Abstract
68.321 ACCETTI, Carlo Invernizzi —
Christopher Meckstroth's book The Struggle for Democracy [Paradoxes of Progress and the Politics of Change, Oxford, 2015] poses and attempts to solve a central problem of democratic theory: what he calls the “paradox of authorization”, whereby the very activity of spelling out the political content of democracy is said to potentially contradict its object, since the democratic theorist may end up substituting himself or herself for “the people” in deciding what this form government amounts to in practice. In order to avoid this problem, Meckstroth suggests that the political content of democracy ought to be extrapolated out of concrete political struggles, by submitting competing claims to represent the people's will to a rational scrutiny that tests them for internal coherence. [R, abr.]
68.322 ANDREWS, Kehinde —
Pan-Africanism is an identifiable movement with its own history and historical and ideological roots. It formally began at the first Pan-African Congress in London in 1900 and has a distinct linage up to the present day African Union. Unfortunately, the movement has not presented a challenge to imperial domination in Africa, rather it has helped continue the exploitation of the continent. Accepting the colonial nation state has prevented any politics of liberation from developing in the movement. It is central to decentre Pan-Africanism from radical histories of resistance because the movement developed in parallel to and rejection of more revolutionary, anti-imperial politics. Garveyism developed a mass movement rooted on the global Black nation, shattering the boundaries of Westphalian sovereignty. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.225]
68.323 ANGELLA, Marco —
I analyze A. Honneth's theory against the background of some of the criticisms that A. Allen levelled against it. His endeavor seems to partially compromise his ability to identify the domineering forms of power that the subject does not acknowledge consciously and affectively. I argue that, despite some significant limitations, Honneth's theory has become increasingly able to analyze social negativity since The struggle for recognition. Also, in both defending Honneth's methodology and delimiting its scope, I contribute to the debate between two understandings of power: power as “domination” and power as “constitution”. [R]
68.324 ANTON, Michael —
Machiavelli uses metaphors to convey meaning beyond the surface of his text. Access to his metaphors often begins via his “mistakes,” such as his calling (in chapter 12 of the Prince) Philip II of Macedon a “mercenary,” when in fact Philip was no such thing. This article focuses on chapters 12–14 of The Prince and explores the metaphoric meanings of Machiavelli's four types of soldiers mercenary, auxiliary, mixed, and one's own — to explicate Machiavelli's account of how the mind of the West was conquered via “spiritual warfare.” It then explains Machiavelli's strategy for re-conquest by a new spiritual army trained by Machiavelli that will fight to defeat the regnant spiritual power and further Machiavelli's new principles. [R]
68.325 ARESHIDZE, Giorgi —
This article evaluates J. Habermas's attempt to reopen political liberalism to religion. In trying to “take religion seriously,” Habermas goes further than J. Rawls and other liberal theorists by affirming that religious traditions articulate truths on which democratic societies continue to depend for their civic and moral health. “Post-secular” societies, in his view, should learn from religion by translating its “moral intuitions” into universal secular language. Although Habermas appears friendlier to religion than Rawls, he also calls for the “modernization of religious consciousness.” This theological transformation not only reveals the foundationalist presuppositions of liberalism, but also points to a highly attenuated conception of learning from religion. [R, abr.]
68.326 ASHWORTH, Lucian M. —
Although Mitrany's international thought is not usually associated with the concept of the international anarchy, I argue that his analysis actually compares two forms of anarchical order. The first form is the order associated with the relations between states, while the second is his functional alternative to this order. The functional approach is anarchical in the sense that it remains an order without an orderer. In first analysing the dynamics and failings of the inter-state order, and then suggesting pragmatic process-orientated solutions to those failings, I argue that Mitrany follows a similar approach to his classical realist contemporaries. [R] [See Abstr. 68.135]
68.327 BAUMANN, Fred —
Robert Howse's book does a good and welcome job of showing a Leo Strauss who is far from the bloodstained “neoconservative” caricature that is so commonly presented. He rightly emphasizes Strauss's concern for decency and the keeping of peace where possible. Especially telling is his account of Strauss's view of Thucydides’ alleged “realism.” He does a good job of showing how Strauss, like Thucydides, balances the claims of necessity with the substantive and practically important claims of justice. However, Howse pushes Strauss a little too far when it comes to his faith in permanently peaceful large federations and goes to excess in distancing himself from Strauss's neoconservative followers, at one point even falling into mischaracterization in doing so. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.413]
68.328 BERNSTEIN, Jeffrey A. —
This note explores Newell's instructive digression, in his Tyranny, about Hannah Arendt's reading of Aristotle (in The Human Condition [Chicago, Ill., 1958]). I supplement his account of Arendt as collapsing the theory/practice distinction as a result of her indebtedness to Heidegger. [R] [First article of a symposium on “The faces of tyranny: a symposium on Waller R. Newell's Tyrants: A History of Power, Injustice and Terror [Cambridge, 2016]”, edited and introduced, pp. 219–220, by Alexander S. DUFF and Flagg TAYLOR, and concluded by an “Interview with Waller R. Newell”, pp. 247–256, by the editors. See also Abstr. 68.369, 370, 403, 421, 424]
68.329 BORTOLINI, Matteo —
In his recent work on post-secular societies Jürgen Habermas has stressed the need for a dialogue between religious and nonreligious citizens aimed at strengthening social integration and rejuvenating the moral bases of modern political and juridical institutions. This dialogue should focus on the translation of religious traditions into rational, secular forms. In his more recent work on the social function of rituals, however, he rejected the Durkheimian view of public secular rituals as mechanisms for fostering social integration. I discuss Habermas's early reflections on post-secularism and assess his interpretation of public religious rituals as sources of social integration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.430]
68.330 BOZZO-REY, Malik; BRUNON-ERNST, Anne; QUINN, Michael, eds. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 1–10. Articles by Michael QUINN, “Jeremy Bentham, choice architect: law, indirect legislation, and the context of choice”, pp. 11–33; Christian LAVAL, “‘The invisible chain’: Jeremy Bentham and neo-liberalism”, pp. 34–52; Anne BRUNON-ERNST, “Nudges and the limits of appropriate interference: reading backwards from J. S. Mill's harm principle to Jeremy Bentham's indirect legislation”, pp. 53–69; Stephen ENGELMANN, “Nudging Bentham: indirect legislation and (neo-)liberal politics”, pp. 70–82; Angela MARCINIAK, “‘Prevention of evil, production of good’: Jeremy Bentham's indirect legislation and its contribution to a new theory of prevention”, pp. 83–105; Malik BOZZO-REY, “Indirect legislation: it is just a question of time”, pp. 106–121.
68.331 BRANDOM, Eric —
This paper traces readings of Georges Sorel (1847–1922) from Carl Schmitt to Saul Bellow. The image of Sorel that came out of Weimar-era sociological debate around Schmitt and Karl Mannheim was simplified and hardened by émigré scholars in the war years, put to good use in the anti-totalitarian combat of the 1950s, and finally shattered when applied to the unfamiliar situation of the 1960s in the US. Scholars taken with the problem of the political intellectual and the closely related problem of the relationship between instrumental and critical reason play the central role in this reception history. Sorel's commingling of left and right justified attempts to replace this organization of political space with one around totalitarian and free societies. [R]
68.332 BRANSTETTER, John —
Hannah Arendt claims that Hobbes was responsible for constituting modern people as apolitical subjects who can no longer make independent moral judgments. The refusal to think that Hobbes allegedly engendered was a major factor in 20th c. totalitarianism's worst crimes. In her view, Hobbes's Leviathan established the architecture of the totalitarian state and initiated the cultivation of people so incapable of exercising moral judgment that they stood idly by and let such a state commit horrors in their name. I argue that Hobbes rejected the proto-totalitarian form of domination Arendt attributes to him and expressed hope about the human capacities for practical judgment and moral improvement. [R, abr.]
68.333 BROWN, Chris —
The relationship between political theory, including the history of political thought, and IR theory, including the history of international thought, has been, and to some extent remains, complex and troubled. The mid-20th-c. founders of IR as an academic discipline drew extensively on the canon of political thought, but approached the subject in an uncritical way, while political philosophers largely disdained the international as a focus. This changed in the 1970s-1980s, with the emergence of the “justice industry” based on critiques of J. Rawls's A Theory of Justice [Cambridge, 1970] and a consequent recovering of the past history of cosmopolitan and communitarian thought. A new discourse emerged in this period — International Political Theory — bridging the gap between political thought and international relations and stimulating a far more creative and scholarly approach to the history of international thought. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.334 BUNTING, Thomas David —
The relationship between the free press and democracy is at the core of much modern political theory. With the advent of digital media and the decline of newspapers, there is a need to reexamine this relationship. Tocqueville was an astute observer of the importance of newspapers to democratic life and the drawbacks of the medium. This article examines the central features of Tocqueville's view of newspapers, the issues he saw with the tone of newspapers in Jacksonian America, and the value of newspapers. I argue that this analysis shows the importance of a free press to democratic life but that digital media often lacks the local element that Tocqueville saw as an essential feature of newspapers, and this deficiency is problematic for maintaining democratic liberty. [R]
68.335 ÇAYLAK, Adem; DINÇ, Güliz —
Utilizing Gramsci's conceptualization of hegemonic struggles through both coercive means of the state and also the production of consent in civil society, the article conducts a comparative textual analysis of the writings and speeches of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Fetullah Gülen. In so doing, the article focuses on four main themes: (1) sacralization of modern knowledge, science, and education; (2) militarism and centrism; (3) statism and corporatism; and, (4) ethnic nationalism and Turkism. It argues that the ideology of the Gülen's “service movement” shares the principles of Kemalism in the above-mentioned domains, while couching them within a religious discursive framework. Since Gülenism uses Quranic terminology out of context and for secular ends, the term “religionist” is used instead of “religious” to describe this ideology. [R]
68.336 CHRISTOV, Theodore —
It is only in the early decades of the 20th c. that the “Hobbesian state of nature” and the “discourse of anarchy” came to be seen as virtually synonymous. In examining Hobbes’ international state of nature, this article rejects two common views. In one, IR is seen as a warlike “Hobbesian” anarchy, and in the other, Hobbes is regarded as the progenitor of Realism. Far from defending anarchy of states, Hobbes in fact constructs a largely ameliorative international arena. [R] [See Abstr. 68.135]
68.337 ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz; PEKCAN, Cemre —
To challenge widely accepted claims regarding irreconcilability of the Western and Non-Western traditions in IR thought, this study a compares the concept of “world peace” in Immanuel Kant's enlightenment philosophy and Zhao Tingyang's modern interpretation of ancient Chine's tianxia philosophy. First it focuses to shedding a light on the main notions of these two cosmopolitan world views. With a departure from these notions, it searches the main principles of world peace in these two perspectives. As a result of this normative comparison, it makes an original theoretical contribution to IR literature, which meets and reconciles Chinese thought with Western thought on the concept of “world peace”. [R]
68.338 COBY, John Patrick —
While generally a steady ally of James Madison and the nationalists, Gouverneur Morris, delegate from Pennsylvania, worked from a different conception of republican politics. Morris's republicanism was more old than new, relying on the divided sovereignty of a mixed regime to protect the rights of citizens and minorities. This conception, it is argued here, bears the stamp of Machiavelli, especially regarding the relationship of the classes and the role of the executive. Like Machiavelli — but unlike Madison — Morris wanted to underscore society's class divisions, organizing the representatives of rich and poor into two distinct, and hostile, chambers of the legislature. And like Machiavelli, whose “civil prince” was the champion of the people, Morris's executive was to be the “guardian of the people” and the “guardian of liberty.” [R]
68.339 COLLINS, Gregory M. —
Scholars have noticed that Edmund Burke's impassioned economic tract in favor of market liberty, Thoughts and Details on Scarcity, appears to be at odds with his political philosophy and rhetorical temperament of prudence and restraint. This essay challenges this interpretation. I contend that Burke's emotional statements in the writing reflect strong continuities with his earlier reflections and political activities regarding economic issues. From his earliest days in Parliament to his final years, Burke was a firm supporter of commercial liberty, both domestic and foreign. I conclude by arguing that we cannot properly understand Burke's belief in gradual reform unless we grasp his idea of incremental commercial improvement. [R]
68.340 COX, Rory —
This article expands our understanding of the historical development of just war thought by offering the first detailed analysis of the ethics of war in ancient Egypt. It revises the standard history of the just war tradition by demonstrating that just war thought developed beyond the boundaries of Europe and existed many centuries earlier than the advent of Christianity or even the emergence of Greco-Roman doctrine. It also argues that the creation of a prepotent ius ad bellum doctrine in ancient Egypt — based on universal and absolutist claims to justice — hindered the development of ius in bello norms in Egyptian warfare. I contend that this development prefigures similar developments in certain later Western and Near Eastern doctrines of just war and holy war. [R]
68.341 DAHL, Adam —
Scholars of African-American political thought largely refer to the geopolitical boundaries of the US nation-state, thereby ignoring the transnational and diasporic dynamics of black politics. [Thus] alternative traditions of thought in the Americas — e.g., Caribbean traditions — are cast as irrelevant to questions of racial exclusion in US political thinking. I demonstrate the utility of the “transnational turn.” Drawing on the framework developed in C. L. R. James's The Black Jacobins [New York, 1963], I trace how an influential cohort of abolitionists in the antebellum US looked to the Haitian Revolution as a model for the overthrow of slavery. I then argue that radical abolitionists operated in the same ideological problem-space as Haitian revolutionaries and adopted a specific model of revolution as much indebted to Haitian political thought as Anglo-American models of anti-colonial revolt. [R, abr.]
68.342 DASGUPTA, Sandipto —
The article offers a critique of Gandhi's political thought and more broadly an analysis of the shift from anticolonial movements to postcolonial rule. Through the voices of Gandhi's two most significant contemporary critics — B. R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru — the article shows how his ideas failed to either inspire the struggle of the ruled (Ambedkar), or address the anxieties of the would-be rulers (Nehru). Gandhi's vision for a postcolonial India persisted within the conceptual constellation of negating colonial modernity, rather than the historical possibilities of postcolonial futures. These predicaments provide an opportunity to analyze the persistence of modern western political imaginaries in the decolonized world. Not through mere assertions of continuity or mimicry, but rather through the concrete struggles, aspirations, and anxieties that constituted the strands of those transitional moments. [R, abr.]
68.343 DEVETAK, Richard —
There is an expectation today that IR theory ought to engage with philosophy as a meta-knowledge capable of grounding and legitimizing knowledge claims in the discipline. Two assumptions seem to lie behind this expectation: first, that only philosophy can supply the necessary meta-theoretical grounding needed; second, that theory is inherently a philosophical register of knowledge. This article treats these assumptions with skepticism. [It argues] for contextual intellectual history as an alternative mode of political and international theory. It [examines] the “philosophization of IR” by depicting the broad contours of the historical and continuing rivalry between philosophy and history in the humanities and social sciences and, by reference to Machiavelli and Renaissance humanism, reminding the discipline of IR of the value of studying politics and international relations in a historical mode. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.344 DINNEEN, Nathan —
Th. L. Pangle and P. J. Ahrensdorf's Justice Among Nations: On the Moral Basis of Power and Peace has become one of the classic studies of international political thought. The account Pangle and Ahrensdorf provide of the Socratics resembles in places the concerns of constructivists, even though they never discuss the international relations theory of constructivism. With this in mind, I argue that their account enables one to glimpse what a Socratic teaching of constructivism might look like. What comes to the surface is that Socratic constructivism shares with contemporary constructivism a concern with rhetoric and the role of ideas, norms, and rules in international politics while nonetheless expressing reservations over the goals of general enlightenment and emancipation that some contemporary constructivists espouse. [R, abr.]
68.345 DITMANSON, Peter —
This article explores the crises and debates surrounding the management of imperial family matters, especially succession, under the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) as an approach to understanding the limits of imperial power and the nature of literati discourse on the imperium. Ming officials and members of the literati community became passionately engaged in the debates on imperial family decisions, regarding the moral order of the imperial family as a key feature of their prerogatives over imperial power. This prerogative was based upon claims to Neo-Confucian moral authority. Over the course of the dynasty, these claims grew increasingly widespread and increasingly vociferous. [R] [See Abstr. 68.374]
68.346 DOUGLASS, Robin —
In 1756, Adam Smith reviewed Rousseau's Discourse on Inequality and claimed that it was indebted to the second volume of Bernard Mandeville's The Fable of the Bees. While much recent scholarship has taken this as the point of departure for studying Smith's engagement with Rousseau, the place of Mandeville in shaping that engagement has been largely neglected. This article brings Mandeville back into the picture and reassesses Smith's engagement with both thinkers in light of the connections he identified between their works. This involves reconstructing Mandeville's historicized account of the development of sociability and government, and showing how Rousseau developed this to articulate his critique of modern society. In evaluating Smith's response to this challenge, it is argued that he only partially succeeded in distancing his own analysis of commercial society from Mandeville's principles. [R]
68.347 DROCHON, Hugo Halferty —
Maudemarie Clark is a leading interpreter of Nietzsche's theory of truth, and as such we are fortunate to have her papers on his ethics, politics and metaphysics collected in one volume. Opening her section on politics — the subject of this review — with a critique of A. Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind [New York, 1987], she condemns Bloom's Straussian demand that philosophers lie about the fact that no truth exists to protect their way of life as a recurrence of the nihilist ascetic ideal Nietzsche rejected at the end of the Genealogy. In doing so, she definitively frees Nietzsche from Strauss's grip, and opens up the possibility of questioning anew Nietzsche's relationship to feminism, queer theory, democracy and community. Her most striking claim is that Nietzsche's aristocratic ethics can be reconciled with modern democratic politics. [R, abr.]
68.348 DUONG, Kevin —
The trial and execution of Louis XVI served as a founding act of French republican democracy. It was also a scene of irregular justice: no legal warrants or procedural precedents existed for bringing a king to justice before the law. This essay describes how Jacobins crafted a new language of popular agency to overcome that obstacle — the language of redemptive violence. Although redemptive violence had roots in prerevolutionary notions of penal justice and social cohesion, its philosophical ambitions were revolutionary and modern. Analyzing that language illuminates how republican democracy weaponized a distinctive ideology of extralegal violence at its origins. It also helps explain redemptive violence's enduring appeal during and after the French Revolution. [R]
68.349 ENGLERT, Gianna —
Tocqueville's writings on pauperism have gained renewed attention in the last decade. Scholars study his Memoir on Pauperism (1835) to contextualize his thought in the 19th c., to question the extent of his liberalism, or to locate his policy solutions on a spectrum from private charity to state welfare. Yet Tocqueville's response to pauperism must be interpreted in light of “the social question,” or the problem of how to alleviate not only the material ills of poverty, but also the phenomenon of social exclusion that accompanied it. His discussion of the social question, I argue, illuminates his particular theory of rights and their possibilities. His thoughts on the poor laws culminate in a novel theory of the educative potential of property rights. [R]
68.350 FARRELL, Henry; QUIGGIN, John —
Neither conventional bargaining accounts nor existing theories of the role of ideas in policy outcomes easily explain the arc of international responses to the Great Recession. We propose that sociological arguments about professions, in conjunction with those about spaces of political contention as ecologies, provide a better understanding of the puzzle of Keynesianism's rise and decline. The internal dynamics within the profession of economics intersected with policy arguments between states so as to make macroeconomic policy a “hinge” issue, over which coalitions in both ecologies contended. This explains how Keynesian economists and political actors worked together in the first phase of the crisis to advocate and implement fiscal stimulus. It also explains why aggrieved policy actors, who did not favor stimulus, could help disrupt the apparent consensus in the second phase of the crisis by promoting the views of dissident economists. [R, abr.]
68.351 FERGUSON, Kathy E. —
Two anarchist women from the late 19th to early 20th c., Alexandra David-Néel and Lily Gair Wilkinson, combined their politics with radical engagement in walking. In both the literal sense, moving their bodies along the earth, and the figurative sense of calling on peripatetic tropes to express their ideas, they found walking to be a constitutive element of freedom. This paper brings the ideas of Whitehead and other process philosophers into conversation with material and semiotic dimensions of walking and with anarchist politics. In the political lives of Wilkinson and David-Néel, I see struggles to live anarchist lives, lives into which one could walk. [R] [First article of a symposium on “The 2016 Maxwell lecture”,edited by Steven JOHNSTON. See also Abstr. 68.388, 393]
68.352 FERGUSON, Michaele L. —
The emerging literature on neoliberal feminism appears to signal the revitalization of the study of feminist ideologies, suspended since the mid-1980s. However, scholars tend to conceptualize neoliberal feminism in a way that inhibits ideological analysis. They take classifications of feminist political ideologies from the 1980s as representative of the only true feminisms, and thus view neoliberal feminism as a perversion, rather than an outgrowth, of earlier feminisms. This account of the emergence of neoliberal feminism positions feminists as passive in the face of an overpowering neoliberal agency, and limits feminists’ capacity to imagine themselves as agents of political and ideological change. Building on Michael Freeden's work on political ideologies, an alternative account of neoliberal feminism is offered, one that locates feminist agency in the production of new feminist ideologies. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Re-energizing ideology studies: the maturing of a discipline. Part. II” [Part. I: ibid. 22(2), 2017: 116–130; see Abstr. 67.5333], introduced, pp. 111–115, by Michael FREEDEN. See also Abstr. 68.198, 377, 418, 434]
68.353 FLINDERS, Matthew; JUDGE, David —
This article uses A. H. Birch's Representative and Responsible Government (London, 1964) as an analytical lens through which not only to understand the evolution of representative democracy in the intervening fifty years, but also to trace and reflect upon the evolution (and future) of the study of representative democracy. This is demonstrated by highlighting how ideational and empirical challenges have resulted in claims that representative and responsible government has now been displaced by representative versus responsible government, or in more extreme interpretations that suggest contemporary electoral processes and institutions now provide for neither representative nor responsible government. This reveals how political analysis has built upon and evolved away from Birch's initial focus in significant ways. [R, abr.]
68.354 FLOYD, Jonathan —
Rawls’ primary legacy is not that he standardized a particular view of justice, but rather that he standardized a particular method of arguing about it: justification via reflective equilibrium. Yet this method, despite such standardization, is often misunderstood in at least four ways. First, we miss its continuity across his various works. Second, we miss the way in which it unifies other justificatory ideas, such as the “original position” and an “overlapping consensus”. Third, we miss its fundamentally empirical character, given that it turns facts about the thoughts in our head into principles for the regulation of our political existence. Fourth, we miss some of the implications of that empiricism, including its tension with moral realism, relativism, and conservatism. [R]
68.355 FURNER, James —
Lawrence Hamilton's Freedom is Power (FiP) [Liberty through Political Representation, Cambridge, 2014] argues that existing representative democracies must be radically reformed to empower citizens to overcome domination. This paper assesses FiP's claims for the unavoidability of political representation, and for the desirability of the political representation it recommends. Can the reforms it recommends enable political representation to manifest and promote freedom, as FiP conceives freedom, or allow political representation to overcome domination, as it conceives domination? [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Lawrence Hamilton”,introduced by Laurence PIPER, “Representing Hamilton”,pp. 5–12. See also Abstr. 68.364, 367, 372, 396, 423,and the reply by Lawrence HAMILTON,Abstr. 68.633]
68.356 GLANVILLE, Luke —
Mounting evidence suggests that non-consensual military intervention is most often a poor instrument for alleviating mass suffering. Thus, a growing number of scholars and practitioners argue that the international toolbox for protecting populations should also contain non-coercive tools for assisting states and enhancing their capacities. But while studies of the history of military intervention proliferate, past thinking about duties of assistance and capacity-building remains relatively neglected. This article analyzes and seeks insights from the detailed treatment of noncoercive means of discharging duties to others offered by the 18th-c. Swiss jurist and diplomat Emer de Vattel. Drawing on Leibniz's conception of “perfection,” Vattel argued that states have duties to contribute to the perfection of those beyond their borders insofar as they can without doing an “essential injury” to themselves. [R, abr.]
68.357 GOLDMANN, Matthias —
In his seminal 1944 book The Great Transformation, Polanyi describes the rise and fall of liberal capitalism during the long 19th c. Many have realised that Polanyi has a lot to tell about the EU in the aftermath of the financial crisis. The paper begins with an overview of Polanyi's historiography of the failure of 19th c. liberal capitalism and his account of the four elements that helped liberal capitalism thrive, while precipitating its collapse — the idea of the self-regulating market, the gold standard, international peace and liberal constitutionalism. Thereafter, the paper describes the particular transformations that these four elements underwent in the course of European integration and after the financial crisis, with a particular focus on the case law of the Court of Justice. [R, abr.]
68.358 GRAF, Sinja —
This essay abstracts the idea of universal crime from the contemporary concept of “crimes against humanity” and analyzes its mobilizations in early-modern perspectives on the legitimacy of European colonialism. First theorizing the easy union between notions of universal crime and arguments about European imperialism, I then draw on arguments by Vitoria, Gentili, and Grotius. I find that they rely on the idea of an offense injuring all mankind to negotiate colonial relationships between European powers and peoples abroad as well as between European powers vis-à-vis one another, both within Europe and in non-European spaces. The essay concludes by offering three venues for inquiry into the concepts of universal crime and crimes against humanity, namely their political productivity, their historical circulation, and their contemporary neoimperial character. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.359 GREGORATTO, Federica —
The article elaborates an account of exploitation in romantic love relationships. I borrow Vrousalis’ analytical Marxist definition of economic exploitation under capitalism. Second, I discuss Federici's conception of capitalist exploitation of women's labour in the family and in the romantic couple. I discuss, then, Jónasdóttir's theory of “love power”, which currently counts as the most elaborated critique of exploitation affecting sexual love. I proceed to sketch out my own account, according to which love power is not extracted or appropriated, as Jónasdóttir puts it, but rather suffocated as result of what I call “romantic exploitation”. In this view, lovers’ positions of vulnerability and power over are brought about by an intersection of norms defining and regulating notions of romance, gender, race, labour, etc. [R]
68.360 HABTI, Driss —
This paper addresses the perspective of the Islamist reformist thinker and leader of the main Islamic movement in Tunisia, Rached Ghannouchi, on the question of the democracy in an underdemocratic country, his conception of democracy in Islam, and the experience of his political movement al-Nahda, a major player in the democratic transition in Tunisia. [R, abr.]
68.361 HALL, Edward —
In recent years, a number of realist thinkers have charged much contemporary political theory with being idealistic and moralistic. While the basic features of the realist counter-movement are reasonably well understood, realism is still considered a critical, primarily negative creed which fails to offer a positive, alternative way of thinking normatively about politics. Aiming to counteract this general perception, in this article I draw on Bernard Williams's claims about how to construct a politically coherent conception of liberty from the non-political value of freedom. Williams's argument provides an illuminating example of the distinctive nature of realist political thinking and its attractions. I argue that Williams's account of realist political thinking challenges the orthodox moralist claim that normative political arguments must be guided by an ideal ethical theory. [R, abr.]
68.362 HALL, Ian —
Over the past two decades, historians of international thought have markedly improved our understanding of the disciplinary history of IR and its wider intellectual history. “Contextualism” has become a leading approach. This article argues that while the application of contextualism in IR has improved our understanding of its disciplinary history, its assumptions about the proper relationship between historians and theorists threaten to marginalize the history of international thought within IR. It argues that unless the inherent weaknesses in contextualism are recognized, the progress made in the field will go unrecognized by a discipline that sees little reason to engage with its history. It suggests that historians of international thought adopt an extensively modified version of contextualism that would allow them to rebuild bridges back into IR, especially IR theory. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.363 HAMEL, Christopher —
It has become a commonplace in neo-republican thinking to claim that if the notion of rights can be allowed a place in republican political theory, it can never achieve the prominence that liberalism allegedly grants it. Philip Pettit's book, Republicanism [A Theory of Freedom and Government, Oxford, 1997], provides several arguments to buttress this thesis. This article examines these arguments in order to show that once properly stated, they must on the contrary be considered as powerful arguments to the effect that republicans take rights very seriously. [R]
68.364 HAMILTON, Lawrence —
In responding to the five excellent articles on Freedom Is Power collected here, I argue that my account of representation in politics runs all the way down, as does my associated views on needs and institutional critique aimed at diminishing domination. I take on board some of the other criticisms leveled at me, but resist the notion that my account of freedom as power constrains resistance. Liberty through representation requires and depends upon resistance; it also institutionalizes it. [R] [See Abstr. 68.355]
68.365 HASSANZADEH, Navid —
This article is a comparative theoretical study of authority in the Arab Spring which draws upon the work of Max Weber and Khalil Ahmad Khalil, and examines the theoretical importance of a shift away from authority understood along the lines of single, charismatic individuals. I argue that the central implication of the lack of dominant leaders in the Arab Spring is the potential for the growth of a popular form of charismatic authority. This popular understanding of charisma would allow for the self-realization of ordinary citizens in a way that was not possible in an authoritarian setting, where popular aspirations and demands were realized only abstractly, if not simply denied, by being invested in the figure of an “inspirational leader.” [R, abr.]
68.366 HAY, Colin —
Oscar Larsson's sympathetic critique of constructivist institutionalism [“Using post-structuralism to explore the full impact of ideas on politics”,ibid 27(2), 2015: 174–197; Abstr. 66.173] calls for a clarification of my understanding of subjectivity, inter-subjectivity, and their mutual interdependence. That interdependence lies at the heart of any genuinely constructivist approach, just as the interdependence of structure and agency lies at the heart of any genuinely institutionalist approach. As such, I reject the charge of subjectivism just as I would that of voluntarism. Building on the social ontology of Berger and Luckmann, we can distinguish between subjectivity and intra-subjectivity and proceed to show how the latter implies a notion of inter-subjectivity. An example of the social construction of a political crisis shows that social facts are made and remade through a fusion of inter- and intra-subjectivities. [R] [See also Abstr. 68.415]
68.367 HENAO CASTRO, Andrés Fabián —
This article criticizes Lawrence Hamilton's disavowal of more radical political positions on the basis of their “unrealistic assumptions”, by putting his concept of “real modern freedom” in conversation with a Lacanian notion of the Real, yet one that invests that Real with the historically differentiated modes of concrete racialized and gendered labor that capitalism obscures in order to create value. Drawing from critical race theory, I argue against the reformist impulse that seeks to improve the representational reach of liberal masks. Instead, my understanding of political representation argues for the crack in the mask as the symptom that reminds us of the Real, the irreducible antagonism at the heart of the social. [R] [See Abstr. 68.355]
68.368 HENDRICKSON, David C. —
This essay offers a constitutional perspective on the American encounter with the problem of international order. Its point of departure is the American Founding, a subject often invisible in both the history of international thought and contemporary International Relations theory. Although usually considered as an incident within the domestic politics of the US, the Founding displays many key ideas that have subsequently played a vital role in both international political thought and IR theory. The purpose of this essay is to explore these ideas and to take account of their passage through time, up to and including the present day. Those ideas shine a light not only on how we organize our scholarly enterprises but also on the contemporary direction of US foreign policy and the larger question of world order. [R] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.369 HEROLD, Carly Tess —
Waller Newell's Tyrants [A History of Power, Injustice and Terror, Cambridge, 2016] is a public-spirited book, designed to contribute to a civic educational effort to identify and understand the characteristics of tyranny. But if, as Newell argues, entire countries — and not just individuals — can be tyrannical, does the character of democracy necessarily inoculate itself against tyrannizing over others? The example of Athens, among other ancient cities, should give us reason for caution. The effort to make an understanding of tyranny properly civic seems therefore to be a permanent challenge. [R] [See Abstr. 68.328]
68.370 HILL, Charles —
Tyranny in the modern era turned toward totalitarianism through the idea that human nature needed to be “perfected”; communism's enemy was a matter of class, Nazism's a matter of race. Democracy would seem by definition to resist such ideologies, but even the modern democratic state now possesses mechanisms that can be turned in tyrannical directions: regulatory powers, social welfare systems, and the new tools of artificial intelligence and “big data.” American democracy has been trending toward the “direct” form of democracy that the Founders recognized in ancient Athens and were determined to avoid, a degree of popular sovereignty capable of producing demands upon government that, in turn, could transform a people's government into a government's people. The best defense may be found in classic American literature's examination of national character and identity. [R] [See Abstr. 68.328]
68.371 HOCHBERG, Leonard; SLOAN, Geoffrey —
This article explores three themes related to classical geopolitics: first, it presents reasons why scholars and commentators abandoned geopolitical analysis after World War II, and then reengaged with geopolitical factors after the Soviet Union's collapse; second, it suggests how Mackinder's geopolitical concept of the heartland illuminates the strategic goals of Russia and China, the leading powers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; and, third, it introduces utility of classical geopolitical thought for how the US might respond to the potential domination of Mackinder's heartland by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. [R]
68.372 HULL, George —
Lawrence Hamilton's discussion of popular sovereignty stresses the importance of group representation while rejecting the theory of deliberative democracy. I argue that, by downplaying the presence in public political discourse of rational argument orientated towards consensus on truth, Hamilton ends up offering an account of political representation, which is both theoretically unsatisfactory and unfaithful to real politics. Hamilton's model of popular sovereignty and his institutional recommendations can be strengthened once key insights of deliberative democracy theory are taken on board. [R] [See Abstr. 68.355]
68.373 IGNAZI, Piero —
We discuss Sartori's party system typology and its eventual applicability to the Italian post-1994 party system. The first part of the article is devoted to an examination of the typology with particular reference to the case of the polarised pluralism which Sartori considered appropriate for the Italian party system until the late 1970s-early 1980s. In the discussion of the typology, particular attention has been attributed to the variable “ideology”, suggesting the relevance of the component “temperature” which has been frequently mistreated compared to the other component, the more widely used “distance”. The final part of the article deals with a tentative assessment of the pertinence of polarised pluralism to the post-1994 Italian party system. [R] [See Abstr. 68.404]
68.374 JENCO, Leigh —
This introduction to the special issue explains why political theorists should be interested in Confucianism and what we have to gain by considering Confucian learning in its broader historical and political contexts. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Confucianism and its contexts”,edited by the author. See also Abstr. 68.345, 375, 378, 402]
68.375 JENCO, Leigh —
I argue that recent philosophical attempts to “modernize” Confucianism rehearse problematic relationships to the past that — far from broadening Confucianism's appeal beyond its typical borders — end up narrowing its scope as a source of scholarly knowledge. This is because the very attempt to modernize assumes a rupture with a past in which Confucianism was once alive and relevant, fixing its identity to a static historical place disconnected from the present. I explore alternative means of situating past thought to present inquiry, by examining a debate among early 20th c. Chinese intellectuals over the value of their past heritage in a modern age. Their diverse responses undermine the certainty of a singular or persistent Chinese past, enabling a creative presentism that encourages deliberate filiation with alternative “tracks” of past practice and thought. [R] [See Abstr. 68.374]
68.376 JURKEVICS, Anna —
Many studies have deduced subterranean dialogues between Hannah Arendt and Carl Schmitt from indirect evidence. This article uses new evidence from marginalia in Arendt's copy of Nomos of the Earth and finds that she formed, but never published, an incisive critique of Schmitt's geopolitics. Through an analysis of Arendt's comments on the topics of soil, conquest, and contract, I show that Arendt deemed Schmitt's theory to be imperialist and in contradiction with itself. Her reading of Schmitt prompts important new questions regarding the scholarly use of Schmitt's conception of nomos as a tool of critique against American empire in the post-9/11 [2001] era. The marginalia also suggest, against past scholarship, that Arendt thought justice should play a central role in politics. [R, abr.]
68.377 KENNY, Michael —
Nostalgia is regularly depicted as an indication of a flawed political argument or allegiance, and framed as a virus more likely to take hold in places that are “left behind”. This paper challenges the normative depiction of nostalgia as an alien presence within “normal” political discourse, and critically evaluates theoretical attempts to distinguish between positive and negative forms of it. Instead, it explores some of the different affective, sentimental and ideational roles that various kinds of nostalgia practice perform, and highlights the particular importance of forms of political argument that accuse opponents of nostalgia while simultaneously employing some of its prevalent modalities and motifs. The paper explores these themes in relation to the career and ideas of the iconoclastic and populist British politician, Enoch Powell. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.352]
68.378 KIM Youngmin —
This paper is about how the historical vision of Confucius was constructed in the Analects of Confucius. This analysis concentrates on its particular aspects like the notion of Zhou (1046–256 BCE) — the historical dynasty from which Confucius takes much of his guidance on culture, virtue, and refinement. The paper first opens up a space for a multidimensional and conceptually rich approach to what we might call Confucius’ “vision of history”. It challenges some problematic assumptions and approaches that have constituted an obstacle to inquiry into the study of Confucius’ thought — among them, the idea that Confucius was a “traditionalist” who sought to bring back the ritual practices of the early Zhou. Then, I present a fine-grained textual analysis of the Analects and consider some broader conceptual issues involved in it. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.374]
68.379 KLEIN, Steven —
Prominent republican theorists invoke anonymous orders such as the market as mechanisms that secure freedom as non-domination. Drawing on K. Polanyi's account of fictitious commodities and demonstration of the impossibility of a just and rational market society, this article critically scrutinizes neo-republican assumptions regarding the market, develops an alternate social theory within which to situate the ideal of non-domination, and illustrates the importance of this reconfiguration for the kind of collective agents and political strategies that can be expected to advance republican freedom in the economy. [R]
68.380 KURKI, Milja —
This article examines assumptions about causal analysis characteristic of the policy implementation of democracy support. Interrogation of causal analysis in democracy support is of some interest not least because it has become a prominent aspect of the new, more rigorous, evidence-based, fact-driven democracy support. To introduce a new theoretical angle to the analysis of knowledge practices in democracy support, this article adopts, in an exploratory fashion, Bruno Latour's concept of the “factish” as its guide. This notion suggests that causal analyses in general, while driven on the one hand by the urge to separate “facts” from “fetishes”, “reality” from “beliefs” and “subjects” from “objects”, on the other hand, also simultaneously embody the impossibility, and the effects, of our attempts to break them apart. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.420]
68.381 LAGERSPETZ, Eerik —
According to the story told in text-books, the theory of social choice was invented by three 18th-c. French mathematicians: Borda, Condorcet, and Laplace. After their contributions, the subject is said to have fallen into oblivion. The aim of this article is to challenge this narrative by reviewing a 19th c. Finnish discussion on the merits of different voting rules. The participants of the heated dispute were both professors of the University of Helsinki: L. Lïndelöf (1827–1908) was the Professor of Mathematics, a noted mathematician and statistician, while J. W. Snellman (1806–1881) was the Professor of Philosophy and the un-official intellectual leader of the Finnish national movement. Many of the arguments used by them also appear in modern treatments of the social choice theory. [R, abr.]
68.382 LECHNER, Silviya —
This article reinstates theoretical holism against conceptual atomism and defends the enduring relevance of theories of international anarchy for IR. I revisit two classic, structuralist accounts of international anarchy articulated in Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics [Boston, 1979] (scientific structuralism) and Hedley Bull's Anarchical Society, 3rd ed., 2002] (normative structuralism). It will be shown that both represent coherent theoretical “wholes” which reveal a more complex relationship between anarchy and hierarchy than supposed by critics and which recognise the important connection between the structure of international anarchy (whose key players are states) and the value of freedom. The conclusion examines the prospects of normative theories of international anarchy and “anarchical” freedom in a globalising world where state agency is challenged. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.135]
68.383 LEIB, Robert S. —
Scholars agree that Lessing deliberately incited the infamous Fragmentenstreit, but they limit his role to moderator of the conflict. However, I argue Lessing takes up a positive Spinozist position in the debate, discernable in three ways: first, by his claim, 'the Bible obviously contains more than what pertains to religion’, second, by his distinction between the 'spirit’ and 'letter’, and third, by his practical mode of theologizing. After an overview of the debate and discussion of the relevant themes in Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise, I turn to Lessing to show how these three ways emanate from and resonate with Spinoza's Treatise. [R]
68.384 LILJA, Mona —
Departing from J. Butler's book Notes toward a Performative Theory of Assembly [Cambridge, 2015], this article explores why extra cultural meaning is attached to resisting bodies involved in demonstrating assemblies. Across the globe resistance is played out by bodies that occupy pavements, streets and squares. The participants in public assemblies, are taking part in various emotional processes while coming together to struggle against, for example, disenfranchisement, effacement and abandonment. In embodied, coordinated actions of resistance the gathering itself signifies something in excess of what is being said at the event; there is a distinction between forms of linguistic performativity and forms of bodily performativity. By bringing in the concepts of emotions and matter, this paper explores how resisting bodies signify something more than the vocalised demands that they are making. [R]
68.385 LINJAKUMPU, Aini —
The violence practiced by religious movements is widely examined area in political science. Usually the subject of the study is inter-group violence between either different religious groups or between religious groups and other social entities. Intragroup violence, i.e., violence practiced by a religious movement towards its own members, has received less attention. Nevertheless, there are many practices, traditions and incidents within religious movements, which are not necessary identified as violence, even though they can be highly questionable in themselves an even fatal for some members of those movements. However, there have been increasing attempts to conceptualize these systems of violence, and as an example the concept of spiritual violence has been applied. In this article, conceptual and theoretical tools are introduced to understand spiritual violence in the context of political science. [R, abr.]
68.386 MAGAZZINI, Tina —
This article explores how 'super-diversity’ can cover aspects of current debates that traditional ways of understanding identity and multiculturalism could not. I start by engaging with G. Deleuze's differential ontology, which conceptualises difference as an inherent feature of identity and not some 'issue’ brought by migration flows. I then outline super-diversity's potential implications for diversity management, with particular attention to the case of Roma minorities in Europe. The main argument is that super-diversity can provide a promising framework to address some of multiculturalism's constraints, if we focus on the new kind, rather than the new level, of complexity. [R] [See Abstr. 68.2]
68.387 MAOR, Zohar —
More than seventy years after its publication, Hans Kohn's The Idea of Nationalism [A Study in its Origins and Background, New York, 1944] is still regarded as a ground-breaking contribution to the study of nationalism. This essay highlights a significant theme in this work which has largely gone unnoticed: the pivotal role of religion and secularism in Kohn's account of nationalism, and especially, in his persistent struggle for a “perfect” nationalism. Kohn's conception — and personal experience — of the relationship of nationalism and religion is examined through several stages of his turbulent life. First, as a young Zionist in Prague, when he parlayed Martin Buber's Zionist creed into an ethnic concept of nationalism. Then, in Kohn's journalistic writing in the 1920s and in his first theoretical works on nationalism in the years 1929–1942. [R, abr.]
68.388 MARSO, Lori Jo —
K. Ferguson's anarchist women enact walking as freedom's pose. In my response, I ask how the way we imagine poses and postures, comporting our bodies this way or that, alone or together, shapes the way we practice freedom. I worry that the focus on walking, a dominant and frequent metaphor for freedom in many diverse political registers, occludes our ability to see freedom in other poses, registers, and spaces. I argue that highlighting walking as freedom's preferred pose hovers too close to the replication of the posture (and maybe the perspective too?) of the masculine self. These moves, and this movement, make it harder to discover other sites and kinds of freedom, and to fully appreciate contingency, non-necessity, and the unexpected possibilities available in every encounter. [R] [See Abstr. 68.351]
68.389 McCALLUM, Martin —
This article challenges the common assumption that Rousseauan nostalgia is passive and apolitical by reconstructing Rousseau's theory of childhood memory in his pedagogical treatise, Emile. I argue that Rousseau invites his readers to long for social and active connection, rather than passive self-unity. To develop this position, I claim that Rousseau's understanding of memory in Emile draws primarily from Condillac's Essai sur l'origine des connaissances humaines and Traité des sensations. For both philosophers, the child understands and remembers his action within community. In Rousseau's Emile, in particular, memory and nostalgia reveal the child's active and fragile exposure to others. [R]
68.390 McKEAN, Benjamin L. —
Contemporary debates about ideal and nonideal theory [suggest] that the primary practical task of political theory is directing action. [However] theory can show how injustice can be made bearable and how resisting it can be meaningful. I revisit the purpose for which John Rawls originally developed the concept of ideal theory: reconciling a democratic public to living in a flawed world that may otherwise seem more of a home for catastrophe than justice. However, Rawls's account of reconciliation is flawed; because of his methodology, the realistic utopia he constructs as a source of hope can be used to defend an unjust status quo. By drawing lessons from Theodor Adorno's contrasting view of reconciliation after the Holocaust, I offer a more democratic method for political theory to offer sources of hope to the public. [R, abr.]
68.391 McKENNA, Mary Frances —
This article contributes to thinking on pre-political foundations of secular societies. I do so through the idea of Europe. The importance of prepolitical foundations relates to power and freedom, specifically how freedom truly can be freedom and not ultimately power. The paper [first] discusses Europe's Westphalian system as the model for global international relations. Henry Kissinger's proposal that a modern Westphalian system should be adopted by the international community is explored and critiqued. Section 2 looks at an alternative vision of Europe as the global template which addresses many of the open issues identified in Kissinger's proposal. Joseph Ratzinger/Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI sees Europe as a historical and cultural idea with, as pre-political foundation, the primacy of rationality as creative reason. [R, abr.]
68.392 McQUEEN, Alison; HENDRIX, Burke A. —
Tocqueville's discussion of American Indians in Democracy in America is often read as the paradigmatic expression of a conventional story about American political expansion. This narrative holds that westward expansion was easy, in part because American Indians did not offer much resistance. Historians of political thought and scholars of American Political Development tend to affirm this narrative when they read Tocqueville's text as suggesting merely that Indians are “doomed” to an inevitable extinction. Our interpretation here proceeds along different lines, with a greater focus on the ways in which contending Jacksonian-era discourses of Indian nomadism are represented in Tocqueville's text. We argue that Democracy reflects complex and often competing descriptions of inherent Indian nomadism, retreat, and removal, with varying attributions of causal responsibility for disappearing Indian populations. [R, abr.]
68.393 MENZEL, Annie —
In “Anarchist Women and the Politics of Walking,” Kathy Ferguson identifies rich and unexpected connections between anarchist feminists, walking, and Whitehead's process philosophy. In attuning readers to resonances between the physiological and sensory complexity of walking, and the latter's role in the lives of anarchist feminists Alexandra David-Neel and Lily Gair Wilkinson (and Ferguson's own), her essay sheds crucial light on the concept of process for political thinking and what the everyday process of walking might mean for political praxis. At the same time, I argue that the anarchist feminist walking praxes of David-Neel and Gair Wilkinson depend in some degree on disavowed white supremacist frames of reference. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.351]
68.394 MONTANARI, Marcello —
This paper shows the difference between Gramsci's philosophy of praxis and the philosophy of Pure Act in Gentile's thought. Their different interpretation of the Renaissance and of Italian Risorgimento shows that Gentile's philosophy arrives at a conception of man as “a pure thought”, and Gramsci's philosophy arrives at the idea of “work as a whole”. [R]
68.395 MORENO GONZÁLEZ, Gabriel —
This article contains an analysis of the constitutional theory of Nobel Prize winning economist James M. Buchanan. It proceeds through an explanation of his main doctrinal inputs, breaking down those principles which are of interest for constitutional doctrine, and which can be used as a theoretical foundation for the “constitutionalisation” of economic governance mechanisms in Europe. Buchanan developed a complete and sui generis theory of Constitution from the neo-contractualist paradigm of the 1970s, and under the parameter of his methodological individualism, which led him to defend the new constitutional categories and normative proposals, which were also not exempt from contradictions and criticisms. [R]
68.396 MOTIMELE, Moshibudi —
Participatory democratic models fail to acknowledge that “citizenship” emerges within a repressive context that has at its foundations a necessity to exclude. Hamilton's argument that freedom is power through political representation takes for granted that citizenship is (1) inherently democratic and (2) the best framework from which to conceive of freedom and power. Contemporary challenges of increasing non-citizenship have exposed the limitations of arguments that still conceive of freedom as citizen-power. The paper critiques Hamilton's uncritical use of citizenship and the consequences thereafter for its relevance to a contemporary democratic project. [R] [See Abstr. 68.355]
68.397 MULIERI, Alessandro —
The concept of representation plays an important role in Marsilius of Padua's major work, the Defensor Pacis. Yet, with a few notable exceptions, Marsilius’ concept of representation has received relatively little attention among recent scholars. The main purpose of this article is to fill this gap and scrutinize Marsilius’ concept of representation as an autonomous theoretical and political problem in the Defensor Pacis. The paper first surveys the different meanings of repraesentatio that appear in Marsilius’ 1324 work. It then identifies an understanding of political representation — repraesentatio identitatis — that unites most cases in which Marsilius explicitly deploys a political language of representation, whether in the context of secular or church governance. [R, abr.]
68.398 NARDIN, Terry —
Kant's primary concern in writing on international relations is how to achieve “justice” (Recht) between states. This means that instead of reading Kant as a theorist of peace or world government, as IR theorists have usually done, he is better read as a theorist international justice. His view of justice, which identifies it with a legal order that respects freedom as independence or non-domination, is broadly republican. But he equivocates on the possibility of justice at the international level, and this narrows what is usually seen as a wide gap between Kant's thought and political realism. An international order cannot generate genuine law because there are no institutions to make, interpret, or enforce it. This means that states are entitled to determine their own foreign affairs. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.399 NARIZNY, Kevin —
Both G. Rose's neoclassical realism and A. Moravcsik's liberalism attempt to solve the problem of how to incorporate domestic factors into IR theory. They do so in very different ways, however. Liberalism is a “bottom-up” perspective that accords analytic priority to societal preferences; neoclassical realism is a “top-down” perspective that accords analytic priority to systemic pressures and treats domestic factors as intervening variables. These two approaches are not equivalent, and the choice between them has high stakes. Although it has gained rapidly in popularity, neoclassical realism is fundamentally flawed. Its intellectual justification is weak; it is logically incoherent; and it induces the commission of methodological errors. Realism can incorporate certain domestic factors without losing its theoretical integrity, but it does not need and should not use neoclassical realism to do so. [R]
68.400 NEUBURGER, Mary, ed. —
Introduction by Mary NEUBURGER, “The 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution”, pp. 807–815. Articles by Sheila FITZPATRICK, “Celebrating (or not) the Russian Revolution”, pp. 816–831; Maxim MATUSEVICH, “Blackness the color of red: negotiating race at the US legation in Riga, Latvia, 1922–1933”, pp. 832–852; Elizabeth McGUIRE, “Sino-Soviet romance: an emotional history of revolutionary geopolitics”, pp. 853–873, Mary NEUBURGER, “The Bulgarian factor in Russia's revolutionary era, 1917–1923”, pp. 874–891; Lisa, A. KIRSCHENBAUM, “The Russian Revolution and Spanish communists, 1931–1935”, pp. 892–912; Choi CHATTERJEE, “Imperial subjects in the Soviet Union: M. N. Roy, Rabindranath Tagore, and re-thinking freedom and authoritarianism”, pp. 913–934; Irina FILATOVA, Apollon DAVIDSON, “‘We, the South African Bolsheviks’: the Russian Revolution and South Africa”, pp. 935–958; Tony MICHELS, “The Russian Revolution in New York, 1917–1919”, pp. 959–979; Jocelyn OLCOTT, “‘A Plague of salaried Marxists’: sexuality and subsistence in the revolutionary imaginary of Concha Michel”, pp. 980–998.
68.401 NORRIS, Andrew —
M. Oakeshott provides the best articulation of the widespread view that the moral foundations of the modern state limit it to the defense and maintenance of a system of formal rules governing individuals and non-state enterprises. While this understanding of the proper relation between individual and state has been challenged by liberals of a more Rawlsian persuasion, these criticisms have persuaded few to change their minds, as they rest upon assumptions that are plainly incompatible with the view under consideration. I argue that, rightly understood, central and attractive features of Oakeshott's own conception of understanding, philosophy, individuality, and education lead to significantly different conclusions than those embraced by Oakeshott himself. [R, abr.]
68.402 NYLAN, Michael —
Confucius (aka Kongzi) and Zhuangzi are the two most famous thinkers in all of Chinese history, aside from Laozi, the Old Master. They occupy positions in the history of Chinese thinking roughly comparable to those held by Plato and Epicurus in the Western narrative of civilization, in that they offer visions of the engaged political life and the engaged social self to which later political theorists and ethicists invariably return. For the last century or so, if not longer, Sinologists and comparative philosophers have been apt to name Confucius the “founder” of a Confucian “school”, and Zhuangzi, one of two “founders” of a rival Daoist “school”, despite the lack of evidence for sectarian factions in early China. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.374]
68.403 PALOUŠ, Martin —
This critical review of Newell's Tyrants consists of two parts. The first one departs from questions Jan Patocka, the most important Czech philosopher of the 20th c., raised in the 1970s in the context of his critical reading of a book by Geoffrey Barraclough, An Introduction to Contemporary History [London, 1964]. Patocka's criticism of Barraclough, suggested here as a starting point for a dialogue with Newell, departed from E. Husserl's “Crisis of European Sciences” [in Phenomenology and the Crisis of Philosophy, New York, 1965] and his own interpretation of the current phase of history of mankind as the end of Europe and the arrival of a post-European age. The second part confronts Newell's treatments of tyrants usurping power throughout the human history and his efforts to offer a “homeopathic cure for the tyrannical temptations”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.328]
68.404 PASQUINO, Gianfranco; VALBRUZZI, Marco —
This article explores G. Sartori's contributions to understanding of Italian politics. On the basis of his approach, Sartori repeatedly intervened in the Italian public debate to suggest his own proposals for the improvement of the performance of the political system and, more in general, of the democratic regime. Our discussion of Sartori's approach and contributions to the field of Italian politics will follow three threads: (1) His contribution to the analysis and definition of the somewhat elusive Italian party system; (2) his relevant contribution to the study of electoral systems throughout the world; (3) the increasing tensions, provoked by Berlusconi's enduring influence on Italian politics. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The value of Italian politics”,edited by James L. NEWELL, and introduced by Maurizio CARBONE. See also Abstr. 68.373, 505, 1005]
68.405 PITTS, Jennifer —
Just as the contemporary global structure is a product of 19th-c. economic and political developments, namely, industrial capitalism and global empires dominated by European metropoles, a misleading conception of the international system as composed of formally equal sovereign states is a product of the same period, as [E. de] Vattel [Droit des Gens, 1758/The Law of Nations, 1834]'s conception of states as equal moral persons was taken up and transformed in the early 19th c., especially in imperial Britain. This model continues to shape interpretations of global politics in IR, despite the persistence of the imperial legacy in the form of a stratified globe. Historical work informed by postcolonial studies and recent scholarship in International Law can give IR greater analytical and critical purchase on the current global order. [R] [See Abstr. 68.19]
68.406 POWEL, Brieg —
The popularity of Foucauldian understandings of government in IR has led to a vibrant debate over the utility of Foucault's work for the discipline, especially over its applicability outside Western liberal societies. By concentrating on governmentality's international applicability, however, IR scholarship has neglected Foucault's account of the foundations of modern social mentalities, apparatuses, and techniques. Foucault frequently based his ideas on historical research, with warfare and military affairs featuring prominently in his accounts of discipline and governmentality. Based on a problematisation of the military aspects of Foucault's thought, this article challenges Foucauldian IR scholarship to revisit governmentality's foundations and reconsider the contemporary relevance of Foucault's account of government. [R, abr.]
68.407 PROZOROV, Sergei —
Foucault's work on biopolitics has largely been missing from the debates on the possibility of “affirmative biopolitics” influenced by the work of Agamben and Esposito. This article restores Foucault's work to these debates, proposing that his final lecture course at the Collège de France in 1983–1984 developed a paradigm of affirmative biopolitics in the reading of the Cynic practice of truth-telling (parrhesia). The Cynic problematization of the relation between truth and life and their transvaluation of conventional truths by relocating them to the domain of bare life not only seeks to transform one's life in accordance with the truth but also, through the confrontation with the existing conventions and norms, to transform the world as such. Cynic parrhesia is thus biopolitical. [R, abr.]
68.408 RABKIN, Jeremy —
Robert Howse's book on Leo Strauss [Leo Strauss Man of Peace, Cambridge, 2014] tries to defend Strauss by emphasizing how different he was from today's “Straussians.” In Howse's telling, Strauss's best-known followers favor war and oppression, though Strauss himself did not. To make this case, Howse relies not only on absurd caricatures of Strauss's students but on highly distorted (or highly selective) accounts of what Strauss himself wrote. Howse tries to make a positive case for Strauss as a “man of peace” by showing that Strauss supported “international law.” He makes that case by depicting “international law” as one continuous tradition since Grotius, oblivious to the many varieties of outlooks and doctrines that have invoked some version of international law. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.413]
68.409 ROSSELLO, Diego H. —
Despite multiple differences, leading critical theorists like G. Agamben, S. Žižek, E. Santner, and J. Habermas share an investment in stabilizing the human being as a ground of the political. By investing in the stability and centrality of the human being, these theorists perform what will be called, paraphrasing an often neglected argument by Carl Schmitt, a decision to be human. Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that Schmitt's decisionism is not merely circumscribed to sovereignty's juridico-political dimension, but that it also includes a peculiar commitment to God's decision to become human in Christ. Against this decisionism as humanism, the article draws on W. Benjamin, R. Esposito, and J. Derrida to propose an alternative politics that destabilizes humanity and sovereignty through the emergence of the animal, or what will be called melancholic lycanthropy. [R, abr.]
68.410 ROTH-ISIGKEIT, David —
This article is concerned with the debate about interdisciplinary methods in international law, in particular the turn to IR. It finds the historical critique of M. Koskenniemi grounded in a more methodological issue: the turn toward a redefinition of norm properties impedes on the critical discursive quality of law. Shaping this historical critique into a research question that allows for meaningful engagement, the article discusses Koskenniemi's charges drawing on recent constructivist scholarship. Giving an account of what it means to be “obliged” to obey the law, this article defends the coherence of Koskenniemi's position and suggests that we should take the critique of the interdisciplinary project between law and International Relations seriously. [R, abr.]
68.411 SARANGI, Asha —
Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph were world-renowned political scientists and an iconic academic couple who devoted six decades of their lives to teaching and researching India and South Asia. The liberal-centrist Rudolphian framework is clearly evident in their numerous works. Their writings show the innovativeness and interpretative richness of methodological pluralism questioning the hegemony of western theories and categories. The Geertzian notion of “culture bound” contextualism was central to their ideas on concept formation and “situated knowledge” paradigm. The phrases like “situated knowledge,” “self as other,” “imperialism of categories,” “modernity of tradition”, “living with difference,” and “post-modern Gandhi” provided newer conceptual tools and vocabularies in their writings. Writing within the broader framework of liberal-centrism, they continued to counter generalizations and deepen our understanding about the puzzle of Indian democracy and nature of the Indian state. [R]
68.412 SCARPATO, Giovanni —
This essay analyzes some landmarks of the reception of [G.] Vico and Rousseau's thought in Italy. During the last thirty years of the 18th c., renewed interest in Vico's Scienza Nuova [1725] frequently overlapped the recurring debates on Rousseau's political philosophy, that in Southern Italy centered especially on his Discours sur l'Origine [et les Fondements] de l'inégalité [parmi les hommes] [1755]. While emphasizing analogies, scholars such as Appiano Buonafede, Francesco Antonio Grimaldi and Vincenzo Cuoco also outlined the differences between the two thinkers, presenting Vico's work as a conservative alternative to Rousseau's reflection. [R]
68.413 SCHAEFER, David Lewis —
Robert Howse's Leo Strauss Man of Peace [Cambridge, 2014] performs a valuable service in vindicating Strauss against scurrilous charges coming from the academic Left in recent decades that he was an antidemocratic warmonger, rather than (as Strauss described Socrates) a seeker of peace, though not a pacifist. Unfortunately, Howse initially pursues his goal by launching a variety of unfounded criticisms of some of Strauss's most prominent students, accusing them of distorting their master's teaching in the direction of bellicosity and intolerance. This major flaw aside, Howse's book offers insightful interpretations of Strauss's analyses of Thucydides, and Machiavelli, as well as his opposition to Carl Schmitt's “warrior morality,” that are highly illuminating. Howse demonstrates that Strauss was neither a Machiavellian “realist” nor someone who dismissed the Florentine as a mere “teacher of evil”; rather, he found in Thucydides a superior, because it is more moderate, resolution of the problems of political morality raised by Machiavelli. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “Robert Howse's Leo Strauss Man of Peace”, edited and introduced, p. 151,by the author. See reply by Robert HOWSE, pp. 165–168. See also Abstr. 68.327, 408]
68.414 SCHAKE, Kori —
What causes war? Thucydides thinks fear, honor, and interest — those fundamental human motivations that persuade us beyond caution — cause wars. C. von Clausewitz tries to leach those passions out of the process and distill a calculus of political aims as the cause of war. Geoffrey Blainey has a simpler discriminator: states choose war when they think they will win. Barbara Tuchman has the simplest explanation of all: human folly. Azar Gat believes scarcity drives warfare, and, therefore, prosperity is making it obsolete. The author analyzes the contributions of these five writers in addressing this perennial question about war. [R]
68.415 SCHMIDT, Vivien A. —
Oscar Larsson's essay [“Using post-structuralism to explore the full impact of ideas on politics”,ibid. 27(2), 2015: 174–197; Abstr. 66.173] condemns discursive institutionalism for the “sin” of subjectivism. In reality, however, discursive institutionalism emphasizes the intersubjective nature of ideas through its theorization of agents’ “background ideational abilities” and “foreground discursive abilities.” It also avoids relativism by means of Wittgenstein's distinction between experiences of everyday life and pictures of the world. Contrary to Larsson, what truly separates post-structuralism from discursive institutionalism is the respective approaches’ theorization of the relationship of power to ideas, with discursive institutionalists mainly focused on persuasive power through ideas, while post-structuralists focus on the structural power in ideas or on coercive power over ideas. [R] [See also Abstr. 68.366]
68.416 SCIULLO, Franco M. Di —
According to several authors, Rousseauian and Kantian contractualism relates to an idea of “public” reason, while Hobbesian social contract theory rests entirely upon a “private”, prudential reason. However, it is in Hobbes's Leviathan that the phrase “public reason” can originally found. This paper focuses on the language of “public” and “reason” in Leviathan, and argues that Hobbes's idea of a covenant and his model of “authoritarization” can properly be justified only by recourse to a “common” reason — a reason all can share. The paper stresses the implications of Hobbes's political choices on his contractarian theory, too. In order to defend absolute political power, Hobbes institutionalizes common reason as “public reason” by identifying it with the reason of sovereign authority: in this way, he betrays its origins and meaning. [R]
68.417 SJOBERG, Laura —
This article argues anarchy is under-theorized in IR, and that the undertheorization of the concept of anarchy in IR is rooted in K. Waltz's original discussion of the concept as equal to the invisibility of structure, where the lack of exogenous authority is not just a feature of the international political system but the salient feature. This article recognizes the international system as anarchical but looks to theorize its contours — to see the invisible structures that are overlaid within international anarchy, and then to consider what those structures mean for theorizing anarchy itself. It uses as an example the various (invisible) ways that gender orders global political relations to suggest that anarchy in the international arena is a place of multiple orders rather than of disorder. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.135]
68.418 STEARS, Marc —
I [consider] whether a lost tradition of 20th-c. British socialist thinking — that associated with a series of inter-war and mid-century thinkers who were skeptical of both modernism and the state — might throw new light on the failings of recent British Labour ideology, especially that associated with Ed Miliband's failed attempt to secure victory in the 2015 general election. The essay contends that the arguments of these earlier thinkers — and especially their obsession with crafting a “socialism of the everyday” — could have provided a vital warning to Miliband's Labour, had it chosen to heed it. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.352]
68.419 STUART-BUTTLE, Tim —
Locke emphasized that a concern for reputation powerfully shaped the individual's conduct. Most scholarship suggests that Locke portrayed this phenomenon in negative terms. This article complicates this picture. A concern for reputation served a constructive role in Locke's theory of social development, which offered a powerful alternative explanation of the origins of moral consensus and political authority to Hobbes's. Locke nonetheless suggested that misunderstandings engendered in Christian commonwealths regarding the nature of political and religious authority had impacted negatively on the moral regulation of societies. The forces governing society, which once habituated individuals in beneficial ways, now led them astray. [R]
68.420 SUGANAMI, Hidemi —
The tendency in recent metatheoretical contributions to IR to discuss causation in the light of the Hume/Bhaskar contrast requires an overhaul. The pronouncement in favour of Bhaskar is unacceptable if it is based on the trinity of “Hume, causal idealism and the regularity theory of causation” combined with the claim that Bhaskar has defended an ontologically grounded causal realist position. But a contrary judgment favoring Hume is also problematic if it is based on the contrasting image of Hume's causal idealism and Bhaskar's causal realism; Hume did not advocate causal idealism and that does not make causal idealism necessarily a better philosophical doctrine. A real difference between Hume and Bhaskar, not captured in the standard contrast, is epistemological, regarding what we can know about the nature of causation and how. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Problems of causation in world politics”,introduced, pp. 659–666,by Adam R. C. HUMPHREYS, and edited by the author and Adam R. C. HUMPHREYS. See also Abstr. 68.29, 125, 149, 153, 238, 380]
68.421 SULLIVAN, Vickie —
Waller R. Newell in Tyrants: A History of Power, Injustice, and Terror [Cambridge, 2016] explores how ideas, and the philosophers responsible for them, can aid us in understanding tyranny. In the process, Newell also broaches the possibility that the ideas of these thinkers actually shape succeeding political events. Although the second part, entitled “City of God or City of Man? The Tyrant as Modern State Builder,” has an extensive cast of characters, its fulcrum is the combination of Niccolò Machiavelli, the Florentine writer, and Henry VIII, the English ruler. Newell raises the question of whether the writer presented the ruler with the blueprint for overturning the rule of the Catholic Church in England. Machiavelli would thus be the teacher of the modernizing tyrant. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.328]
68.422 THOMAS, Alan —
Political realism criticizes the putative abstraction, foundationalism and neglect of the agonistic dimension of political practice in the work of John Rawls. This paper argues that had Rawls not fully specified the implementation of his theory of justice in one particular form of political economy then he would be vulnerable to a realist critique. But he did present such an implementation: a property-owning democracy. An appreciation of Rawls's specificationist method undercuts the realist critique of his conception of justice as fairness. [R]
68.423 THOMASSEN, Lasse —
Lawrence Hamilton's conception of aesthetic representation is part of the representative and constructivist turns, and I use a critical reading of his work to examine how we can conceptualize the constitutive character of representation; and the implications for political institutions and activism of taking representation as constitutive. I show how Hamilton limits the effects of the two turns in two areas in particular: the notion of human needs and the focus on political institutions at the expense of activist politics. [R] [See Abstr. 68.355]
68.424 THOMPSON, Norma —
Waller Newell's historical typology of tyrants looks even more interesting from the philosophical perspective of Plato's Gorgias. Socrates pinpoints a blind spot typical of the reformer tyrant in Gorgias, whose success depends on his personal, not his principled, influence. Polus, the gardenvariety tyrant, wants to acquire more and more with impunity, an old story with the usual bad ending. Callicles pushes furthest of all: it's only the exceptional individual like himself who steels himself to follow ideology to the bitter end. The Socratic rejoinders do not persuade the interlocutors, but they might serve to educate liberal democrats: some tyrants are just incurable. [R] [See Abstr. 68.328]
68.425 TORRE, Carlos de la —
This article analyzes the ambiguities of Bolivarianism on democracy. Led by H. Chávez, Bolivarianism was an ideology and a strategy of regime transformation and democratization. Its populist language identified internal and external enemies such as US imperialism and elites that served US interests. This meant that the complexity of national and international politics was simplified in these countries to a struggle between two antagonistic camps: neoliberalism vs. the socialism of the 21st c.; bourgeois-liberal democracy against real democracy; and US led Pan-Americanism vs. Latin Americanism. Bolivarian leaders made clear that clean elections were the only source of democratic legitimacy, and they were at the forefront of the opposition to the military coup d'état of 2009 in Honduras for example. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.724]
68.426 TSZ WAN HUNG, Andrew —
This article compares Jürgen Habermas's and Charles Taylor's approach to the role of religious language in a liberal democracy. It shows that the difference in their approach is not simply in their theories of religious language. The contrast lies deeper, in their incompatible moral theories: Habermas's universal discourse ethics vs. Taylor's communitarian substantive ethics. I also explore William Rehg's defense of discourse ethics by conceding that it is based on a metavalue of rational consensus. However, I argue that Habermas's and Rehg's discourse ethics and translation proviso are untenable. While Taylor rightly argues that there is no reason to exclude religious reason from the formal political sphere, his proposed fusion of horizons to generate a new hybrid framework is also problematic. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.430]
68.427 TUASTAD, Dag —
To refer to Palestinian refugee camps as states of exception, appropriating the paradigm of Giorgio Agamben, is definitely tempting. Agamben argues that in times of crisis, individual rights of citizens are diminished and entire categories of people kept outside the political system. Nevertheless, there are flaws in applying Agamben's perspective on Palestinian camps. It acquits the camp residents from the autonomy over their own political agency. Historically, in Lebanon, camp residents experienced an almost limitless access to free political organization. But this access has not been converted into the development of representative, legitimate political structures. [R]
68.428 USTURALI, Adil —
This article argues that Habermas's position on the relationship between religion and politics reaffirms his two-track political theory of the secular state and civic duty. His “hard-core” theory of secularism coupled with an ethics of citizenship seeks new ways of including religious citizens in modern pluralistic societies. The analysis of secularism both as a concept and as a guiding principle in Habermas's work shows that most critics have misinterpreted his specific use of the term. The result of this is that most secularist and accommodationist critics of Habermas's ethics of citizenship disregard his two-track political theory and its co-originality principle that assumes the equal status of public and private autonomies of citizens. [I] thus shift critical attention to the central aspects of Habermas's work on religion. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.430]
68.429 VALDEZ, Inés —
This article offers a new interpretation of Kant's cosmopolitanism and his anti-colonialism in Toward Perpetual Peace. Kant's changing position has been the subject of extensive debates that have, however, not recognized the central place of colonialism in the political, economic, and military debates in Europe in Kant's writings. Based on historical evidence not previously considered alongside Perpetual Peace, I suggest that Kant's leading concern at the time of writing is the negative effect of European expansionism and intra-European rivalry over colonial possessions on the possibility of peace in Europe. Because of the lack of affinity between colonial conflict and his philosophy of history, Kant must adjust his concept of antagonism to distinguish between war between particular dyads, in particular spaces, and with particular non-state actors. [R, abr.]
68.430 VEROVŠEK, Peter J. —
Jürgen Habermas's recent work is defined by two trends: an engagement with the realm of the sacred and a concern for the future of the European Union. Despite the apparent lack of connection between these themes, I argue that the early history of European integration has important implications for Habermas's conclusions about the place of faith in public life. Although Habermas's work on religion suggests that the sacred contains important normative resources for post-secular democracies, he continues to bar explicitly religious justifications from discourse within state institutions. I question this exclusion of faith by reconstructing the role that political Catholicism played in the foundation of the European project. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Habermas on religion and democracy: critical perspectives”,edited and introduced, pp. 521–527,by Camil UNGUREANU and Paolo MONTI. See also Abstr. 68.329, 426, 428]
68.431 WANG Ching-Hsing —
This study examines whether the Big Five personality traits have different effects on male and female party identification in the US. Research has found associations between personality traits and partisanship in the US. However, there is solid evidence of gender differences in personality traits, and past studies have not yet considered whether personality-partisanship relationship might be gender-differentiated. This study finds that with the increase of agreeableness, women tend to be Republicans, but men tend to be Democrats. [R, abr.]
68.432 WARD, Lee —
Contemporary political theorists remain divided over (1) whether a right to secede exists, and (2) under what conditions such a right could be legitimately exercised. This study sheds light on this complex issue by examining the works of two of the philosophical founders of liberalism: Hobbes and Locke. I will argue that while neither Hobbes nor Locke discussed secession directly in terms of the categories political theorists use today, we can discern important elements of their political teaching that contribute toward the formulation of two distinct forms of a secession right. In Hobbes’ preservationist and Locke's institutional-ist argument, we find a distinctively liberal conception of a secession right that can help us frame the parameters of our thinking about secession in the twenty-first century. [R]
68.433 WATSON, Matthew —
Feminist scholars have described the behavioural traits that have flourished within the global economy in terms of a hegemonic “I know best” masculinity. Whilst this literature has typically focused on a small number of business leaders around whom popular myths of wealth creation have developed, the same way of thinking might also be applied to policymakers. This study of George Osborne's time as UK Chancellor of the Exchequer reveals how consistently he adopted the mantle of an omniscient hegemonic masculine subject in his approach to deficit reduction. It was an attitude to the task at hand I label “machonomics”. This concept is designed to mean more than that the outcomes of his austerity programme disproportionately disadvantaged women. It also captures the type of policy-maker that Osborne tried so hard to convince others he was. [R, abr.]
68.434 WILLIAMS, Anthony A. J. —
Theology in four voices represents a fitting methodological model for the study of political ideology. The formal theological voice is dropped from consideration [because], while the involvement of academic theologians in the theology of ordinary believers is entirely appropriate, political theorists ought not to be involved in seeking to change or refine the ideologies which they research. The normative voice — which we refer to as the established voice — consists of texts which carry authority within a particular ideology, such as The Communist Manifesto in Marxism, or J. S. Mill's On Liberty in liberalism; the espoused voice represents that which adherents of an ideology explain about what they believe; the operant voice consists of the political action taken by the adherents. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.352]
68.435 YARROW, David —
This article explores the recent rise of populist politics from the perspective of K. Polanyi's theory of the “double movement”. It first introduces Polanyi's understanding of interwar populism, and relates this to his broader critique of liberal economic thought. This framework is then used to analyse three prominent explanations for populism, which emerged in the wake of the UK's 2016 EU referendum: globalisation; cultural reaction; and social media. I show how each of these explanations exogenises contemporary populist movements, narrating them as something external to the liberal economic restructuring pursued globally since the 1980s. Failing to diagnose adequately the causes of contemporary populist movements, which lie in this utopian attempt to treat labour as a commodity, they cannot support an intellectually coherent progressive response to Brexit. [R, abr.]
68.436
A Symposium. Introduction by Joshua L. CHERNISS. Articles by Teresa M. BEJAN; Samuel GOLDMAN; Susan Meld SHELL; Ryan Patrick HANLEY. Reply by Steven B. SMITH.