Roberto —
This article discusses the advantages of a pragmatist theory of global democracy for understanding the political relevance of new phenomena such as the emergence of forms of private authority and transnational movements in tackling with global issues. The article shows in particular that the pragmatist notion of ‘publics’ offers promising insights and proves particularly promising for completing the transition from methodological nationalism to methodological cosmopolitanism that is required to understand new normative practices developing at the global level and to inquire into their conditions of validity. After presenting a basic outline of the pragmatist theory of democracy, I discuss the contribution of pragmatism to the critique of methodological nationalism and examine and reject two alternative approaches to global politics — transnational public sphere theory and global representation theory — showing why they fail to overcome methodological nationalism. [R, abr.]
67.6443 FROSH, Stephen; MANDELBAUM, Belinda —
We examine some aspects of the fate of Brazilian psychoanalysis during the 1964–1985 civil-military dictatorship. Presenting data from interviews with Brazilian psychoanalysts and focusing on the activities of the Brazilian Psychoanalytic Society of São Paulo, we argue that the external political situation was paralleled by conservatism within the Society, with some dangerous consequences. We attend especially to tensions between right- and left-wing psychoanalysts, denunciations and fear, and the impact of Bion's ideas. We conclude by suggesting that the “complicity” of the Society with the governing norms was coincident both with the self-interests and attitudes of particular individuals and with normalizing institutional tendencies in psychoanalysis itself. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6532]
67.6444 FUMAGALLI, Matteo —
This article takes stock of recent advances in the field of comparative authoritarianism. The four books reviewed shed light on the effects of social activism, claim-making and social protests on authoritarian resilience. Taken as a whole, they intervene in the scholarly debates that examine the rise of collective, often contentious action under authoritarian rule. In so doing they account both for how states tolerate or even encourage collective action and the extent to which, in turn, protests by distinct social groups re-shape the political system. As authoritarian institutions, democratic-looking or otherwise, have received considerable attention of late, this article calls for greater attention to the economic and ideational dimensions of authoritarianism and, more generally, a broader research agenda. [R]
67.6445 GAILMARD, Sean; PATTY, John W. —
We develop a model of “notice and comment” rulemaking, focusing on strategic issues facing agencies and interest groups in light of judicial review in this process. Specifically, we analyze the incentives for agencies and groups to produce and reveal information during rulemaking. We show that judicial review can produce informed policymaking, but that participatory rulemaking can bias agency policymaking in favor of groups with access to the rule-making process. In addition, the model allows an analysis of doctrines of judicial review of agency policymaking. The model reveals that “politicized” judicial review can be beneficial because of its effects on agency incentives for information acquisition in policymaking. [R, abr.]
67.6446 GAMMON, Earl —
Combining political economy and depth psychology, this article [examines] the socio-psychical underpinnings of neoliberalism's resilience following the global financial crisis. In explicating neoliberalism's reproduction, the analysis employs self psychologist Heinz Kohut's theorisation of narcissistic development. Kohut conceives narcissism as a normal condition driving self-formation, but claims that obstructions in its development result in impaired self-esteem and self-confidence, a lack of empathy and aggression against others and the self. The article argues that neoliberalism fosters and is reinforced by narcissistic configurations that impede the attainment of a more stable sense of self. The inability to attain narcissistic fulfilment through neoliberal sociality contributes to defensive and compensatory reactions that entrench neoliberalism's logic and, through economic performativity, manifest in what Kohut termed narcissistic rage. [R]
67.6447 GAO Yanyan, et al.—
Democratic countries produce higher levels of innovation than autocratic ones, but does democratization itself lead to innovation growth either in the short or in the long run? The existing literature has extensively examined the relationship between democracy and growth but seldom explored the effect of democracy on innovation, which might be an important channel through which democracy contributes to economic growth. This article fills this gap and contributes to the long-standing debate on the relationship between democracy and innovation by offering empirical evidence based on a data-set covering 156 countries between 1964 and 2010. The results from the difference-in-differences method show that democracy itself has no direct positive effect on innovation measured with patent counts, patent citations and patent originality. [R]
67.6448 GARCE, Adolfo —
Diffusion theories have paid little attention to the dissemination of political institutions, so far. Moreover, they have offered better explanations of processes of adoption than adaptation ones. The creation of political institutions in Latin America after the wars of independence provides an excellent opportunity for theory-building while correcting these biases. The USA presidential model was adopted by Latin American countries during the 19th c., but with certain adaptations, in the sense that the “copies” had fundamental differences from the original paradigm. Latin American presidentialism grants the president a significantly greater role in the dynamics of government than the American one. Ideational factors explain not only the initial choice for presidentialism; but they also contribute to explaining the meaning and intensity of the deep mutation experienced by the Philadelphia model. [R]
67.6449 GARCIA GUERRERO, José Luis —
The latest empirical onslaught on democracy comes from globalization. Democracy encompasses constitutional power, popular sovereignty, the values of political pluralism, the openness and transparency of the constitutional norms, and the democratic principle of the fundamental right to political participation. The paper seeks to explain the intensity of the damage done to democracy term the five different phases of the first stage of globalization and in its second stage. At the same time, the paper looks for solutions in order to overcome the problem to try to diminish the attack on democracy. [R]
67.6450 GAWTHORPE, Andrew J. —
Although the concept of legitimacy is central to Western counterinsurgency theory, most discourse in this area black-boxes the concept. It hence remains under-specified in many discussions of counterinsurgency. Fortunately, recent research on rebel governance and legitimacy contributes to our understanding of the problems faced by counterinsurgents who want to boost state legitimacy while undermining that of the rebels. Taken together, this research illustrates that a rational choice approach to legitimacy is simplistic; that micro-level factors ultimately drive legitimacy dynamics; and that both cooption of existing legitimate local elites and their replacement from the top-down is unlikely to succeed. Western counterinsurgency doctrine has failed to grasp the difficulties this poses for it. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6524]
67.6451 GERBER, Alan S., et al.—
Prior experiments show that campaign communications revealing subjects’ past turnout and applying social pressure to vote (the “Self” treatment) increase turnout. However, nearly all existing studies are conducted in low-salience elections, raising concerns that published findings are not generalizable and are an artifact of sample selection and publication bias. Addressing the need for further replication in high-salience elections, we analyze a [US] field experiment involving 1.96 million subjects where a nonpartisan campaign randomly sent Self treatment mailers, containing a subject's vote history and a comparison of each subject's history with their state median registrant's turnout behavior, in high-salience elections across 17 states in 2014. Our study provides precise evidence that social pressure effects on turnout are generalizable. [R, abr.]
67.6452 GERVER, Mollie —
States are increasingly paying refugees to repatriate, hoping to decrease the number of refugees residing within their borders. I provide a description of such payment schemes and consider whether they are morally permissible. I address two types of cases: in the first, governments pay refugees to repatriate to high-risk countries, never coercing them into returning. I argue that such payments are permissible if refugees’ choices are voluntary and if states allow refugees to return to the host country in the event of an emergency. I then describe cases where states detain refugees, and NGOs provide their own payments to refugees wishing to repatriate; such payments are permitted only if the funds are sufficient to ensure post-return safety and if providing payments does not reinforce the government's detention policy. [R, abr.]
67.6453 GISSEL, Line Engbo —
This article studies the contemporary expression of transitional justice, a field of practice through which global governance is exercised. It argues that transitional justice is being normalised, given the normative and empirical de-legitimisation of its premise of exceptionalism. The article theorises exceptionalism and normalcy in transitional justice and identifies three macro-level causes of normalisation: the legalisation, internationalisation and professionalisation of the field. This argument is illustrated by a study of Uganda's trajectory of transitional justice since 1986. Across five phases of transitional justice, processes of legalisation, internationalisation and professionalisation have contributed to the gradual dismantling of the country's exceptional justice. The case demonstrates, further, that normalisation is a contested and incomplete process. [R]
67.6454 GO, Julian —
This article reviews Andrew Linklater's Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems [Cambridge, 2016]. Focusing upon the book's explanation of the ‘European civilizing process’ in the modern era, it suggests that the account is limited by ‘civilizational isolationism’ and ‘metrocentric diffusion’. These analytic operations serve to minimise the agency and contributions of non-Western, colonial, and postcolonial actors to the global civilizing process. The occlusion of such agency and contributions, however, are not specific to this work, but reflect broader limitations in historical sociology writ large. [R] 6469]
67.6455 GONZALEZ-RICOY, íñigo —
Over the last decades a diversity of institutional reforms have been enacted and proposals have been advanced to enlarge the time horizon of political decisions, improve their time consistency, and better take into account the interests of future generations. This paper is a contribution to the normative analysis of such institutions. It mainly aims at examining their ability to cope with the plurality of determinants of short-termism and time inconsistency. To this aim, and after an introduction, I present the intertemporal problems that these institutions seek to address. A sample of such institutions is displayed next. They are organized by the types of mechanisms they employ as well as by their degree of independence, competencies, types of powers, and the extent of the mandate to which they are subject. [R, abr.]
67.6456 GRIFFIN, Penny —
Thinking about ‘after’ and ‘afterwards’ in world politics necessitates thinking about complex, ambiguous and socially disruptive processes, practices, and methods of governance. Focused on locating the ‘afterwards’ in moments of world politics marked by ongoing, and consistently unsuccessful, responses to crisis, conflict, and questions of social, political, and economic legitimacy, this themed section spotlights two areas of particular concern. First, the section asks what it might mean to theorise ‘after’, and ‘afterwards’, in world politics. Second, it explores what opportunities are afforded in thinking about the relationship between ‘afterwards’ in terms of postcoloniality, governmentality, and the machinery of state-building. Interested in diverse ways with ‘thresholds’, and the ambiguity of threshold environments, this section demonstrates the necessity of thinking about complex, ambiguous, and socially disruptive processes, practices, and methods of governance. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “‘Post’ interventions: postcoloniality, poststructuralism and questions of ‘after’ in world politics”, edited by the author. See Abstr. 67.6517, 6920, 7407, 7531]
67.6457 GRIMMELIKHUIJSEN, Stephan G.; FEENEY, Mary K. —
Open government is an important innovation to foster trustworthy and inclusive governments. The authors develop and test an integrative theoretical framework drawing from theories on policy diffusion and innovation adoption. Based on this, they investigate how structural, cultural, and environmental variables explain three dimensions of open government: accessibility, transparency, and participation. The framework is tested by combining 2014 survey data and observational data from 500 local US government websites. Organizational structure, including technological and organizational capacity, is a determinant shared by all dimensions of open government. [R, abr.]
67.6458 GUGUSHVILI, Alexi; KABACHNIK, Peter; KIRVALIDZE, Ana —
Who are the heroes and villains in Georgian collective memory? What factors influence who is seen as a hero or a villain and why? How do these selections correlate with Georgian national identity? Our survey results show that according to a representative sample of the Georgian population, the main heroes from the beginning of the 20th c. include Z. Gamsakhurdia, I. Chavchavadze, and Patriarch Ilia II. E. Shevardnadze, S. Ordzhonikidze, and V. Putin represent the main villains, and those that appear on both lists are M. Saakashvili and Stalin. We highlight two clusters of attitudes that are indicative of how people think about Georgian national identity, mirroring civic and ethnic conceptions of nationalism. How Georgians understand national identity impacts not only who they choose as heroes or villains, but also whether they provide an answer at all. [R]
67.6459 HA Eunyoung; ROGERS, Melissa —
Trade liberalization has reduced trade tax revenue in most less developed countries (LDCs). The options to replace this tax, which has historically been LDCs’ primary source of tax revenue, are limited by competitive pressures in the global economy. Using time-series error-correction models, we assess how partisan politics shaped the reallocation of taxes in thirty-eight LDCs from 1975 to 2009. We argue that leftist governments have a vested interest in recovering lost revenue to fund spending that benefits their constituencies but they are highly constrained by the market-signaling effects of increasing taxes. We find that leftist governments retained higher levels of falling tax revenue and offset trade tax losses with progressive personal income taxes (PITs). Nonetheless, leftist governments appeared reluctant to increase revenue from corporate income or social security taxes, which impose costs on business. [R, abr.]
67.6460 HACKETT, Sarah E. —
English version: see Abstr. 67 6461.
67.6461 HACKETT, Sarah E. —
This article addresses the “local turn” of migration and integration policies in historical perspective in Newcastle upon Tyne and Bremen. It draws upon a wide range of government documentation and offers a comparative assessment of both cities’ policies from the 1960s onwards. It discusses the vertical dimension of policymaking though an exploration of the local governance of migrant integration in relation to the national level. Although Britain and Germany's post-war immigration histories and political structures have often been perceived as contrasting, this article reveals a convergence in these cities’ governments’ approaches to their own local diverse societies. These case studies question the long-term impact of overarching national constitutional structures on city-level migration policies. Findings are framed within the local governance and multi-level governance MLG debates. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6649]
67.6462 HAFTEL, Yoram Z.; HOFMANN, Stephanie C. —
The proliferation of regional economic organizations (REOs) is a prominent feature of the contemporary international environment. Many of these organizations aspire to promote regional peace and stability, some through economic cooperation, while others address security concerns more directly. A glance at the security components of such organizations indicates that their purpose and design are very diverse. This article sheds light on the sources of this poorly understood phenomenon. It argues that organizations that enjoy greater delegated authority are in a better position to expand their mandate into the security realm and to have more far-reaching agreements in this issue area. It then develops a metric that gauges the degree of security cooperation within REOs and presents a new dataset of numerous organizations on this institutional aspect. [R, abr.]
67.6463 HALDENWANG, Christian von —
The legitimacy of political orders is an important reference point in political analysis, but the concept is difficult to operationalize and measure — particularly in those countries where legitimacy is critical, i.e., cases of political transformation, non-democratic rule and high state fragility. To be successful, legitimation has to fulfill two functions: relate demands for legitimation to government performance (the “demand cycle”), and relate legitimacy claims issued by the rulers to behavioural patterns of the ruled (the “supply cycle”). Looking at the recent academic debate, the article finds that empirical research has largely ignored the demand cycle, while attempts to explore the relationships underlying the supply cycle tend to suffer from misconceptions of basic terms. The article proposes a framework for empirical enquiry that addresses both shortcomings. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6430]
67.6464 HARTLEY, Sarah; PEARCE, Warren; TAYLOR, Alasdair —
Research has identified a general trend towards depoliticisation. Against this trend, we identify opportunities for politicisation through the international emergence of a research governance tool: “responsible research and innovation” (RRI). Drawing on face-to-face interviews with university staff, we reveal two factors that influence whether research governance becomes a site of politics: actors’ acknowledgement of their societal responsibilities, and the meanings these actors attribute to RRI. RRI provides a focus for political struggles over the public value of research and innovation at a time when science policy is given a privileged role in driving economic growth. [R]
67.6465 HAYNES, Kyle —
How do embattled leaders hope to secure their hold on power by initiating conflict abroad? The literature on diversionary war has emphasized two distinct mechanisms by which leaders stand to gain from conflict — the “rally around the flag” and “gambling for resurrection” theories. But despite a massive literature on the subject, these competing theories of diversionary incentives have never been subjected to comparative empirical evaluation. I argue that the rally and gambling theories predict diversionary conflicts to target different types of states. Diversionary conflicts driven by a rally logic will target traditional enemies and out-groups, including rivals, neighbors, and geopolitically incompatible states. Gambling for resurrection, on the other hand, pushes leaders to target powerful states in order to demonstrate competence to their constituents. [R, abr.]
67.6466 HELGASON, Agnar Freyr; MÉROLA, Vittorio —
We argue that occupational unemployment rates, by informing perceptions of economic insecurity, serve as a salient and powerful heuristic for aggregate economic performance. Consequently, high and rising occupational unemployment leads to negative evaluations of the economy and reduces the probability of supporting the incumbent government. Simultaneously, however, such changes shift support toward left-wing parties. Thus, economic insecurity serves as a valence issue, but is also inherently a positional issue, due to the distributional consequences of welfare policies. This brings about a potential conflict as under left-wing incumbent governments the economically insecure are cross-pressured, which increases their likelihood of exiting the electoral arena completely. We test our hypotheses using a Bayesian hierarchical multinomial model, with individual-level data from 43 elections in 21 countries. [R, abr.]
67.6467 HELLMANN, Gunther —
Change at the level of the international system as a whole has always been a challenging subject matter in IR. This is especially true with regard to the link between foreign policy agency and systemic transformation. In IR and foreign policy analysis, this link is largely taken for granted. At the same time, the connections between foreign policy agency and systemic transformation are widely considered to be essentially intractable in epistemological and methodological terms. As a result, the link has been surprisingly undertheorized. I try to show how a Deweyan (or pragmatist) understanding of social action in general and of causal analysis in particular might help to theorize the link. [R, abr.]
67.6468 HENSCHKE, Adam; LEGRAND, Timothy —
While it may seem self-evident that there are, and ought to be, limits to counterterrorism policies, there is an increasingly widespread public opinion that political leaders can, and must, do everything they can to protect against terrorist acts. This article specifies the limiting conditions around counterterrorism policy by reference to policymakers’ public justifications offered for counterterrorism policy. It presents three normative elements that underpin counterterrorism policy to show that there are important reasons to limit counterterrorism policy, and to suggest that these limits ought to be recognized by political leaders and citizens alike in liberal-democratic societies. It then shows that these factors do indeed play a role in UK counterterrorism policy development. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7287]
67.6469 HOBSON, John M. —
This article provides an ‘engaged’ introduction to this forum on Andrew Linklater's Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems [Cambridge, 2016]. I seek to adjudicate between the critics and Linklater's book in the hope of building a bridge over troubled water. I explore whether, and if so to what extent, Linklater's book is Eurocentric. While I too identify various Eurocentric cues, I also provide various defences for Linklater. In particular, the final section advances two definitions of Eurocentrism and anti-Eurocentrism. I close by critiquing his left-liberal cosmopolitan politics, arguing that his Eurocentric-universalist normative posture cannot create the kind of peaceful and harmonious world that he (and Kant) so desires. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Linklater's Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems [Cambridge University Press, 2016]”. See Abstr. 67.6412, 6414, 6431, 6454, 6496, 6499, 6500, 6509]
67.6470 HOELSCHER, Kristian; MIKLIAN, Jason; NYGÅRD, Håvard Mokleiv —
What factors explain attacks on humanitarian aid workers? Most research has tended to describe trends rather than analyze the underlying reasons behind attacks. To move this agenda forward, we present to our knowledge the first peer-reviewed cross-national time-series study that identifies factors related to violent attacks on humanitarian aid workers. Our theoretical framework explores two sets of potential explanatory factors: dynamics of conflicts; and the politicization and militarization of humanitarian operations. [R, abr.]
67.6471 HOLBEIN, John B. —
Recent child development research shows that the psychosocial or non-cognitive skills that children develop are important for success in school and beyond. Are these skills learned in childhood also important for adult political behaviors like voting? I use a unique school-based 20-year field experiment to explore whether children who develop psychosocial skills early on are more likely to vote in adulthood than those who do not. Matching subjects to voter files, I show that this intervention had a noticeable long-run impact on political participation. These results highlight the need to better understand how childhood experiences shape civic behaviors later in life. During this critical period, children can be taught the not explicitly political, but still vital, skills that set them on a path toward political participation in adulthood. [R, abr.]
67.6472 HOLYOKE, Thomas T. —
Scholarship on interest groups and lobbying has become bifurcated between the dominant micro-level research on the choices of individual groups and macro-level research on group-level populations, especially the work of V. Gray and D. Lowery [“The diversity of state interest group systems”, Political Research Quarterly, 46(1), March 1993: 81–97; Abstr. 43.4002; “A niche theory of interest representation”, Journal of Politics, 58(1), Feb. 1996: 91–111; Abstr. 46.536], with almost no integration of the two. Failure to integrate levels of analysis, unfortunately, will impede future progress in the subfield. I discuss some of the challenges to integrating research at multiple levels and then propose a solution which I test by re-analyzing two of my micro-level research projects now combined with Gray and Lowery’ macro-level density variable using hierarchical modeling. [R, abr.]
67.6473 HOOK, Derek —
This article explores the notion of enjoyment/jouissance — a type of “negative pleasure” or intense libidinal arousal — as an instrument of political analysis. Crucial here are a series of qualifications that refine an understanding of the concept. The article clarifies that enjoyment is: sexual (or libidinal) in nature; bodily rather than unconscious; necessarily excessive (since it is “beyond the pleasure principle” and linked to the functioning of the death drive); and illicit, incurred in acts that apparently transgress laws or socially prescribed limits. I offer a series of examples — most typically of racism — to demonstrate how jouissance occurs within the symbolic, implies a dialectic of possession, involves the functioning of the law and superego, entails particular rules and contracts of enjoyment, and is structured by fantasy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6532]
67.6474 ILEY-WILLIAMSON, Dan —
An endorsement of capitalism is often thought to be a concession to human selfishness. The thought often runs that while some other socio-economic system — socialism, perhaps — would be morally preferable, we cannot live up to those high ideals. J. Brennan has recently [Why Not Capitalism?, New York, 2014] attempted to show that this widespread view is mistaken. Even in terms of ideal theory, Brennan argues, capitalism is morally superior to its rival. To make this case, Brennan critiques the work of the late socialist political philosopher, G. A. Cohen [Why Not Socialism?, Princeton, 2009]. Brennan argues that Cohen's justification of socialism is ill-conceived, and in fact, Cohen's failure helps to reveal that capitalism is morally superior to socialism. This review article argues that Brennan's critique and attempted counter-claim are unsuccessful. [R, abr.]
67.6475 INDERBERG, Tor Håkon Jackson; BAILEY, Ian; HARMER, Nichola —
We use the New Zealand emissions trading scheme to explore how diffusion and learning from other emissions trading systems can explain the adoption, design, and revision of climate policy. Drawing on secondary documents and interviews with politicians, government officials, business leaders, and independent commentators, we argue for further investigation of how interactions between international and domestic factors shape the design of climate policy, and for deeper probing of structural and shorter-term domestic imperatives, to avoid misreading the extent and nature of international diffusion influences. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7442]
67.6476 JACQUES, Peter J. —
This article proposes that the learning environment matters, and that there are qualitative differences in online versus face-to-face classes. While online education provides some benefits, they also narrow the opportunities for dialectical conflict that thoroughly challenge student thinking, an interaction more likely to be found in real-time conversations. In person, there is more opportunity for an instructor to challenge the reasoning of students in real time, and for students to ask probing and follow-up questions. The article considers the structure of educational dialectic suggested by important thinkers including Galtung, Habermas, and Buber. Online education is then situated as a technology that interferes with human relations and dialectical reasoning and fits within the notion of technics and the megamachine advanced by Lewis Mumford, which dehumanizes personal interactions with instrumental processes for growth and efficiency. [R, abr.]
67.6477 JANSEN, Giedo —
This study aims to provide theoretical and empirical clarity on whether people in “new” and precarious self-employment support the same political parties as those in traditional forms. Theoretical clarity is needed as the voting literature predominantly perceives self-employment in terms of class-based theories or insider/outsider theories, i.e., as a privileged grouping with shared interests as (potential) employers. Alternative perspectives, looking into the heterogeneity and precarization of self-employment have received less attention. Empirically, quantitative data are needed: Previous voting studies have not been able to differentiate the self-employed, either due to the lack of relevant indicators or because of low-N problems. Focusing on the Netherlands, this study addresses these shortcomings by analyzing data among over 800 self-employed without employees, using the Solo Self-Employment Panel. [R, abr.]
67.6478 JELEN, Ted G. —
Two aspects of democratic self-governance are analyzed: collective self-governance, or the authority of citizens over one another, and individual self-governance, referring to the ability of each citizen to govern her/his own beliefs and actions. Individual self-governance is thought to require some level of autonomy on the part of individual citizens, and authenticity of personal preferences and desires. Beliefs about autonomy and authenticity in Roman Catholic and Islamic theology are considered, and these perspectives are applied to the problem of restricting certain types of discourse, based on the content of that discourse. While censorship if usually considered to be incompatible with democratic governance, Catholic and Islamic perspectives on individual self-governance suggest the possibility that some forms of censorship may enhance, rather than detract from citizen autonomy and authenticity, and enhance the possibility of positive collective self-governance. [R]
67.6479 JOHNSTON, Alison; REGAN, Aidan —
International political economy identifies declining nominal interest rates, securitization, and financial liberalization as drivers of rising housing prices. Despite witnessing these common credit shocks, however, developed economies experienced divergent trends in housing inflation since the 1980s. We offer a comparative political economy explanation of variation in house prices, arguing that by restraining household incomes, wage-setting institutions can blunt financial liberalization's inflationary impact on housing markets. Employing quantitative analysis and a comparative study of Ireland and the Netherlands, we uncover two findings. First, countries where political coalitions in the export sector held veto powers over those in the nontraded sector in national wage setting realized lower housing inflation. Second, the impact of sectoral coalitions on housing prices in OECD countries is similar to that of financial variables. [R, abr.]
67.6480 JONQUIÈRES, Guy de —
The liberal order constructed after World War II and successfully extended following the end of the Cold War today faces the greatest challenge. With the US now led by a President who rejects “globalism”, a Europe in disarray and a China either unwilling or unable to formulate a coherent universal vision of world order, there is every chance that the international system will continue to exhibit enormous instability in an age of growing uncertainty. [R]
67.6481 KAIKA, Maria —
A sharp increase in racism and xenophobia, alongside an increase in philanthropy and charity, mark Europe's Janus-faced reaction to the social consequences of the economic crisis. This paper goes beyond the racism/xenophobia vs. charity/philanthropy dualism, arguing that these seemingly antithetical responses have more in common than we may think. Both are equally divisive and “othering” practices. Whilst racism transforms human beings into de-humanized entities in order to be able to hate them, charity transforms human beings into dependent objects in order to be able to offer aid. (1) Both are strongly affective yet deeply apolitical reactions of people who lose their political agency as they become imbued with fear and insecurity. (2) When housing, healthcare, etc. became accessible mainly through private loans and mortgage markets, private welfare debt became a biopolitical tool. [R, abr.]
67.6482 KANGAS, Anni —
The global city presents one model for understanding urbanisation and associated hierarchies of power. In IR, the global city is treated as a unit in a new type of international system, an increasingly important actor in world politics, or a site through which global processes operate. This article treats the global city as a dispositif of power. While the global city captures the fact that power and wealth are spatially concentrated in today's urbanising world politics, the concept also has a world-making capacity. The article analyses this capacity in two contexts. First, it presents a genealogy of the voyage of the global cities concept from critical academic scholarship to a buzzword of city elites and business consultants. Second, it performs a governmental analysis of global city reports and indexes. [R, abr.]
67.6483 KARLÉN, Niklas —
Why do some armed conflicts that have ended experience renewed fighting while others do not? With the exception of the literature on third-party security guarantees, the influence of outside actors has often been overlooked. This article explores the role of external states and suggests when and how their involvement is likely to affect the probability of renewed warfare. The main argument is that the legacy of outside support creates an external support structure that affects the previous combatants’ willingness as well as their opportunities to remobilize. This means that armed conflicts with external state support will experience a greater likelihood of recurrence compared to other conflicts, which did not see external support. The theory is tested using Cox proportional hazards models on global data of intrastate armed conflicts 1975–2009. [R, abr.]
67.6484 KASTEN, Lukas —
Peace researchers have recently started to develop datasets that allow distinguishing between different levels of interstate peace. I first argue that existing conceptualizations and measurements suffer — to varying degrees — from two major specification problems: on the one hand, they face problems of what I call “ontological underload,” as they do not include all essential constitutive dimensions. On the other hand, they face problems of “ontological overload,” as they integrate factors as endogenous dimensions that should better be understood as exogenous causes of different levels of peace. I propose a new concept P∗ that avoids both problems. P∗ is based on a profound and parsimonious ontology that allows for straightforward theory-formulation and empirical analysis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6439]
67.6485 KASTNER, Fatima —
This contribution addresses the issue of the emergence of global law using the example of human rights and analyzes the relevance of this development for domestic legal systems. From a perspective of a historical sociology of world society, the paper traces the geopolitical precondition, the line of evolution according to international law and the structural dynamics, that have led to the rise and factual universalization of human rights [since] 1975. Following the sociological investigations of a theory of world culture in reference to J. W. Meyer, the paper then reconstructs the mechanisms of global diffusion and local implementation in national legal-cultural contests. The evolution of human rights can be explained as a direct result of influence of structural and interpretative patterns derived from world society. [R, abr.]
67.6486 KEANEY, Michael —
The aftermath of the global financial crisis that began in 2007 in the US and has yet to end has demonstrated the durability of policies and analytical frameworks that have characterized the neoliberal era. Among these has been a strong rhetorical commitment to market-based institutions as synonymous with individual freedom, in contradistinction to the inefficient, bureaucratic state. This has disguised what amounts to a reconfiguration of state power during the last 40 years, such that it is arguably more pervasive than during the preceding Keynesian era. The books under review here each reveal the ideological character of laissez-faire while in various ways hinting at its mythological properties. This mythical aspect is most prominently displayed by E. Phelps’ treatment of “corporatism”. [R, abr.]
67.6487 KITZEN, Martijn —
This article contributes to the understanding of the role of legitimacy and different forms of legitimation in population-centric counterinsurgency. An analysis of the logic underlying this counterinsurgency concept sheds a light on the former as it identifies legitimacy as the crucial mechanism through which a collaboration strategy seeks to obtain control over the local population. An exploration of Weber's primary types of legitimate authorities provides the insight that counterinsurgents might operationalize legitimation through either rational-legal ways or by co-opting local power-holders who hold a position as traditional or charismatic leaders. The exact choice of strategy depends on the pattern of legitimacy in the target society and therefore so-called cultural legitimation is pivotal. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6524]
67.6488 KLEIN, Ansgar —
The article frames current challenges of engagement and democracy politics as a task for structural and societal politics by civil society. It discusses the importance of civil society engagement spaces for experience and action, where self-efficacy experience and political learning can occur. The experience and action components of civil society engagement include civic education in terms of learning positions and values at the normative as well as the affective level. Against this background, engagement and democracy politics constitute real answers to the democratic challenge of right-wing populism. Sustainable civil society infrastructures, as well as sustained structural support by federal institutions, are needed. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6826]
67.6489 KLEM, Bart; MAUNAGURU, Sidharthan —
This article uses the case of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to make a conceptual argument about sovereignty. Despite its aura of natural order, sovereignty is ultimately self-referential and thus somewhat arbitrary and potentially unstable. At the heart of this unsteadiness, we posit, lies the paradox between the systematic tenets of rational governance and the capricious potential of sublime violence. Both are highly relevant to the LTTE case: the movement created de facto state institutions to mimic governance, but simultaneously deployed an elaborate transcendental register of sacrifice, meaning, and intractable power wielded by a mythical leader. To capture this paradox, we connect the literature on rebel governance with anthropological debates about divine kingship. We conceptualize sovereignty as a citational practice that involves the adaptation, imitation, and mutation of different idioms of authority. [R, abr.]
67.6490 KOGAN, Vladimir; LAVERTU, Stéphane; PESKOWITZ, Zachary —
We argue that bargaining dynamics between voters and government officials can lead to costly administrative disruptions. We explore this issue by estimating the impact of Ohio tax referenda on school district administration using a regression discontinuity approach. The results suggest that administrators in districts where referenda failed sought to insulate core functions from revenue declines. Nonetheless, referendum failure (as opposed to passage) led to lower instructional spending, teacher attrition, and lower student achievement growth. Spending and performance generally rebounded within a few years, however, as districts eventually secured approval for a subsequent tax proposal. These results illustrate how involving citizens in decision-making can entail short-term transaction costs in the form of decreased administrative performance. [R, abr.]
67.6491 KOHAMA, Shoko; INAMASU, Kazunori; TAGO, Atsushi —
Despite widespread concern over heated diplomatic debates and growing interest in public diplomacy, it is still incompletely understood what type of message is more effective for gaining support from foreign public, or the international society, in situations where disputing countries compete in diplomatic campaigns. This study, through multiple survey experiments, uncovers the effect of being silent, issuing positive justification, and negative accusation, in interaction with the opponent's strategy. We demonstrate that negative verbal attacks “work” and undermine the target's popularity as they do in electoral campaigns. Unlike domestic electoral campaigns, however, negative diplomacy has little “backlash” and persuades people to support the attacker. Consequently, mutual verbal fights make neither party more popular than the other. [R, abr.]
67.6492 KOSTERINA, Svetlana —
Why do voters in electoral autocracies vote for opposition parties that are co-opted by the government? The logic of electoral accountability should lead constituents to vote such parties out, and parties, knowing this, should never agree to be co-opted. Yet there is evidence that constituents often do not sanction opposition parties for failing to prevent the government from consolidating power. Standard accountability models suggest that this accountability failure is due to the parties having developed good reputations. This article develops a formal theory that offers a novel explanation for accountability failures specific to electoral autocracies. The theory shows how a consolidation of power by an authoritarian regime, increasing its ability to punish opposition politicians, can lead citizens not to vote opposition parties out of office. [R]
67.6493 LALL, Ranjit —
Given the methodological sophistication of the debate over the “political resource curse” — the purported negative relationship between natural resource wealth (in particular oil wealth) and democracy — it is surprising that scholars have not paid more attention to the basic statistical issue of how to deal with missing data. This article highlights the problems caused by the most common strategy for analyzing missing data in the political resource-curse literature — listwise deletion — and investigates how addressing such problems through the best-practice technique of multiple imputation affects empirical results. I find that multiple imputation causes the results of a number of influential recent studies to converge on a key common finding: A political resource curse does exist, but only since the widespread nationalization of petroleum industries in the 1970s. [R, abr.]
67.6494 LANDA, Dimitri; TYSON, Scott A. —
We develop a model of leadership in which an informed leader has some degree of coercive influence over her followers (agents). Agents benefit from coordination but face two distinct challenges: dispersed information and heterogeneous preferences. The leader's coercive power facilitates coordination by weakening the effect presented by both of these challenges through “binding” agents to a strategically chosen policy. The leader's policy choice becomes more informative to the agents about the leader's privately held information as her coercive capacity increases. By adjusting her policy choice in response to available private and public information, the coercive leader achieves her preferred average of agents’ actions, and in so doing, neutralizes the possibly deleterious coordinating influence of public information. We develop implications of our analysis for understanding autocratic leadership in different political and organizational contexts. [R]
67.6495 LaPORTE, Jody —
This article investigates variation in the governing strategies of wealth-seeking autocrats. Why do some kleptocrats grant political opponents significant leeway to organize, while others enforce strict limits on such activities? Through detailed analysis of post-Soviet Georgia and Kazakhstan, I trace variation in the intensity of repression back to differences in the sources of rulers’ illegal wealth. I argue that where rulers’ wealth is accumulated from society, they are constrained in their treatment of wealthy opposition leaders. In contrast, rulers who can extract bribes from foreign companies based on natural resource wealth can pursue aggressive repression without jeopardizing their illicit profits. The findings underscore the importance of rulers’ motives and informal institutions in shaping non-democratic regime outcomes. [R]
67.6496 LAWSON, George —
This article examines the historical sociology that informs Andrew Linklater's Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems [Cambridge, 2016]. On the sociological side, it critically assesses Linklater's use of Elias and Wight, arguing that his ‘higher level synthesis’ is internally incompatible. On the historical side, the article argues that the occlusion of the transnational interactions that, in great measure, drive historical development means that Linklater's analysis is inadequate for its stated purpose: to chart the development of civilising processes within the Western state-systems. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6497 LIEVEN, Anatol —
The pervasive utopian belief in the development of a globalized world without national borders is dying in the West. Fear of the dreadful consequences of national disintegration is the culprit.
67.6498 LIND, Michael —
The favored strategy of many contemporary realists, offshore balancing, may be as irrelevant as the now-moribund global-hegemony strategy of the neoconservatives and neoliberals. The third option is the division of the world among long-lasting geopolitical blocs. [R]
67.6499 LING, L. H. M. —
As Andrew Linklater has shown, Europeans have decreased their tolerance for, or endorsement of, violence over the centuries. Various international and domestic conventions demonstrate the point. This accomplishment rightfully deserves celebration. But herein lies the rub. While Linklater recognises the role of imperialism and colonialism in perpetrating global violence, he does not grant equal opportunity to the Rest in contributing to the world's new moral heights. Linklater assumes, for instance, that Las Casas never talked with indigenes to realise that they, too, warrant recognition as human beings; Catholic piety alone sufficed. The West thus towers in singular triumph, embedding IR in what I call Hypermasculine Eurocentric Whiteness (HEW). Still, the Other retains a sense of its Self. An effervescent spirit of play enables resilience and creativity to co-produce our world-of-worlds. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6500 LINKLATER, Andrew —
This article responds to critics of Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems (Cambridge, 2016). It provides a rejoinder to challenges to the attempted synthesis of process sociology and the English School analysis of international society. It rebuts the postcolonial contention that the process-sociological analysis of the impact of the European ‘civilizing process’ on the modern states-system is Eurocentric. The article explains how process sociology contributes to the postcolonial critique of ‘civilization’. It concludes by arguing that their combined strengths of the two perspectives can inform the comparative study of Western and non-Western ‘civilizing processes’ and support the development of a more ‘global IR’. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6501 LITTLE, Andrew T.; ZEITZOFF, Thomas —
Bargaining models play a central role in international relations, particularly in the study of conflict. A common criticism of this approach is that it fails to account for nonmaterial (e.g., psychological) factors that may influence the bargaining process. We augment a standard bargaining model by allowing actors’ preferences over conflict to diverge from the “fitness” payoffs (e.g., resources) typical of such models. Preferences are subject to evolutionary forces — those who attain high fitness reproduce more. We find that (1) there is a trade-off where being “irrationally” tough leads to better bargains but also more inefficient conflict; (2) actors develop behavioral biases consistent with empirical findings from psychology and behavioral economics; and (3) these behavioral biases inevitably lead to conflict. [R, abr.]
67.6502 LORCH, Jasmin; BUNK, Bettina —
Recent research on civil society in authoritarian regimes shows that civil society can contribute to legitimating authoritarian rule. This finding has not, however, been connected with the nascent literature on authoritarian regime legitimation. This article seeks to bridge this gap by synthesizing the relevant theoretical literature and presenting an in-depth comparative analysis of Algeria and Mozambique. We argue that in both cases the ruling authoritarian regime has used civil society as a legitimation tool. The article identifies five patterns according to which authoritarian regimes can use civil society for legitimation purposes. [R]
67.6503 MA, David K. —
The question of how ordinary courts in new and emerging democracies may gain judicial independence remains an understudied subject compared to its constitutional court counterpart. Through a case study of Taiwan, this article adopts and expands upon the concept of power diffusion from the extant literature, arguing that the growing power of Taiwan's private corporate sector led the dominant political party Kuomintang (KMT) to grant independence to the ordinary courts as a means to check against this threat, because the excessive rent-seeking and corruption brought about by these empowered corporations were threatening the nation's successful economic model and its rule of law. [R, abr.]
67.6504 MacDONALD, Fiona —
This article offers one possible answer to the question “What is the future of feminist political science?” by outlining and defending an expansionist agenda that is centred on challenging the male-female binary that has been upheld and replicated in the discipline to date. Such an approach draws heavily on the insights of intersectional analyses, transgender, queer and gender-fluid articulations of identity and requires that the field of political science investigate the varied and complex gendered experiences of “men.” Overall, this article argues that such as expansionist agenda is key to responding to the interrelated challenges presented by the perceived “crisis” of feminism and the ongoing “masculinity” of the discipline of political science. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6426]
67.6505 MAYSHAR, Joram; MOAV, Omer; NEEMAN, Zvika —
We propose a theory in which geographic attributes explain cross-regional institutional differences in (1) the scale of the state, (2) the distribution of power within state hierarchy, and (3) property rights to land. In this theory, geography and technology affect the transparency of farming, and transparency, in turn, affects the elite's ability to appropriate revenue from the farming sector, thus affecting institutions. We apply the theory to explain differences between the institutions of ancient Egypt, southern Mesopotamia, and northern Mesopotamia, and also discuss its relevance to modern phenomena. [R]
67.6506 McKEIL, Aaron C. —
This article reassesses the concept of a global society in light of recent historical analyses of the concepts of the social and society in the literature of IR. It is argued that the distinction between the social and society makes many theories of a global society indistinguishable from a global social system. However, it is also argued that those conceptions of a global society that emphasise its societal qualities are vulnerable to charges of Eurocentricity and methodological nationalism. To point the way forward, this article argues that, analytically, the features of the concept of a global society need to be conceived more diversely and the feature of a meaningful collective-self-narrative, or we-ness feeling, needs to be reconceived as relationally contested, rather than consistently consensual. [R, abr.]
67.6507 MENCHIK, Jeremy —
The new generation of scholarship on religion and world politics is moving beyond the flawed paradigms of the past. The author explains why classic secularization theory is widely doubted before evaluating books that represent the three approaches of the most recent research. The newest entry, the “constructivist” approach, is examined in depth; it draws on social theory and cultural anthropology to better theorize secularism as an analytical category and to explain how (religious) ideas and actors shape major political outcomes. The “revising secularization” approach modifies classic secularization theory. The “religious economies” approach marries rational choice with the economic sociology of religion. The author discusses the strengths and weaknesses of all three approaches while arguing against the search for a grand theory of religion. [R]
67.6508 MENDELBERG, Tali; McCABE, Katherine T.; THAL, Adam —
Affluent Americans support more conservative economic policies than the non-affluent, and government responds disproportionately to these views. We develop, test, and find support for a theory of class cultural norms: These preferences are partly traceable to socialization that occurs on predominantly affluent college campuses, especially those with norms of financial gain, and especially among socially embedded students. The economic views of the student's cohort also matter, in part independently of affluence. We use a large panel data-set with a high response rate and more rigorous causal inference strategies than previous socialization studies. The affluent campus effect holds with matching, among students with limited school choice, and in a natural experiment; and it passes placebo tests. College socialization partly explains why affluent Americans support economically conservative policies. [R, abr.]
67.6509 MENNELL, Stephen —
Andrew Linklater's [Violence and Civilization in the Western States-System, Cambridge University Press, 2016] rests distinctively on the work of the sociologist Norbert Elias. Linklater is creating a powerful theoretical orientation for the field of IR by synthesising the ideas of Martin Wight and the ‘English School’ of IR with those of Elias. Though Elias is best known for his theory of civilising processes — on which Linklater draws most prominently — his writings are far more extensive. In particular, his sociological theory of knowledge and the sciences underlies Linklater's recent writings. This article spells out some of the ‘Eliasian infrastructure’ that may not be familiar to many of Linklater's readers. It also discusses ways in which common misunderstandings of Elias's ideas may lead to parallel misunderstandings of Linklater's. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6469]
67.6510 MITCHELL, Katharyne —
I investigate the elite narratives and practices of measuring social value in the rapidly expanding arena of social impact investment. Assumptions about the neutrality and transparency of metrics, translated through popular terms such as “best practices” and “evidence-based policy”, give legitimacy to new forms of governance, such as are manifested in contemporary instruments of social finance now emerging in Europe. These now global webs of belief about efficiency and modern forms of measurement in philanthropic practices are mobilized by political elites in Europe, who draw on the scientific rationalities of expertise to nudge governments toward market-oriented solutions to contemporary social problems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7174]
67.6511 MKRTCHYAN, Narek —
This article provides a comprehensive explanation for the reasons behind governments’ decisions to relocate and build new capital cities. The process of capital-building is not a mere phenomenon of urbanization; rather it is a process of “text inventing” for nation-building projects. To emphasize implications for identity behind city constructions, the paper will discuss urbanization practices of Soviet Yerevan and post-Soviet Astana. However, to verify the validity and generalizability of the proposed argument, the article will also briefly provide historical analysis of relocation of capitals from Moscow to St. Petersburg, and from Istanbul to Ankara. The reconstruction of the capital of Soviet Armenia, Yerevan, in the 1920s is important in understanding the role of utopias in initiating identity transformations. [R]
67.6512 MOORE, Tod William —
In a pioneering academic discussion of Australian politics written just before World War I, William Harrison Moore reinforced the image of Australia as an increasingly autonomous part of a slowly evolving but essentially liberal British Empire. In this 34–page account of ‘Political Systems of Australia’ published in George H. Knibbs, ed., Federal Handbook (Melbourne, 1914), the Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Melbourne arguably created the ur-text of the Australian Politics textbook. It is argued that there is an unbroken thread of Cambridge-inspired Political Science teaching and writing at Melbourne from Harrison Moore onwards. The early Australian politics textbooks and “Political Systems of Australia” are cut from the same cloth, making the latter an important precursor. [R]
67.6513 MORENO, Carmelo —
Political ideology is often analyzed around the dichotomy of the left-right distinction. This rational and simplified way of ordering the different ideological alternatives to political action has a series of implicit presuppositions that, in an increasingly evident way, generates more problems than solutions when it comes to understanding how ideology really works in modern societies. In opposition to this dichotomous, exclusionary and reductionist model, this text raises the advantages of analyzing ideology in a more plural tripartite way, around three axes that both complement each other and involve overlapping dimensions of contestation: conservatism vs. liberalism vs. socialism. This reformulation of political ideology as a trilemma allows us to analyze it not through arguments of political rationality but through arguments based on emotions, where ambiguity and mixed feelings play a much more relevant role. [R, abr.]
67.6514 MULCARE, Daniel M.; SHWEDEL, Allan —
This article presents the Critical Reading Topics approach, a pedagogical method employed to promote deep thinking in a variety of politics courses. Derived from principles articulated in active learning, critical thinking, backward design, and flipped classroom literature, this method utilizes Bloom's Taxonomy as the scaffolding for students to create and evaluate pointed and relevant discussion topics written by themselves and their peers. By utilizing this method, faculty can increase students’ contemplation of the course texts, enhance students’ classroom contributions and quickly gauge the extent to which students understand the readings’ main ideas. Evidence collected from six different political science courses is provided to document the approach's effectiveness. [R, abr.]
67.6515 MÜLLER, Patrick; SLOMINSKI, Peter —
The literature on policy transfer has paid little attention to how policymakers strategically employ learning from abroad as a resource to advance their domestic policy preferences and successfully implement a policy program. Addressing this research gap, we further develop the concept of “political learning,” distinguishing three dimensions: “learning as an argumentative resource,” “selective learning,” and “learning about policy design”. Empirically, we illustrate the relevance of political learning from abroad for the case of developing an emissions trading system in Australia. In particular, we show how government policy-makers in Australia used political learning from abroad to promote emissions trading in the context of a polarized domestic climate of adversarial ideas and competing interests. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7442]
67.6516 MURRAY, Joshua —
Long-term structural changes to the American economy, such as the decline of labor unions, the era of deregulation, and the decline of commercial banking and concomitant rise of investment banking, have led to scholarly debate over the extent to which the American business class is politically unified. At the same time, the increasing globalization of economic activity over the last half century has generated similar academic disagreement regarding a potential transnational business class and its implications for national capitalist unity. I present evidence supporting the view that as of 2006, the corporate elite were relatively unified both within the US and transnationally. Furthermore, I find that the network mechanisms that facilitate this unity are largely transnational, indicating a shift in center of corporate class organization. [R, abr.]
67.6517 NABERS, Dirk —
The article asks how it is possible to conceptualize the ‘crisis of the social’, and how one can best understand the relationship between crisis and social change in global politics. It draws on the notion of dislocation to conceptualize crisis as a lack, deficiency or failure in the social fabric. The theoretical approach builds on the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Two illustrative sections develop the theoretical model further on the basis of four interrelated and mutually constitutive elements: sedimented practices and dislocation on the one hand, as well as antagonism and the institutionalization within a so-called imaginary on the other. The article summarizes some crucial aspects regarding the nexus between crisis and social change and their implications for the study of global politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6456]
67.6518 NEWMAN, Olivia —
This article defends the meta-right to know your rights, asserting that the moral right to know legal rights should be enforced by the law. All too often, state agents and private actors deceive individuals or exploit their ignorance to prevent their exercise of rights. While this injustice is familiar, the right to know your rights has not received adequate analytical attention. Here, I show that this right can be defended by many moral theories, including deontology, consequentialism, and social contract theory. While the right to know is categorical, it imposes different duties (to inform and/or not deceive) on different parties, depending upon the situation; hence, redress should vary by situation. [R, abr.]
67.6519 NICOLA, Fernanda G. —
Cost-benefit analysis (CBA) has become a quintessential tool in administrative law informing a variety of modes of regulatory governance. A new frontier for CBA is the promotion of trade liberalization. It features prominently in the regulatory chapter of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). During the TTIP negotiations, scholars deployed CBA as a “neutral” tool to achieve greater convergence or reassert divergence and experimentalism in regulatory governance across the Atlantic. A genealogical examination reveals the existence of at least two strains of cost-benefit analyses in Western legal thought. The first one goes back to social orientations in private law translating into social-scientific expertise for regulators and proportionality for judges. The second one goes back to neoclassical economics in private law translating into economic-scientific expertise for regulators and balancing for judges. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7174]
67.6520 NÚñEZ, Lidia; CLOSE, Caroline; BEDOCK, Camille —
There is a widespread belief that in order to cure the so-called crisis of democracy, citizens’ involvement in decision-making processes needs to be fostered. However, despite the fact that there is a move towards more inclusive institutions in Europe, changes implementing democratic innovations at the national level remain rare. Why are democratic innovations not implemented more often? We provide explanations on why inertia seems to win over change through an analysis of party elites’ willingness to enact democratic innovations across 15 European democracies, by using the PartiRep Comparative MP Survey. This research concentrates on party-level factors: party age, time in government and party ideology. [R, abr.]
67.6521 PAUL, Axel T. —
Based on a multidimensional concept of legitimacy, the paper outlines a (processual) theory of revolution, arguing that, to speak of such an event, there needs to be a change of the normative core of the political order. The theory is then applied to the pre-history and the course of the upheavals of the Arab world, which, at least so far, should rather be understood as a series of rebellions than as a (failed) revolution. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on the Arab uprisings. See also Abstr. 67.6425, 6623, 6929, 6963, 7044, 7081, 7111, 7440, 7492, 7496, 7555, 7565, 7574]
67.6522 PEKSEN, Dursun; BLANTON, Shannon Lindsey; BLANTON, Robert G —
We examine the impact of free-market policies upon trafficking in forced and child labor. Drawing from relevant scholarship on market liberalization and human trafficking, we posit that policies that promote market deregulation, reduced state size, and global economic openness are positively related to trafficking of child and forced labor. To test these claims, we combine data on three main facets of pro-market policies — a “business-friendly” regulatory environment, reduced state size, and policies favoring global economic openness — with data on human trafficking for forced and child labor. We find that economic liberalization in general significantly increases the likelihood of human trafficking for labor purposes. Our results further suggest that among the three facets of neoliberal policies, a market-friendly regulatory environment has the most significant impact upon labor trafficking. [R, abr.]
67.6523 PEREZ, Efrén O.; TAVITS, Margit —
Can the way we speak affect the way we perceive time and think about politics? Languages vary by how much they require speakers to grammatically encode temporal differences. Futureless tongues (e.g., Estonian) do not oblige speakers to distinguish between the present and future tense, whereas futured tongues do (e.g., Russian). By grammatically conflating “today” and “tomorrow,” we hypothesize that speakers of futureless tongues will view the future as temporally closer to the present, causing them to discount the future less and support future-oriented policies more. Using an original survey experiment that randomly assigned the interview language to Estonian/Russian bilinguals, we find support for this proposition and document the absence of this language effect when a policy has no obvious time-referent. We then replicate and extend our principal result through a cross-national analysis of survey data. [R, abr.]
67.6524 PODDER, Sukanya —
This paper analyzes the multiple pathways through which legitimacy of armed groups is constructed in conflict-affected states. It adopts a political sociological approach to the study of armed group legitimacy. Such a strategy assists in identifying whether armed groups enjoy legitimacy in a given empirical context and avoids applying pre-determined normative criteria. The focus is on three types of relationships: civilian communities, the state or regime in power and external actors including regional and international sponsors, to discern which types of legitimacy matter for armed groups in different relationships. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Rebels and legitimacy”, edited and introduced, pp. 669–685, by Isabelle DUYVESTEYN. See also Abstr. 67.6384, 6450, 6487, 6539, 6551, 6574, 6848, 7095, 7529, 7588]
67.6525 PONTES NOGUEIRA, Joao —
It has become commonplace to claim that cities are becoming conflict zones, or “war zones”. This article traces some of the discursive and conceptual shifts that made it possible to define the city as a new frontier for international humanitarian action in states of the Global South. In order to represent cities as humanitarian spaces, concepts of “failure” and “fragility” have been problematized and subjected to reinterpretations that legitimized new strategies applied to the urban realm. I argue that this re-scaling of humanitarian practices enables a de-coupling and inclusion of so called new “urban conflicts” in strategies of global liberal governance. Moving from failed states to fragile cites is a key development to understand changes in the practices that redefine humanitarian spaces today. [R, abr.]
67.6526 PRAGER, Jeffrey —
This article assesses current debates on reparations for African-Americans, applying psychoanalytic ideas to account for American resistance to engage in a process of reconciliation. Contemporary authors claim that racial repair requires a moral and ethical acknowledgment of and responsibility for harms committed to African-Americans. This article demonstrates, in addition, reparations as a psychological necessity. Racism, however, emphasizing the reality ofracial difference, continues, as always, to serve as a powerful defense thwarting the reparative impulse. The result has been the securing of physical separation between Whites and Blacks and the persistence of psychic enmeshment. Absent the implementation of a politics of reparations, African-Americans will never achieve externality, or independence, from the White mind. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6532]
67.6527 REESE, Michael J.; RUBY, Keven G.; PAPE, Robert A. —
Does the religious calendar promote or suppress political violence in Islamic societies? This study challenges the presumption that the predominant impact of the Islamic calendar is to increase violence, particularly during Ramadan. This study develops a new theory that predicts systematic suppression of violence on important Islamic holidays, those marked by public days off for dedicated celebration. We argue that militant actors anticipate societal disapproval of violence, predictably inducing restraint on these days. We assess our theory using innovative parallel analysis of multiple datasets and qualitative evidence from Islamic insurgencies in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan from 2004 to 2014. Consistent with our theory, we find that important Islamic holidays witness systematic declines in violence — as much as 41% — and provide evidence that anticipation of societal disapproval is producing these results. [R, abr.]
67.6528 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
In debates about peace most discussions of power implicitly revolve around four types: (1) the hegemonic exercise of direct power related to force; (2) relatedly, the existence and impact of structural power related to geopolitics or the global political economy; (3) the exercise of international governmentality, soft or normative power, by IOs; and (4) local agency, resistance, discursive or physical. Each of these types of power, while relational, may be exercised from different sites of legitimate authority: the international, the state, and the local, and their legitimacy is constructed via specific understandings of time and space. Each type of power and its related site of authority has implications for making peace. This paper examines in theoretical terms how types of power block, contaminate, or enable peace of various sorts. [R]
67.6529 RIGTERINK, Anouk S.; SCHOMERUS, Mareike —
We investigate how being exposed to media influences levels of anxiety and political attitudes in conflict-affected areas. Exploiting exogenous variation in signal strength of a radio station in South Sudan's Western Equatoria State, we compare original qualitative and quantitative data from areas with differing radio coverage. Civilians living in areas with more exposure to radio are more afraid of attacks by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). This anxiety means civilians rely more on a civilian militia, the arrow boys, and less on the state army. Hence media, through fear, can contribute to changing social and political structures. [R]
67.6530 ROBERTSON, Jeffrey —
The author contends that the definition of the term “middle power” has evolved to be less about discovering either “the meaning of a word” or “the nature of a thing” in the pursuit of knowledge, and more about persuasion, influence, coercion and, ultimately, the exercise of power. An alternative approach to definition offers the best hope to address this challenge. With this objective, the author first looks into the nature and criteria for definition in the social sciences. Second, he looks at the structure of contemporary attempts to redefine the term. Third, he analyzes definitional ruptures to shed light on the rhetorical import of contests. Finally, the author turns to rhetorical theory to offer an alternative approach to the definition of the term “middle power”. [R, abr.]
67.6531 ROCCIBONO, Francesco —
The constitutional state is necessarily a democratic state. To what extent, then, the current crisis of democracy is also a crisis of the democratic rule of law? The answer suggested in this essay considers as one of the reasons for the current crisis of democracy the general adoption of the political-legal form of the Constitutional State, characterized by a hypertrophy of the “legal” forms of management of the social relations and political decision-making. Democracy runs the risk of being caged in immense and obscure sets of normative dispositions of every order and degree, hindering the participation of ordinary citizens and reserving public affairs to the expertise of a few technicians. [R]
67.6532 ROGERS, Juliet B.; ZEVNIK, Andreja —
The political unconscious “speaks”; it displays itself in the symptoms of the political world, in the speech of policy, of decisions, of laws, of images, icons, and gestures, and in protest, resistance, and ordinary violence, and, insofar as it speaks, psychoanalysis can say something about it. We consider how psychoanalysis can speak to some of the symptoms of the political world as they emerge as a form of the political unconscious. We employ Lacanian psychoanalytic theory to elaborate the unconscious and discuss how some of the symptoms of this unconscious has emerged in the form of Brexit, Trump, and the rise of the right in Europe and the Antipodes. We then elaborate on the contributions to this special issue as well as mentioning how these contributions speak to these latest events. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Psychoanalysis and the political unconscious”. See also Abstr. 67.6443, 6473, 6526, 6578, 6591, 6629, 6633]
67.6533 ROLLO, Toby —
The deliberative systems approach signals an important shift in focus from the political legitimacy produced within isolated and formal sites of deliberation to the legitimacy produced by a number of diverse interconnected sites. This approach is better equipped to identify and address defects arising from the systemic influences of power and coercion. I examine one of the least explored and least understood defects: the exclusion of non-speaking political actors generated by the uniform privileging of speech in all sites within a system. Using the examples of prefigurative protest, Indigenous refusal to deliberate, and the non-deliberative agency of disabled citizens, I argue that the DS approach allows theorists to better understand forms of domination related to the imposition of speech on those who are either unwilling or unable to speak. [R, abr.]
67.6534 ROS, Nathalie —
The governance of the oceans and seas obviously refers to International Law of the Sea, conventional and customary, but also to its evolutions and the geopolitical strategies of states. As a new negotiation is underway in the UN, it is necessary to adopt a legal realistic point of view, based on a governance approach, mainly determined by legal rules, but open to the interdisciplinary and socio-participative dimension that characterizes maritime issues, and developed in accordance with the normative flexibility required by the contemporary context. Maritime navigation faces new challenges, in terms of maritime security and safety as well as sustainable development, and economic exploitation of the seas requires a twofold conception of environmental concerns, as evidenced by the current challenges of biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction. [R, abr.]
67.6535 ROSENFELD, Jean E. —
This paper discusses how fascism may be identified by its actions, the stages through which a fascist rule takes power, and how to recognize it before it does so. The thesis is that a fascist takeover of a democratic government is rapid and unexpected. Its goal is a revolutionary reversal of representative government in the name of the people, while it accomplishes the opposite: a single-party corporate regime that replaces individual liberty with subtle, bureaucratic, and overt types of coercion. Rather than generate a generic definition of the many types of fascism, it is more useful to study how it affects the lives of ordinary people, the milieu out of which it develops, and what its precursors look like. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “President Donald J. Trump”, edited and introduced, p. 393, by David C. RAPOPORT. See also Abstr. 67.6818, 6965, 7599]
67.6536 ROY GRÉGOIRE, Etienne; CAMPBELL, Bonnie; DORAN, Marie-Christine —
In the field of development, the rights-based approach has been advocated as a radical and necessary change as much as it has been criticized for legitimising the status quo. Its more recent diffusion into other spheres offers the opportunity to analyze, from a historical perspective, the political function of human rights — as a tool for emancipation or depoliticization. Emphasizing the highly political nature of these issues, the contributions in this special issue underscore the indeterminate nature of these processes and the importance of public debate for renewing development practice and realizing the emancipatory potential of human rights. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Rights-based approaches, between renewal and depoliticization”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.7470]
67.6537 SAKWA, Richard —
“The political” represents a moment in which actors recognize autonomy and equality as constitutive values in the agonistic search for appropriate open-ended political outcomes. The tutelary, pedagogical and disciplinary practices of the depoliticized EU undermine the foundations of equality in diplomatic and political engagement between continental actors. The relationship becomes axiological, where issues are deemed to have been resolved through some sort of anterior pre-political arrangement. This is a type of ahistorical political monism that ultimately claims to speak for all of Europe. The return of “the political” allows a more generous and pluralistic politics to emerge based on genuine dialogical foundations in which self and other engage as equals and are mutually transformed by that engagement. [R] [See Abstr. 67.7214]
67.6538 SAUNDERS, Paul J. —
In Washington Farewell: the Founding Father's Warning to Future Generations [New York, 2017], John Avlon brings the realism of America's first president into sharp relief. On foreign policy, in particular, Washington cautioned against adopting “through passion what reason would reject”. [R]
67.6539 SCHNECKENER, Ulrich —
Militias and rebels depart from different angles when it comes to the politics of legitimacy. While rebels have to address the issue of legitimacy early on in order to gain popular support, militias can rely on some kind of “borrowed legitimacy”. Based on this observation, the paper introduces militias as special form of organized violence visible in many civil wars and fragile states as well as elaborates on the politics of legitimacy typical for militias. By distinguishing different forms of militia violence (counter-insurgency, counter-rival and counter-crime), the article shows how militias respond to major challenges in legitimizing violent actions. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6524]
67.6540 SCHOLTEN, Peter; COLLETT, Elizabeth; PETROVIC, Milica —
English version: see Abstr. 67 6541.
67.6541 SCHOLTEN, Peter; COLLETT, Elizabeth; PETROVIC, Milica —
In the academic literature, mainstreaming is conceptualized as a shift in policy focus (from specific to generic), as well as in governance (from state-centric to poly-centric). Whereas mainstreaming has been applied in various areas, such as gender, disability and environment, a more recent application concerns migrant integration, which has so far been under-studied in academic circles. This article provides a critical analysis of mainstreaming as a supposed “trend” in migrant integration policies. It provides a conceptual discussion of what mainstreaming might mean in the field of migrant integration in an effort to connect the concept of mainstreaming as used in other fields to the literature on migrant integration, and notably the emerging concept of interculturalism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6649]
67.6542 SCHUB, Robert —
Scholars have long recognized that imminent shifts in relative power may motivate declining states to initiate conflict. But what conditions exacerbate the risk posed by these anticipated power shifts? Building upon existing bargaining models of war, I show that larger initial power asymmetries increase the probability of preventive conflict. Theoretical extensions that account for certainty effects and variable costs of war, both of which are linked to initial dyadic power balances, drive this relationship. It follows that looming power transitions in which rising states approach and surpass parity, long considered war-prone scenarios, are not particularly problematic. Instead, the risk of conflict is greatest when preponderant powers confront conventionally weak but rising states. I test the theoretical predictions in the context of anticipated power shifts due to rivals pursuing nuclear weapons. [R, abr.]
67.6543 SCHULZKE, Marcus —
Military videogames play an important role in violent actors’ communication strategies, and while scholars have attempted to theorize their significance, too much attention is devoted to characterizing games as ideological distortions that must be unmasked to reveal a more authentic view of war. I offer an alternative perspective on these videogames and their political importance. I highlight three salient characteristics of military videogames. First, regardless of what strategic interests they are designed to advance, videogames’ meanings are open to contestation and reconfiguration, making games a site of conflict in themselves. Second, videogames grant insight into violent actors’ goals and self-conceptions. Third, because videogames are designed as closed systems built from mutually reinforcing ontological and epistemological assumptions, they introduce opportunities for normative critique based on testing ideological coherence. [R, abr.]
67.6544 SCHUTTE, Sebastian —
What determines the type of violence used by military actors in civil wars? Drawing on Kalyvas's “information problem” and Boulding's “loss of strength gradient”, this paper proposes a simple model of how the violence becomes more indiscriminate as a function of distance from the actors’ power centers. The proposed mechanism is a growing inability of the actors to distinguish between collaborators of the adversary and innocent bystanders. Tested on the conflict-event level for 11 cases of insurgency, the results indicate that a simple distance-decay mechanism can explain the occurrence of indiscriminate violence to a large extent. [R]
67.6545 SINGER, Abraham A. —
Are corporations merely composites of individuals, which then take on the rights and duties of individuals, or are they concessions from a sovereign government and therefore subject to popular control? The latter view in this perennial debate has been particularly influential to those who see the idea of corporate personhood as fundamentally anti-democratic and destructive. This paper show that “corporate personality” is not, in itself, a dangerous or malignant concept. I revive a long-dormant view of corporations that says they are real entities that depend upon the actions of both individuals and states but are reducible to neither. I argue that this realness is grounded in the specific sorts of relationships that corporations are functionally dependent upon. [R, abr.]
67.6546 SLAUGHTER, Steven —
This article contends that the G20 has both problems and possibilities with respect to helping advance global justice. The potential of the G20 to promote global justice stems from its importance as a site for deliberation of policy ideas and its recent efforts to promote greater outreach and engagement with societal interests and states outside its narrow membership. Ultimately, G20 policy discussions could be more effective if its processes were more deliberative and better considered questions of justice and the perspectives of people affected by its decisions. The article utilises a transnational application of deliberative democracy theory to outline this potential. It identifies this potential by drawing a practical balance between the normative importance of justice and the contemporary reality of the G20's purpose and function. [R, abr.]
67.6547 SOEST, Christian von; GRAUVOGEL, Julia —
Constructing convincing legitimacy claims is important for securing the stability of authoritarian regimes. However, extant research has struggled to systematically analyse how authoritarians substantiate their right to rule. We analyse a novel data-set on authoritarian regimes’ claims to legitimacy based on leading country experts’ assessments of 98 states for the period 1991–2010. This analysis provides key new insights into the inner workings and legitimation strategies of current non-democratic regimes. Closed authoritarian regimes predominately rely on identity-based legitimacy claims (foundational myth, ideology and personalism). In contrast, elections fundamentally change how authoritarian rulers relate to society. In their legitimacy claims, electoral authoritarian regimes focus on their “adequate” procedures, thereby mimicking democracies. All regimes also stress their purported success in proving material welfare and security to their citizens. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6430]
67.6548 SQUIRE, Vicki —
What are the most appropriate conceptual tools by which to develop an analysis of “unauthorised migration”? Is “migrant agency” an effective critical concept in the context of a so-called European migration ‘crisis'? This article reflects on these questions through a detailed exploration of the “structure/agency debate”. It suggests the need for caution in engaging such a conceptual frame in analysing the politics of unauthorised migration. Despite the sophistication of many relational accounts of structure-agency, the grounding of this framework in questions of intentionality risks reproducing assumptions about subjects whose decision to migrate is more or less free from constraint. Drawing on Michel Foucault's theorisation of subjectification, the article proposes an alternative analytics of acts, interventions, and effects by which to address the politics of unauthorised migration in the midst of a so-called “migration crisis”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6552]
67.6549 SRIRAM, Chandra Lekha —
Transitional justice measures are frequently expected to help promote peace in conflict-affected countries, through measures that rely heavily upon legal processes such as trials and commissions of inquiry. They are also often expected to influence or promote reform in legal processes and institutions, including the judiciary, the constitution, and legislation, in ways that are expected to help promote peace in future post-conflict states. However, not only is the evidence of the role of law in promoting peace through transitional justice a mixed one, but more importantly, the emphasis on transitional justice often overlooks the ways in which law is expected to play a role in promoting peace more broadly and in ways intertwined with transitional justice, through rule-of-law-promotion, often by international actors, and through peace agreements. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6439]
67.6550 STAEHELI, Lynn A.; MARSHALL, David, eds —
Introduction by the first editor. Articles by Daniel HAMMETT and David MARSHALL, “Building peaceful citizens? Nation-building in divided societies”, pp. 129–143; Allison HAYES-CONROY and Alexis SAENZ MONTOYA, “Peace building with the body: resonance and reflexivity in Colombia's Legion del Afecto“, pp. 144–157; Sasha DAVIS, “Sharing the struggle: constructing transnational solidarity in global social movements”, pp. 158–172; Chloé BUIRE and Lynn A. STAEHELI, “Contesting the ‘active’ in active citizenship: youth activism in Cape Town, South Africa”, pp. 173–190; Sam SLATCHER, “Contested narratives of encounter from a bridge-building project in Northern England”, pp. 191–205; Michaelina JAKALA and Alex JEFFREY, “Communicating law, building peace: the pedagogy of public outreach from war crimes courts”, pp. 206–224; Joaquín VILLANUEVA, “Court pedagogies and the construction of passive ordinary citizens in the French banlieue“, pp. 225–240.
67.6551 STEELE, Abbey; SHAPIRO, Jacob N. —
Contemporary development assistance often takes the form of subcontracted state-building. Foreign donors hire for-profit firms to provide services and to improve or create institutions in developing countries, particularly those experiencing internal conflict. This arrangement creates two counterproductive dynamics: first, it introduces agency problems between donors, recipient states, subcontractors, and citizens; and second, it undermines the long-run development of domestic bureaucratic capacity by creating disincentives for the host government to invest. These dynamics hinder, rather than foster, the legitimacy of state institutions. This paper summarizes trends in external support to state-building since the 1970s and illustrates subcontracted state-building with examples from Colombia. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6524]
67.6552 STRANGE, Michael; SQUIRE, Vicki; LUNDBERG, Anna —
The politics of migration has become increasingly prominent as a site of struggle. Irregular migration struggles raise questions about how to understand the agency of people who are marginalised. What does it mean to engage people produced as “irregular” as active subjects of trans-border politics? And what new research strategies can we employ to this end? The articles presented in this Special Issue each differently explore how actions by or on behalf of irregular/ised migrants involve processes of subjectivity formation that imply a form of agency. Collectively we explore how irregular migration struggles feature as a site marked by active subjects of trans-border politics. We propose a research agenda based on tracing those processes — both regulatory, activist, and everyday — that negotiate and contest how an individual is positioned as an ‘irregular migrant’. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Irregular migration and the politics of agency”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.6548, 6953, 7005, 7169, 7220, 7582, 7584]
67.6553 SUDDUTH, Jun Koga —
Why do some leaders eliminate rivals from authoritarian regimes and therefore diminish elites’ capabilities to remove them via coup, while others do not? By examining both dictators’ incentives and opportunities to weaken regime elites, I show that dictators are more likely to eliminate rivals when elites’ capabilities to oust dictators are temporarily low. Thus, my theory predicts that dictators are more likely to weaken elites’ capabilities as the threat of coup decreases rather than when coup risk is high. I argue that successful coups that put new dictators in power temporarily diminish elites’ capabilities to remove dictators and, thus, provide a window of opportunity for the dictators to take steps to consolidate power. Empirical results using a new dataset on purges of militaries from 1969 to 2003 provide strong evidence for my hypotheses. [R]
67.6554 TADROS, Mariz; ALLOUCHE, Jeremy —
This article explores the opportunities and conundrums of understanding violence at critical junctures following ruptures in political orders through the prism of political settlements. While there is an emerging body of scholarship on political settlements, we specifically examine its relationship to violence, which we argue has been under-theorised. Through comparative country case studies (Bangladesh, Egypt, Kenya, Sierra Leone), we examine in a historicised manner how these types of settlements interact with various forms of violence at various scales. The article reconceptualises political settlements in relation to three forms of violence, intrinsic, instrumental and resultant, and shows how multi-scale dynamics and formal/informal interactions shape the violent nature of political settlements in different contexts. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Political settlements, rupture and violence”, introduced, pp. 181–186, by Mariz TADROS and Jeremy ALLOUCHE. See also Abstr. 67.7437, 7494, 7585, 7600]
67.6555 TAI, Laurence —
Drawing on accounts of regulatory capture in which an industry's influence activities pull regulation in its direction, apart from incentives or information, this article develops a formal model of capture as a shift in a policy-making agent's preferences, due to costly actions by the industry. One type of action is rent-seeking that produces only capture, whereas the other type also improves regulatory quality by producing information that reduces policy uncertainty. The model shows how the ability to capture the agent can incentivize the interest group to produce more information. Thus, aligning an agent's preferences with a political principal's and immunizing him from capture is not generally optimal. [R, abr.]
67.6556 TANG Shiping; XIONG Yihan; LI Hui —
This article contributes both empirically and methodologically. Empirically, we seek to advance our understanding of an important puzzle: does oil cause ethnic war? Methodologically, we identify more precisely the different weaknesses and strengths of the quantitative approach and case studies with process-tracing by explicitly comparing results from these two approaches on the same empirical question. We thus subject the statistical association between the ethnogeographical location of oil and the onset of ethnic war to test with process-tracing. Examining several pathway cases, we find that oil has rarely been a deep cause of ethnic war. Instead, the ethnogeographical location of oil either reignites dormant conflict that has deeper roots in ethnic resentment and hatred or intensifies ongoing conflict, mostly by facilitating the operation of two interconnected mechanisms. [R, abr.]
67.6557 THIEL, Thorsten —
The article reconstructs what we mean by anonymity and how the possibilities of anonymous communication have changed along with the rise of information and communication technologies. A focal point is the question what normative importance should be attached to anonymity. It is argued that democratic theory provides a vital addition to the perspectives currently dominant in the discourse, which either speculate about the effects of anonymity or subsume anonymity under a wider understanding of individual privacy. A republican position that stresses non-domination and the possibilities to act politically gives rise to a new descriptive and prescriptive vocabulary and, therefore, helps to make the current politicization of anonymity more effective. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6434]
67.6558 THOMSEN, Jens Peter Frølund; OLSEN, Mark —
Socialization theory claims that the ability of education to reduce anti-foreigner sentiment varies cross-nationally because state authorities are not equally committed to accepting ethnic minorities: higher educated persons harbor less anti-foreigner sentiment because they spend longer in educational institutions that impose official democratic values, which forbid negative reactions toward ethnic minorities. Consequently, higher educated persons ought to diverge from the lower educated as democratic institutions progress. Analyses support these claims: the impact of education on reducing anti-foreigner sentiment is strongest in the oldest democracies, moderate among the medium-aged (e.g., South European) democracies and weakest among the youngest (East European) democracies; and higher educated persons are disproportionately influenced by the maturation of democratic institutions. Analyses utilize data from the 28-country 2008 European Social Survey. [R]
67.6559 TÖLLER, Annette Elisabeth —
This article analyses the political decision process on the regulation of fracking in Germany that took place between 2011 and 2016. Looking in particular at the federal level and at the North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony Länder, it demonstrates that by and large the expectations of partisan theory have not been fulfilled here: on the federal level the CDU/CSU fraction in the Bundestag was split and finally adopted — together with the SPD fraction — a comparably strict regulation. On the Länder level, two Länder governments with the same party composition (red-green) pursued completely different policies. The analysis finds that problem structure plays a major role [R, abr.]
67.6560 TREPANIER, Lee —
This article offers a theoretical proposal of how Political Science graduate programs can emphasize teaching in the discipline by creating the subfield of the scholarship of teaching and learning (SoTL). Currently, these programs neither prepare their students for academic positions where teaching is valued nor participate in a disciplinary trend that emphasize SoTL. Furthermore, the recent political pressure for Political Science programs to demonstrate their public worth might be alleviated by the scholarship in teaching and learning, which is more understandable to the public than traditional non-SoTL work. The article concludes with some of the challenges Political Science programs may confront in institutionalizing a subfield of SoTL and how they can overcome them. [R]
67.6561 UGARTECHE, Oscar —
The article analyzes the trend towards the privatization of global governance resulting from the crisis of multilateralism and the shift from the multilateral international system, based on nation-states, to a global private market-based system with global private sector actors. The underlying question throughout it is if global public goods can be regulated by private global institutions. The tensions arising from this are expressed as the weakness of the multilateral system created with the Pax Americana after WWII. [R]
67.6562 VAN ATTEVELDT, Wouter, et al.—
This article presents a new method and open source R package that uses syntactic information to automatically extract source-subject-predicate clauses. This improves on frequency-based text analysis methods by dividing text into predicates with an identified subject and optional source, extracting the statements and actions of (political) actors as mentioned in the text. The content of these predicates can be analyzed using existing frequency-based methods, allowing for the analysis of actions, issue positions and framing by different actors within a single text. We show that a small set of syntactic patterns can extract clauses and identify quotes with good accuracy, significantly outperforming a baseline system based on word order. [R, abr.]
67.6563 VERNON, Richard —
Theories of toleration maintain that people sometimes have good reasons not to act on their convictions, however strong. Theories of latitude maintain that one should doubt the strength of one's convictions. While toleration has often been taken to be foundational for the liberal tradition, another view (made fully explicit by Brian Barry's Justice as Impartiality [Oxford, 1995]) is that we should look, rather, to the idea of latitude, as exemplified in late 7th-c. Anglican writings. Taking these writings as its initial point of reference, the article maintains that toleration, rather than latitude, should be seen as foundational for the liberal tradition, which is better understood in terms of what one person owes to another than in terms of the relative validity of their beliefs. [R]
67.6564 VOLPE, Tristan A. —
How and when does nuclear technology provide a challenger with the most effective means to extract concessions in world politics? This article claims that compellence with nuclear latency puts a challenger on the horns of a credibility dilemma between demonstrating resolve and signaling restraint, and identifies a sweet spot for reaching an optimal bargain where the proliferation threat is credible while the assurance costs of revealing intent are low. Historical studies of South Korea, Japan, and North Korea validate this Goldilocks principle and find that it consistently reflects the ability to produce fissile material. [R, abr.]
67.6565 WALTERS, William —
Genealogies of governance have a significant contribution to make to studies of the EU. This argument is developed through a critical analysis of EUROSUR, a project the EU has recently launched to enhance and better integrate border surveillance capabilities at EU external frontiers. The paper has three aims. First, to enhance the intelligibility of EUROSUR through a historical focus on one if its key concepts, situational awareness. Second, to explore the relationship between this concept, its material infrastructure, and the emergence of a new time-space that I call the situation. Finally, the paper asks what is at stake when we write genealogies of very contemporary, fluid regimes of power. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.7174]
67.6566 WANG Zhiyuan —
I examine how domestic regimes mitigate pressure from economically competing states to reduce the protection of labor rights. I argue that democratic states provide higher protection and are more resistant to this downward policy pressure for two main reasons. Directly, democracy empowers workers through freedom of association and enfranchisement. Indirectly, democracy offers better protection of property rights, which lessens the need to use labor rights as an economic incentive. I also argue that this resistance to the downward pressure is more pronounced in practice than in law. These expectations are supported through spatial analyses of a new global dataset on association and collective-bargaining rights for the period 1994–2012. The results remain robust to alternative measures of labor rights, different model specifications, and various econometric estimators. [R]
67.6567 WEILL, Rivka —
Constitutional democracies do not usually tie their choice of proportional election with the need to counterbalance this choice by adopting either bans on extremist political parties or the “unconstitutional constitutional amendment” doctrine. Nor do scholars offer countries a “menu” from which they may choose between majoritarian election systems or a system combining proportional representation with either bans on extremist political parties or absolutely entrenched values. This article argues that such a nexus exists empirically and may be justified normatively. This article also argues that when a country has one of the mechanisms — either a ban on extremist political parties or an eternity clause — it may legitimately infer the implicit existence of the other, as both are complementary and intended to protect the same constitutional values. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6656]
67.6568 WHITE, Jonathan; YPI, Lea —
Contemporary political theory has made the question of the “people” a topic of sustained analysis. This article identifies two broad approaches taken — norm-based and contestation-based — and, noting some problems left outstanding, advances a complementary account centred on partisan practice. It suggests the definition of “the people” is closely bound up in the analysis of political conflict, and that partisans engaged in such conflict play an essential role in constructing and contesting different principled conceptions. It shows how such an account does not lead to a normatively hollow, purely historical conception of “the people,” but rather highlights the normative importance of practices that, at the minimum, de-naturalise undesirable conceptions of the people and, at their best, give political legitimacy and a representative basis to those one might wish to see prosper. [R]
67.6569 WIMMER, Andreas —
This article introduces an exchange-theoretic perspective, according to which national pride depends on access to political power: members of ethnic groups not represented in national-level government should be less proud of their nation than those included in the polity. Furthermore, ethnic violence in the past or power-sharing arrangements in the present should reduce trust in the future stability of political representation and thus pride in the nation. From a dynamic point of view, members of ethnic groups whose level of political representation decreased in the past should also see their nation in a less positive light today. To show this, the author uses existing surveys to assemble a new dataset with answers to a similar question about national pride. It covers 123 countries that comprise 92 percent of the world's population. [R, abr.]
67.6570 WIRTZ, Bernd W.; KURTZ, Oliver Tuna —
Local governments have implemented official websites, making e-Government a holistic access platform for modern public administration service provision. However, academic and managerial knowledge about the success of e-Government remains limited. Given that citizen needs have become a focus of interest, it is reasonable to investigate its success factors from a user-oriented perspective. Existing scientific knowledge does not comprehensively explain the usage intentions of today's heterogeneous e-Government city portal users. Hence, this study conceptualizes important determinants of local e-Government portals identifying key factors that determine intention to use from a citizen viewpoint. [R]
67.6571 WOESSNER, Matthew; WINTERS, Kathleen H.; KOPKO, Kyle C. —
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. [R, abr.]
67.6572 WONG, Mathew Y. H. —
This paper argues that the ratio of legislature size to population is crucial for explaining income inequality. Larger legislatures (with respect to population size) promote equality in democratic regimes. The opposite effect is hypothesised for non-democracies, although the empirical results for this group are less significant. I suggest that larger legislatures decrease inequality in democracies by enhancing representative linkages and increasing political participation. On the contrary, they dilute the strength of opposition in authoritarian regimes, leading to inegalitarian outcomes. This study carries strong implications for the understanding of legislatures and the formation of inequality across political systems. [R]
67.6573 WOO Jungmoo —
This article advances a theory of oil export, external prewar support for the government, and civil war onset. Although oil is a primary energy source in most states, there are few oil exporters. This implies that costs of breaking an oil trade tie are greater for an oil-importing state vis-à-vis an oil-exporting state and, thus, oil-importing states are likely to have concerns about oil-exporting states’ political instability that can cause civil conflict onset and break their oil trade ties. I hypothesize that a state's oil export increases the likelihood of external prewar support for its government. However, because oil-exporting states are likely to conceal the information about their oil export, rebels are less likely to have complete information about oil export. [R, abr.]
67.6574 WORRALL, James —
The concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict — seemingly such a “disordering” process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6524]
67.6575 YURCHENKO, Sergey B. —
While natural sciences such as physics hold causality for granted as one of the most fundamental principles to make adequate theories of the real world, social sciences, first of all, sociology have not this advantage. Humans are subjected to causality insofar as they are physical entities too, but moreover they are endowed with free will that complicates their behavior and social activity. Unlike causality, logistics should take the same place in social sciences. Conscious beings behave rationally and act logistically as well as they possess some physical experience and socially structured knowledge. Thus, free will is restricted not only by causality and other physical laws but also logistics. This paper argues for a logistical approach to the society and models the state as a power hierarchy. [R, abr.]
67.6576 ZAKHEIM, Dov S. —
In his compendious and well-written, Citizen Clem: A Biography of Attlee [London, 2016], John Bew has rescued Clement Attlee from undeserved obscurity. But neither patriotism nor pragmatism necessarily mark one out for greatness. At bottom, Attlee was an unremarkable man. [R]
67.6577 Zamaróczy, Nicolas de —
Building upon current interest in studies of how popular culture relates to global politics, this article examines one hitherto overlooked aspect of popular culture: computer games. Although not prominent in the field of International Relations (IR), historical strategy computer games should be of particular interest to the discipline since they are explicitly designed to allow players to simulate global politics. This article highlights five major IR-related assumptions built into most single-player historical strategy games (the assumption of perfect information, the assumption of perfect control, the assumption of radical otherness, the assumption of perpetual conflict, and the assumption of environmental stasis) and contrasts them with IR scholarship about how these assumptions manifest themselves in the “real world”. [R, abr.]
67.6578 ZEVNIK, Andreja —
The article discusses post-racial society as social fantasy. It discusses the lived experience of Americans and their attitude towards racism and social and political inequality. Drawing on the studies of public attitude, it points towards a persisting racism the post-racial society aimed to overcome and to the effect recent Black activism had on dismantling the fantasy. It shows how racism is grounded in the unconscious and in the way a subject becomes politicized, while on the other hand, racism already permeates political categories such as rights or citizenship, concluding that a Black subject cannot exist politically as a Black subject. The article turns to Lacan's psychoanalysis and his ideas of identification to address the relationship between the subject and the form of authority. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6532]
67.6579 ZHU Jiangnan; ZHANG Dong —
What motivates authoritarian regimes to crack down on corruption? We argue that just as partisan competition in democracies tends to politicize corruption, authoritarian leaders may exploit anticorruption campaigns to target rivals’ power networks during internal power struggles for consolidating their power base. We apply this theoretical framework to provincial leadership turnover in China and test it using an anticorruption data set. We find that intraelite power competition, captured by the informal power configuration of government incumbents and their predecessors, can increase investigations of corrupt senior officials by up to 20%. The intensity of anticorruption propaganda exhibits a similar pattern. The findings indicate that informal politics can propel strong anticorruption drives in countries without democratically accountable institutions, although these drives tend to be selective, arbitrary, and factionally biased. [R]
67.6580
Articles by Daniel KÜBLER and Hanspeter KRIESI, “How globalisation and mediatisation challenge our democracies”, pp. 231–245; Tina FREYBURG, Sandra LAVENEX and Frank SCHIMMELFENNIG, “Just an illusion? Democratization in the international realm”, pp. 246–252; Nicole ERNST, Sven ENGESSER and Frank ESSER, “Bipolar populism? The use of anti-elitism and people-centrism by Swiss parties on social media”, pp. 253–261; Martin WETTSTEIN and Werner WIRTH, “Media effects: how media influence voters”, pp. 262–269; Daniel BOCHSLER and Miriam HÄNNI, “What democracy do we want? The problematic focus on the median voter”, pp. 270–278.
67.6581
Articles by Petra BENDEL; Neven SUBOTI; Özlem KONAR, Axel KREIENBRINK and Anja STICHS; Anselm BÖHMER; Wido GEIS; Jürgen FRIEDRICHS, Felix LESSKE and Vera SCHWARZENBERG; Olaf MÜLLER and Detlef POLLACK.
67.6582
Introduction by Christopher J. FINLAY, Jonathan PARRY and Pål WRANGE. Articles by Jonathan PARRY, “legitimate authority and the ethics of war: a map of the terrain”, pp. 169–190; Pål WRANGE, “Does who matter? Legal authority and the use of military violence”, pp. 191–212; Christopher J. FINLAY, “The perspective of the rebel: a gap in the global normative architecture”, pp. 213–234.
67.6583
Articles by Damien CAHILL and Alfredo SAAD-FILHO, “Neoliberalism since the crisis”, pp. 611–613; Neil DAVIDSON, “Crisis neoliberalism and regimes of permanent exception”, pp. 615–634; Stephen GILL, “Transnational class formations, European crisis and the silent revolution”, pp. 635–651; Johnna MONTGOMERIE and Daniela TEPE-BELFRAGE, “Caring for debts: how the household economy exposes the limits of financialisation”, pp. 653–668; Elizabeth HUMPHRYS and Damien CAHILL, “How labour made neoliberalism”, pp. 669–684; Ben FINE and Alfredo SAAD-FILHO, “Thirteen Things you need to know about neoliberalism”, pp. 685–706.
67.6584
Introduction by Christoph BERNHARDT, “Governance, statehood, and space in 20th century political struggles”, pp. 199–217. Articles by Thomas SCHAARSCHMIDT, “Multi-level governance in Hitler's Germany: reassessing the political structure of the national Socialist state”, pp. 218–242; Lena KUHL and Oliver WERNER “Bezirke on scale. Regional and local actors in East German ‘democratic centralism'”, pp. 243–266; Christian JANSEN, “Region-province-municipality. Spatial planning and spatial policy in Italy, 1860–2016”, pp. 267–294; Sabine MECKING, “State-municipality-citizen. Rational territorial reform against emotional will of the citizenry in West Germany?”, pp. 295–317; Frank ZELKO, “Scaling Greenpeace: from local activism to global governance”, pp. 318–342; Jay ROWELL, “Rescaling disability: the construction of a European social group and policy arena”, pp. 343–366.