Abstract
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
68.4852 BERGMAN, Gwyneth; MacFARLANE, Emmett —
Officers of Parliament play a vital role in providing parliamentarians with access to critical information and resources that allow them to hold the government of the day to account. Critics have argued officers have exceeded their mandates and even threaten to supplant the opposition. Canada's Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner (CIEC) holds a unique mandate, given that her primary focus concerns the behavior of public office holders. This article draws on a comprehensive examination of the commissioner's reports and recommendations, and a content analysis of committee appearances to analyze and understand the impact and role of the CIEC. In contrast to the portrayal of other officers in the extant literature, we find that the office of the CIEC is constrained in its mandate and its impact limited by the nature and extent of its relationship with Parliament. [R]
68.4853 BROOKES, Marissa —
Attempts to expand labor rights are rarely met with automatic acceptance by employers who benefitted from past practices. Workers, thus, sometimes engage in transnational activism in an attempt to secure labor rights on the local or national scale. This article investigates why some employers alter their behavior in response to such activism. I hypothesize that an employer will concede to a transnational labor campaign only when workers fully shift that employer's attention onto the international scale and directly threaten the employer's core, material interests. Evidence from a controlled comparison of labor disputes at luxury hotels in Indonesia and Cambodia during a period of institutional transition in the early 2000s supports this argument. [R, abr.]
68.4854 CAUGHEY, Devin; WARSHAW, Christopher —
Using eight decades of data, we examine the magnitude, mechanisms, and moderators of dynamic responsiveness in the American states. We show that on both economic and (especially) social issues, the liberalism of state publics predicts future change in state policy liberalism. Dynamic responsiveness is gradual, however; large policy shifts are the result of the accumulation of incremental responsiveness over many years. Partisan control of government appears to mediate only a fraction of responsiveness, suggesting that, contrary to conventional wisdom, responsiveness occurs in large part through the adaptation of incumbent officials. Dynamic responsiveness has increased over time but does not seem to be influenced by institutions such as direct democracy or campaign finance regulations. [R, abr.]
68.4855 FATAI, Adeleke Gbadebo —
This study examines factors underlying the poor electoral processes and the increasing rate of voters' apathy towards democratic participation (1999–2015) in Nigeria. Electoral processes are a determining factor in democratic advancement; they either encourage or discourage majority participation. Both participatory and institutional theories provide theoretical frameworks. In this paper, issues of electoral processes were critically examined using secondary sources of data, and at the end of the study, ways to improve on the quest for ideal democracy were provided. The paper argues that poor electoral processes have made a mockery of Nigeria's democratic system. Electoral and political institutions' lack of transparency, inadequate funding, poor voters' registration process, inadequate voter education and poor election scheduling are the shortcomings identified. [R, abr.]
68.4856 FOGARTY, Brian J.; MONOGAN, James E., III —
Past research has demonstrated lasting effects of important Supreme Court decisions on issue attention in the national media. In this light, the Court has served as an important agenda setter. We significantly expand on these findings by arguing that these salient Court decisions can raise the perceived importance of political issues and induce heightened, short-term policy attention in the broader political system. Using measures of media attention, congressional policy actions, and presidential policy actions, we utilize dynamic vector autoregressive modelling to examine the Court's impact on issue attention in the macro policy system regarding tobacco and drug policy. Overall, this study suggests that the Supreme Court's most important decisions might significantly affect broader issue attention in the American political system. [R]
68.4857 GANGHOF, Steffen —
Semi-parliamentary government is a distinct executive-legislative system that mirrors semi-presidentialism. It exists when the legislature is divided into two equally legitimate parts, only one of which can dismiss the prime minister in a no-confidence vote. This system has distinct advantages over pure parliamentary and presidential systems: it establishes a branch-based separation of powers and can balance the “majoritarian” and “proportional” visions of democracy without concentrating executive power in a single individual. This article analyzes bicameral versions of semi-parliamentary government in Australia and Japan, and compares empirical patterns of democracy in the Australian Commonwealth as well as New South Wales to 20 advanced parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. It discusses new semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require formal bicameralism, and pays special attention to semi-parliamentary options for democratizing the EU. [R]
68.4858 GANGHOF, Steffen; EPPNER, Sebastian; PÖRSCHKE, Alexander —
The article analyzes the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system — a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government — which we call “semi-parliamentary government”. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. [R, abr.] [First article of a symposium on “Majority formation in semi-parliamentary regimes”. See also Abstr. 68.4674, 4685, 4869, 4870, 4887]
68.4859 HÄUSERMANN, Silja —
While we have many studies on social investment policies and their effects, we still know fairly little about the politics of social investment, especially in conservative welfare states, which provide the hardest ground for these reforms. What are the key conflicts in social investment politics? How do they intersect with compensatory welfare state conflict? Which coalition potentials exist? Based on a newly collected dataset, this contribution analyses actor configurations in German family policy reform processes since 1979. It shows that the development of social investment in conservative welfare regimes can only be understood if we conceptualize its politics in a multidimensional space. Income protection and social investment can be, and oftentimes are, two distinct conflict lines. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4641]
68.4860 HEGELE, Yvonne —
In the German Bundesrat, an arena of horizontal intergovernmental relations, sixteen Länder governments composed of approximately 170 governmental departments coordinate and negotiate their positions on federal motions. This article analyzes the coordination process and argues that the interests that the actors pursue are less clear-cut than commonly assumed. Based on a novel network dataset collected by the author, evidence is found for sectoral, political party, and territorial coordination strategies. The main findings are first, that political party coordination in Germany is more frequent than territorial coordination but performs a structuring instead of a substantial function during the coordination process. Second, sectoral coordination mainly takes place at an early stage of the coordination process and is able to solve a bulk of coordination problems by drawing on expert knowledge. [R]
68.4861 HOBBS, Harry —
Eight years after the Expert Panel on Recognizing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the Australian Constitution was established, institutional reform to empower Indigenous peoples in this country has not been realized. This article argues that the persistent failure to progress constitutional reform stems, in part, from dominant conceptions of Australian citizenship that deny Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoplehood. It follows that meaningful institutional reform is possible only if Australian citizenship is reconceptualized in a manner that makes room for the distinctive status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Treaties offer a path forward to develop this new understanding of Australian identity and ground institutional reform. [R]
68.4862 HOLLIBAUGH, Gary E., Jr.; ROTHENBERG, Lawrence S. —
Scholars have expended considerable efforts to understand the executive appointment process and the forces influencing the choices made by the president and the Senate. However, some factors integral to theoretical models have not been well integrated empirically, and other relevant factors have not been incorporated much at all. Here, we focus on one determinant corresponding to the former critique — nominee ideology — and another corresponding to the latter — the independence of decision makers in the targeted agencies. We examine a series of theoretically driven hypotheses regarding the effects of both ideology and independence on who gets nominated and if and when nominees are eventually confirmed. Results show nominee ideology and decision maker independence matter a great deal and factor into presidential strategic choices and senatorial responses in ways according to expectations. [R, abr.]
68.4863 KASDIN, Stuart —
Unlike previous analyses that evaluate the influence of the authorization committees on government agency management, we examine the US congressional appropriation subcommittees to see how their structural characteristics affect the performance of the programs that they fund. Specifically, we look at whether the competition for resources and member workload within subcommittees affects the effectiveness and efficiency of the programs under their purview. As part of the Congressional budget process, appropriation subcommittees are annually allocated new budgets from which they must fund a set of government programs. We find that the level of resources in a subcommittee affects program performance. [R, abr.]
68.4864 MEEKS, Lindsey —
In 2014, President Barack Obama made history by calling upon only women journalists during a domestic news conference with the White House press corps. To capitalize on and examine this critical first in journalism, this study analyzed the potential influence of a journalist's gender in White House press corps news conferences with President Obama a year before and a year after the all-female conference. The content-analysis examined what political issues journalists emphasized in presidential news conferences and whether these issue emphases varied (1) by journalists' gender and (2) before and after the all-female conference. Results revealed that, to some extent, men and women emphasized different issues. [R, abr.]
68.4865 NICHOLLS, Kate —
This article situates New Zealand in the Varieties of Capitalism literature and then uses this theoretical framework to provide a critical analysis of the country's recent economic under-performance. It argues that while New Zealand is rightly assumed to reflect a near pure example of a free-market Liberal Market Economy, its historical trajectory has been rather more mixed. This has led some analysts to assume that a shift from a “Coordinated” to a “Liberal” Market Economy has occurred, yet the state played a much heavier-handed role in creating and overseeing such apparently cooperative mechanisms than is the case in true coordinated market economies. When the state removed such support structures as the results of pro-market reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a lack of “coordination” altogether in the New Zealand political economy. Businesses, either on a collective or an individual basis, did not step in to perform functions previously delivered by the state. [R, abr.]
68.4866 OBAIDULLAH, A. T. M. —
Bangladesh's failure to consolidate democracy may be ascribed to a number of factors. First, “winner-takes-all” power struggles and the possibility of being vanquished if power struggles fail degenerated democratic competition into fierce conflict and violence for winning elections. Second, Bangladesh made significant progress in revitalizing democratic elections, but failed to check on the powers of the executive. Under the present constitutional system, the Prime Minister exercises power like that of the Viceroy — unwilling to be accountable to the Parliament. Any opinion against his/her party will cause the loss of present parliamentary seat under Art. 70 and any displeasure of the leader of the House will cause loss of nomination in the future Parliament elections. In this rein of fear an effective Parliament is too much to expect. [R]
68.4867 RUIZ RUIZ, Juan Josέ —
While the new Constitution emerging from the Tunisian spring began to take effect only from January 2014, in others countries we can openly speak of the ‘autumn season’ of the Arab Spring, an expression that seeks to capture the degeneration into authoritarianism — such as in the Egyptian case. The same cannot be said in the case of Morocco which, among all the constitutional processes opened, was the first to be concluded and to have reached a mature level, following several years of development of the new constitutional text. This essay focuses on the constitutional development introduced by the new organic legislation, including regarding representative institutions, the government, the judiciary, the jurisdiction of the constitution, advanced regionalisation, and new mechanisms of participation. [R, abr.]
68.4868 SEYD, Ben; CURTICE, John; ROSE, Jonathan —
In Britain, levels of political trust have declined, stimulating policy makers to explore ways of appealing to discontented citizens. One such initiative involves reform of the political system. Yet, this raises the question of which types of political reform are likely to appeal to discontented citizens. Existing studies have examined how individuals respond to political reforms, yet these studies only consider a limited range of institutional changes. Scholars and policy makers thus know little about the popular appeal of a wider set of institutional reforms. Taking advantage of proposals for political reform in Britain, this article considers public reactions to a wide range of institutional changes. Using data from the 2011 British Social Attitudes survey, we find that direct democratic reforms are not the only changes that appeal to discontented citizens. [R, abr.]
68.4869 TAFLAGA, Marija —
The concept of semi-parliamentarianism provides a parsimonious classificatory description of Australian politics as it is really practiced. This concept encapsulates the tension in Australia's executive-legislative relations: balancing the government's requirement to maintain confidence only within the House of Representatives and the fact of the Senate's equally legitimate powers. In this way, semi-parliamentarianism pinpoints the distinction between the Australian and other parliamentary systems. This has implications for the practice of real-world politics because political actors conceptualize and fulfill their roles differently in each chamber. Further, the paper argues that the concept of semi-parliamentarianism reveals why a powerful upper chamber with equal legitimacy transforms politics into a form that is no longer recognizably parliamentary. Finally, the concept of semi-parliamentarism may facilitate a more comprehensive integration of Australian executive-legislative relations into international debates. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4858]
68.4870 WEALE, Albert —
Commenting on “Australian Bicameralism as Semi-Parliamentarianism”, this paper reconstructs the underlying justification of the issue-by-issue median as a rule of collective choice, a rule central to the theory of complex majoritarianism. In semi-parliamentary systems, this rule is institutionalized in parliamentary chambers that make law and policy by issue specific majorities. The comment questions whether it is necessary to balance the vision of complex majori-tarianism with the principle of simple majoritarianism, arguing that the values of identifiability, clarity of responsibility and stability are instrumental rather than intrinsic values. It notes further problems with semi-parliamentarianism as a two-chamber system. [R]
68.4871 WELLSTEAD, Adam M. —
Between 2006 and 2011, the Canadian Conservative government advocated the concept of ‘open federalism’, which sought to minimize the role of the federal government in areas falling under provincial jurisdiction. Environmental policy-making was particularly impacted with the passage of the highly contentious 2012 omnibus Jobs, Growth and Long-term Prosperity Act, commonly known as Bill C-38. This paper argues that environmental policy needs to ‘bring back federalism’ into the analysis. In order to do so, a mechanisms approach is employed and focuses on the role of both macro- and meso-level historical institutionalism mechanisms in explaining policy layering and policy dismantling during this period. [R]
68.4872
Articles by Jean-Eric GICQUEL, “The transparency and the autonomy of parliamentary assemblies”, pp. 7–22; Benoît DELAUNAY, “The transparency of economic life”, pp. 23–34; Emmanuel AUBIN, “Constitutional protection of administrative transparency”, pp. 35–46; Didier REBUT, “The Constitutional Council's check on administrative and penal sanctions linked with transparency in public life”, pp. 47–56.
(b) State, regional and local institutions/Institutions locales et rέgionales
68.4873 BACCOUCHE, Nέji —
La Constitution tunisienne de 2014 a optέ pour une Rέpublique dέcentralisέe. Son Art. 14 met à la charge de l'Etat l'obligation de renforcer la dέcentralisation et la mettre en œuvre sur l'ensemble du territoire dans le cadre de l'unitέ de l'Etat. La dέcentralisation n'est plus alors une simple organisation administrative ou une pure gestion par l'Etat de son territoire. It s'agit de la reconnaissance d'un vέritable pouvoir local diffέrent et sέparέ du pouvoir central moyennant une autonomie marquέe. Ce changement majeur fait suite à la Rέvolution de 2011 qui s'est traduite par une rupture constitutionnelle et politique avec l'ancien rέgime. La sέparation des pouvoirs n'est plus seulement horizontale. Elle est aussi verticale entre le pouvoir central et les collectivitέs territoriales qui, par dέfinition autonomes, devront s'autogouverner dans le cadre d'un Etat unitaire. [R, abr.]
68.4874 CHATTERTON, Paul, et al. —
This article reports on a research project, Leeds City Lab, that brought together partner organizations to explore the meanings and practices of co production in the context of urban change. Our intention is to offer a response to the crisis in urban governance by combining the growing academic and practitioner debates on co production and urban laboratories in order to explore radically different institutional personae that can respond to deficits in contemporary urban governance, especially relating to participation and disenfranchisement, and ultimately unlock improved ways of designing, managing and living in cities. Our analysis has identified four key ways in which co production labs can recast urban governance to more progressive ends: by moving beyond traditional organizational identities and working practices, embracing grey spaces of new civic interfaces, foregrounding emotions and power and committing to durable solutions. [R, abr.]
68.4875 FAN Qiuyan —
This research reviews and revisits the 14 local government websites to determine whether the GWS councils have improved their online services since 2009. The study has found that there have been significant developments and improvements in e-government services among the GWS councils, while these have been variable and in many cases there is scope for further improvement. This research is significant as a longitudinal evaluation can track the evolutionary paths of local e-government development and provides insights into the challenges and opportunities of e-government development at the local level in Australia. [R]
68.4876 GRIMALDI, Selena; VERCESI, Michelangelo —
This article focuses on Italian regional chief executives and investigates if and how the Italian regionalization process has affected regional chief executives' career trajectories. Our analysis is based on an original dataset on political careers of regional heads of government in Italy from 1970 to 2015. After presenting our two research expectations, we find that the direct election of regional presidents and the decentralization process have gone hand in hand with the selection of more regional political outsiders and visible politicians as well as with a higher integration between institutional levels in terms of career paths. [R]
68.4877 HAN Rongbin; JIA Linan —
[How] has the expansion of the internet transformed local governance in China? Through analysis of over 2000 leaked official emails from a district-level internet propaganda office, the article finds that the internet has served more as a tool to enhance control rather than to improve governance at the local level. In particular, local authorities have prioritized internet commentating tasks assigned from upper levels while keeping a close watch on negative publicity of both national and local problems. Their occasional responses to online complaints are often more likely meant to satisfy superiors and pacify the public rather than to address citizens' concerns. Such a “ruling by the internet” strategy may bring short-term gains such as preserving social stability on the surface, but may harm the regime in the long run with accumulated social dissatisfaction. [R]
68.4878 HEINELT, Hubert; MAGNER, Annick —
For about 20 years, a group of scholars organized into the standing groups on Local Government and Politics (LOGOPOL) of the European Consortium of Political Science (ECPR) and/or European urban research Association (EURA) have carried out surveys on political leaders performing different roles within local government (mayors, councilors and CEOs). The main aim of these surveys has been to shed light on issues such as values, policy priorities, behavior, role-definition, perception of self-influence, patterns of recruitment, leadership style or attitudes towards local government reforms of these political leaders. It has attempted to identify patterns of similarities and differences among these political leaders and the factors influencing them. This contribution depicts the trajectory and research approach of this joint endeavor as well as their main results. [R, abr.]
68.4879 HU Jieren; TU Yue; WU Tong —
The Chinese Communist Party faces a dilemma in local community governance, i.e., state intervention vs. community self-governance. Increased intervention violates its long-promoted social self-governance and undermines the regimes' credibility and legitimacy, while less intervention may add to the risk of social instability and collective actions at the local level. Therefore, selective intervention is applied by local government as a rational choice in community governance. This article explores the political rationale of local governments' selective intervention in community disputes in urban China. The authors argue that the type of community, the degree of homeowners' solidarity and the media exposure significantly affect the likelihood and degree of a local state's intervention as well as the local government's response in the disputeresolution. [R] [See Abstr. 68.5152]
68.4880 JOENSUU, Minna; NIIRANEN, Vuokko —
The rapid change of local government operating environment shapes the interaction between political leaders and public administrators, who work in the constant riptide of service responsiveness and economic pressure. We investigate the relationship between political leaders and public administrators in the local administration of social and health services. The patterns and pictures are examined empirically, with data gathered from strategic-level political leaders and public administrators in six Finnish local government organisations. The analysis applies multivariate methods. The results suggest that there are different groups among the political leaders. The differences are not based on political opinions, but rather on the attitudes towards the decision-making process, also the views on local government decision-making processes differ between the groups. [R, abr.]
68.4881 MANES ROSSI, Francesca; BRUSCA, Isabel; AVERSANO, Natalia —
Today expectations of accountability and trustworthiness in governing entities is greater than ever before. The process of change has been given impetus by new information and communication technologies resulting in e-government and e-democracy. This research analyzes transparency and democratic participation in Italian and Spanish LGs. The web pages of Italian and Spanish LGs with more than 100,000 inhabitants are analyzed using twenty determinants of fiscal transparency and eight determinants of e-democracy. Results show considerable similarity between Italian and Spanish LGs with regards to the disclosure of financial information, while the adoption of e-democracy tools requires further development in both countries. [R]
68.4882 McCABE, Barbara Coyle; PONOMARIOV, Branco; ESTRADA, Fabyan —
Accreditation, long used to signal quality among hospitals and universities, has been available to police, fire, and public works departments since the late 1980s. For public service departments, accreditation is a voluntary process that demands significant organizational resources without a guaranteed outcome. Why would city officials devote scarce resources to such an endeavor? Two explanations are examined. First, accreditation may be a rational response to a history of trouble or the potential for future crisis. Second, municipalities may use accreditation to build a reputation for professional administration of public services. The authors use Poisson regression to test these explanations on a new data-set of midsize cities. [R]
68.4883 MEDIR, Lluís; MAGRE, Jaume; TOMÀS, Mariona —
This article analyses Spanish mayors' perceptions on three areas of possible reforms currently on the local government agenda: re-scaling, amalgamations and metropolitanization. This study shows, on the one hand, a relative homogeneity regarding mayors' perceptions of reforms and, on the other hand, a consistent difference in the mayors' orientations from two groups of autonomous communities. The first ones acceded to the “fast track” decentralization process that unfolded in Spain since 1978, due to the pressure exerted by their political leaders; the second group acceded to autonomy in a later wave, equating the distribution of power in all the territories of the state. Specifically, it is found that homogeneity in responses is only apparent when the two groups of mayors are considered. [R, abr.]
68.4884 NAVARRO, Carmen; SANZ, Alberto —
Exploring patterns of political recruitment in Spanish local democracies allows us to look at some of the literature findings on this topic and check whether they also apply at the municipal level in Spain, enhancing in this way our understanding of who governs our cities, too. This article analyzes Spanish mayors' social profiles, their patterns of professionalization and their political ambitions, trying to address questions such as: do municipal leaders share a common background? Are they amateurs or professionals in politics? Is the municipal level the first stage of an identifiable political career of Spanish representatives? In responding to these questions, this paper draws on survey data from a representative sample of 303 mayors in municipalities with populations larger than 10 000 inhabitants. [R, abr.]
68.4885 NING Liu, et al. —
A lack of clear political commitment together with confusing rules and enforcement often characterize the institutional context of policy implementation and regulatory compliance in developing countries. By connecting such contextual features to existing models of policy implementation and regulatory compliance, we examine how regulatory factors are related to basic and proactive corporate environmental management practices in the Pearl River Delta region in China. Drawing on data derived from both a survey and in-depth interviews, we show that a perception of clear political commitment to environmental protection across multiple government levels and units is positively associated with business efforts in basic environmental practices, regardless of the specific enforcement intensity. [R, abr.]
68.4886 SALVADOR, Miquel; PANO, Esther —
This article reports evidence for, and reflects on, the connection between the figure of the Spanish mayor and their relations with both the municipal governments they head and the processes of transformation to which these governments are exposed. We first describe the profiles of Spanish mayors, with a prime focus on how they perceive their functions and the importance they attach to their role as managers of the local authority. [Then], we analyze the connection between these perceptions and the relations the mayors establish with the local authority (that is, the relations between politicians and public executives and governmental employees. Finally, based on the classifications made, the positions taken up by mayors in relation to various processes of government reform are determined. [R, abr.]
68.4887 SMITH, Rodney —
This response to Ganghof, Sebastian Eppner and Alexander Pörschke's (GEP's) [See Abstr. 68.4858] discusses the concept of semi-p challenging new account of government systems focuses on the extent to which their typology and arguments forces a reassessment of executive-legislature relations in Australia and particularly in New South Wales. First, I identify when and how different Australian governments might be claimed to have adopted their “semi-parliamentary” model. Second, I question their claim that NSW constitutes an “ideal type” case of semi-parliamentarism. Third, I explore the expectations of leading politicians in the 1970s about what would change following the reforms to the NSW Legislative Council (NSW LC). Fourth, I briefly explore the patterns of increased legislative activity and executive scrutiny exercised by the NSW LC after 1978, arguing that they are consistent with GEP's concept of semi-parliamentarism. I conclude that semi-parliamentarism in NSW has been an accidental, unconscious development. [R, abr.]
68.4888 VALLBΈ, Joan-Josep; IGLESIAS, Ángel —
Taking on an institutional perspective, the most common model combines an endogenous and exogenous origin of leaders' notions of democracy. The theory assumes that both local institutional arrangements and personal characteristics may have an impact on the way local leaders perceive democracy and behave. However, while some evidence supports the exogenous aspect of this theory), the impact of local institutional arrangements on leaders' notions of democracy has received more limited empirical support. We provide a model of endogenous and exogenous factors on local elites' notions of democracy. In particular, we show that local leaders' political experience endogenizes the effect of ideology on their notions of democracy and on their support to democratic reforms. We test our model using survey data from a sample of mayors in Spanish municipalities and find empirical support for our model. [R, abr.]
68.4889 WANG Shu —
How state-imposed tax and expenditure limits (TELs) affect municipal revenues depends on both the terms the limits and the municipal revenue level. The majority of TEL literature assumes that the same TELs have the same stringency for municipalities with varying property tax efforts. I construct a “TEL gap” measure that accounts for different maximum allowable rate for property tax growth across states and incorporates different levels of the actual levies across municipalities within a state. Using a sample of 100 large cities in the US from 1995 to 2011, this study examines the effects of TELs on revenue reliance by source and shows that cities with more restrictive TELs do not have higher reliance on non-property-tax revenues. In a sample that includes only cities with TELs, the results suggest that cities subject to more restrictive TELs rely more on sales taxes and less on user fees. [R]