Abstract
70.271 BALIBAR, Étienne —
Relying on his previous inquiries, the author discusses theories of “consciousness” which were elaborated almost simultaneously by Locke and Spinoza, as a reaction against the Cartesian doctrine of self-certainty. Because of their remarkable analogies and their sharp antithesis, they illustrate a “point of heresy” which, even today, intrinsically divides any project of framing a “psychology” or “philosophy of mind”. [R] [See Abstr. 70.304]
70.272 BARKER, Chris —
This article pays close attention to Michel Foucault’s theory that political regimes are enlightened through courageous free speech. A Foucauldian enlightenment occurs not when philosophical reason completely replaces superstition and enthusiasm in the public sphere, but instead when the parrhesiast partially organizes competing claims to know and to speak the truth. While much of the recent scholarly literature on Foucault’s later lectures emphasizes the political importance of the parrhesiast, less attention has been paid to the overlap and/or incompatibility between parrhesia and the other modes of truth-telling. Below, I explain Foucault’s analysis of the basic modes of philosophical truth-telling: prophesy, philosophy, teaching, and parrhesia. I provide examples of speakers working within these modes in the ancient and modern world. [R, abr.]
70.273 BLACKLEDGE, Paul —
This essay explores the place of electoral politics within Marxist political theory through the lens of a critique of August Nimtz’s two-volume study of Lenin’s electoral politics. The problem of how the Marxist left should relate to electoral politics has come to the fore in recent years. Nimtz’s study [Lenin’s Electoral Strategy from Marx and Engels Through the Revolution of 1905, Palgrave, 2014; Lenin’s Electoral Strategy from 1907 to the October Revolution of 1917, Palgrave, 2014] of Lenin’s practical and theoretical engagement with this subject is a welcome and timely intervention. However, Nimtz’s interpretation of the relationship between strategy and tactics in Lenin’s thought and the position of elections therein can be challenged, as paper does through a discussion of Lenin’s notebooks on C. von Clausewitz. [R, abr.]
70.274 BLAU, Adrian —
This essay defends deliberative democracy by reviving a largely forgotten idea of corruption, which I call “cognitive corruption” — the distortion of judgment. I analyze different versions of this idea in the work of N. Machiavelli, Th. Hobbes, J. Bentham, and J. S. Mill. Historical analysis also helps me rethink orthodox notions of corruption in two ways: I define corruption in terms of public duty rather than public office, and I argue that corruption can be both by and for political parties. In deliberative democracy, citizens can take off their party hats and may be more influenced by the force of the better argument than in party democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 70.203]
70.275 BOVE, Laurent —
In the freedom to philosophize is, for Spinoza, a necessary condition for the peace of the republic and, within it, the exercise of piety, there is also, in the Theological-Political Treatise, a condition of this condition: namely, taking into account the social, historical, and anthropological need of the theological-political complex: hence the importance of the link between the theological and political in which Spinoza indicates both the knot of a problem and also the proper union will have to design its solution. [R] [See Abstr. 70.304]
70.276 BRITO VIEIRA, Mónica, et al. —
Critical exchange on Kennan FERGUSON’s “Silence: A Politics” [ibid. 2(1), March 2003: 49-65; Abstr. 53.5725]
70.277 BRUN, Lídia —
What constitutes the GDP? What information does it provide and what does it omit? Does it determine how we measure our political decisions’ economic activity? What brings us to this contemporary obsession with maximizing a measure whose technical construction is the result of a series of somewhat random decisions? The answers to these questions are the proposal of David Pilling’s book The Growth Delusion [Bloomsbury, 2018], which the author of this article uses to argue that the GDP, as a fruit of industrial capitalism, is an imperfect measure of a society’s well-being, and misleading when it comes to its economic activity. The article argues that it is necessary to give more political weight to alternative indicators.
70.278 BRUNO-JOFRÉ, Rosa —
This paper explores the reception of J. Dewey’s ideas on democracy and education in Latin America from the beginning of the twentieth century through the "long 1960s" (1958-1974). The analysis is framed by a dynamic interplay between the local, regional, and supranational. To bring empirical specificity to Dewey’s "translations," the author discusses Dewey’s uptake in two political settings, in 1920s Chile and postrevolutionary Mexico, and two cases of Christian adaptation of Dewey’s theories. The long 1960s signaled an epistemic shift in conceptions of education and social transformation. Dewey was not embraced while Paulo Freire and Ivan Illich became the referents. [R]
70.279 BRUYNEEL, Kevin, et al. —
The contributors to this critical exchange reflect on the nature of emancipatory struggle and its relationship with academic boycott and Palestinian liberation. [R]
70.280 BUCHSTEIN, Hubertus —
Otto Kirchheimer’s biographical episode with the Frankfurt School group in exile from 1937 to 1943 exemplifies both the failure of interdisciplinary collaboration at the Institute of Social Research (ISR) and the inability of its members to develop a joint theoretical perspective on political phenomena. Kirchheimer’s works present a counter-model to the interpretation of Max Horkheimer and the inner circle of the group of modern mass democracy being an integrative regime of instrumental reason. Kirchheimer refused to accept such abstract and general interpretations. In his works at the ISR, he accentuated the unequal power recourses of conflicting social groups and different institutional mechanisms to regulate these conflicts politically. This approach made his work interesting for authors of a later generation of Critical Theory like Jürgen Habermas or Claus Offe and is still relevant today. [R]
70.281 BUSEKIST, Astrid von —
This article argues that Karl Renner’s multinational model for the Austrian-Hungarian Empire is an alternative model for contemporary aterritorial, multinational and federal arrangements. Nations, in his view, should act as intermediary bodies between the relevant communities and the state. His concept of “subjective public law” combines principles that most authors find mutually exclusive: individual rights, choice over one’s national cultural membership, non-territorial administration of national communities and overseeing of equal collective rights by the state. Neither Staatsnation nor Kulturnation, the model is a combination of the two under the auspices of a federal state combined with a strong theory of individual and collective rights. I provide the reader with a comprehensive intellectual biography of Karl Renner, as I argue that an understanding of the man himself, his political pragmatism and his statism are crucial to comprehending this theoretical position. [R, abr.]
70.282 COLLINS, Gregory M. —
In Natural Right and History [1953], Leo Strauss accused Edmund Burke of being ignorant of the nobility of last-ditch resistance; defending a conception of history that set the path for historicism; and discarding a vision of politics as it ought to be. By separating philosophy from politics, Burke, according to Strauss, helped lay the intellectual foundation for modern political ideologies. While a number of scholars have attempted to vindicate or refute Strauss’ criticisms through textual exegesis, my article aims to lay a sharper emphasis on particular historical episodes of Burke’s political life in which his political thought and statesmanship calls into question Strauss’ interpretations. I argue, moreover, that Burke’s legislative activities retain a closer resemblance to Strauss’ conception of classical statesmanship than Strauss suggests in Natural Right and History. [R, abr.]
70.283 COPELLO, David —
This article deals with the transatlantic circulations of the theory of “rupture strategy”, popularized by French lawyer Jacques Vergès in the early 1960s. In the early 1970s, the concept was imported and adapted to the Argentinean context by radical left-wing lawyers. Their uses of rupture strategy were modelled by their perception of Argentina as being a “semi-colonized” country, whose situation was comparable to that of Algeria. In the 1980s however, in a context of democratization, the same lawyers reassessed their uses of “Vergesian” vocabulary and progressively renounced rupture strategy, while still maintaining a critique of liberal penal law. The article shows that the reception of Vergès’ theory must be understood as a dynamic process, in which the permanent interaction and the contradictory evolution of two different contexts (context of reception and context of origin), interfere with the continued importation of rupture strategy. [R] [See Abstr. 70.1166]
70.284 CORCORAN, Paul —
John Stuart Mill devoted much of his life to developing a ‘science of morality’ to enhance the social, moral and intellectual character of individuals and society as a whole. His liberal aspirations included the reform of legal and political institutions according to utilitarian principles and consistent with personal liberty, and the development of a diverse and creative culture. Paradoxically, Mill, the liberal optimist, was also a pessimist about achieving these goals. This article argues that Mill’s pessimism reveals an intellectual depth and forthright political realism about England’s parliamentary democracy and the political and cultural consequences of growing affluence and social equality. Mill’s critiques of liberalism and socialism in their original emergence point the way to explaining why his ideas remain provocative and profoundly illuminating in contemporary debates concerning multiculturalism and human rights. [R]
70.285 DIEFENBACH, Thomas —
More than 100 years ago, Robert Michels laid out his theory of the “iron law of oligarchy” [Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy (transl. 1915, original edition 1911)]. The main, and crucial, point Michels made is that oligarchy will always emerge; even in the case of genuine attempts to organize and run organizations in non-oligarchic or non-hierarchical ways, the iron law allegedly holds sway. This paper critically examines, and refutes, Michels’ theory on theoretical and methodological grounds. It argues that his theory is in many ways insufficient and that his dictum of the unavoidability of oligarchization is not as compelling and cogent as stereotypical references to it might imply. Moreover, the paper shows that alternative/democratic organizations actually have a whole range of means to avoid oligarchization. [R]
70.286 DUKE, George —
The ultimate human end, on Aristotelian assumptions, is eudaimonia. The normative structure of Aristotle’s constitutional theory — with its conception of the best regime as an ideal and appeal to the common advantage as a criterion for distinguishing correct and deviant constitutions — suggests a progressive stance towards the correction of political injustice. The overall attitude towards the reform of constitutions and laws which emerges from the Nicomachean Ethics and Politics is nonetheless cautious and conservative. This article considers the motivations for this circumspection and argues that it reflects both the importance of habituation to the effective functioning of law and a recognition of the limits of law’s capacity to promote human flourishing and virtue. [R, abr.]
70.287 ELLISON, E. John —
Law, often neglected in treatments of the Republic, is essential to the philosopher-kings’ rule. Only law accomplishes the partial divinization of citizens at which philosophical politics aims. Socrates’ interrogation of Thrasymachus and Glaucon reveals law to be a command whereby citizens participate in philosophical knowledge and limit the pleonexia congenital to humanity. Law does so primarily by instilling in souls a true opinion resistant to pleonectic passion, producing a state of political virtue. This primary work is supported by the musical and poetical education, itself shaped by law for the sake of law. Law persuades and compels the soul by appealing to both reason and spiritedness, enabling them to overcome the appetites. [R, abr.]
70.288 FADEL, Mohammad —
The ideals that gave rise to Daesh are not so much those of pre-modern Sunni Islam, including Salafism, as they are the ideals that post-colonial Arab states have propagated since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. In contravention to long-established ideals of Islamic law, post-colonial Arab states have attempted to legitimate their own despotisms through a formal commitment to a certain kind of Islamic normativity. Inasmuch as Islam provides a ready political discourse to resist despotism, it is unsurprising that pan-Arab “Islamist” movements have made resistance to despotism their central concern. Daesh, however, rejects the antidespotic politics of modern pan-Arab and “Islamist” political movements and instead offers a despotic and apocalyptic religious conception of the political that is as far from the Sunni mainstream as the political despotisms of the post-colonial Arab states. [R, abr.] [First article of special section on “Graeme Wood’s The Way of the Strangers: Encounters with the Islamic State [Random House, 2017]”. See also Abstr. 70.291, 300, 314; and the reply By G. WOOD, Abstr. 70.336]
70.289 GHINS, Arthur —
This article claims that public opinion can be taken as an index of Constant’s liberalism. It follows Constant’s shifting views on public opinion from his republican beginnings to his mature liberalism of the second restoration. It shows how Constant came to consecrate the preeminence of public opinion over political authority, and how, during the restoration years, he started envisaging public opinion as a pluralist space of diverging opinions, thereby parting ways with a French tradition that conceived of public opinion as a unanimous entity. The fact that this move towards pluralism occurred so late invites us to reconsider not only the chronology of Constant’s liberalism, which is often said to originate in the Principles of Politics (1806). It also questions his position as a champion of pluralism within a French political tradition known for its collectivist tendencies. [R, abr.]
70.290 GUNN, Paul —
In Against Democracy [Princeton U. P., 2016], Jason Brennan argues that public ignorance undermines the legitimacy of democracy because, to the extent that ignorant voters make bad policy choices, they harm their own and one another’s interests. The solution, he thinks, is epistocracy, which would leave policy decisions largely in the hands of socialscientific experts or voters who pass tests of political knowledge. However, Brennan fails to explain why we should think that these putative experts are sufficiently knowledgeable to avoid making errors as damaging as those made by voters. Given the strong link between political knowledge and ideological dogmatism, as well as the tendency of social scientists to disagree with one another, the case for epistocracy is deeply implausible, at best. [R, abr.]
70.291 HERTOG, Steffen —
Graeme Wood’s The Way of the Strangers [Encounters with the Islamic State, Random House, 2017] gets as close as is humanly possible to an ethnography of recruiters and sympathizers of the Islamic State. Contrary to much writing on radical Islamism, Wood convincingly shows that the Islamic State’s ideas — rooted in a literalist reading of ancient Islamic sources — are central in motivating many of the movement’s followers. His accounts of individual adherents also suggest, however, that ideas are not the only factor, as certain personality traits influence who is attracted to radical Islamist movements. [R] [See Abstr. 70.288]
70.292 HILLEBRECHT, Courtney, et al. —
Since their emergence in the late eighteenth century, doctrines of universal individual rights have been variously criticized as philosophically confused, politically inefficacious, ideologically particular, and Eurocentric. Nevertheless, today the discourse of universal human rights is more internationally widespread and influential than ever. In Evidence for Hope, leading international relations scholar Kathryn Sikkink argues that this is because human rights laws and institutions work. Sikkink rejects the notion that human rights are a Western imposition and points to a wide range of evidence that she claims demonstrates the effectiveness of human rights in bringing about a world that is appreciably improved in many ways from what it was previously. We have invited a broad range of scholars to assess Sikkink’s challenging claims. [R]
70.293 HVIDSTEN, Andreas H. —
The renaissance of classical realism in IR has highlighted the close historical and conceptual connection between realism and liberalism. I consider an underexplored epistemological dimension of this connection using Karl Mannheim’s Ideology and Utopia [Routledge, 1997] — an influential work for classical IR realists and an important treatise on political theory in its own right. Based on Mannheim’s argument, I make the case that (a certain kind of) liberalism is the telos of (a certain kind of) realism: that the natural endpoint of the inherent logic of realism is a form of liberalism. I argue that completing the epistemological and political critique that leads to realism by also putting the realist position itself under (self-)examination, unearths a liberal outlook as its foundation. [R, abr.]
70.294 IMMERFALL, Stefan —
Stein Rokkan, a leading promoter of international social sciences, was one of the most productive contributors to macro-historical comparative sociology. This article seeks to demonstrate his continuing relevance for analyzing European integration processes, even though the European Union of today is very different from the European Community of 1979, the year of Rokkan’s untimely death. The article perceives the European Union as a new stage in center building. Following Rokkan’s developmental typology, European integration is contrasted with processes, structures and conflicts in European nation building. Two particular problems of the European Union are identified: (1) an imbalance of the "the right to root" and the "right to option", and (2) deficiencies in boundary building and internal structuring of national conflicts. [R]
70.295 INBAR, Avner —
Rousseau’s moral psychology has traditionally been understood to rest on a distinction between two kinds of self-love: the good and natural amour de soi and the bad and artificial amour-propre. Over the past three decades, however, this understanding has given way to a novel account, premised on the idea that amour-propre is in essence an ethically neutral desire for recognition. The aim of this article is to defend the classic interpretation of amour-propre against this revisionist reading. It suggests, moreover, that since amour-propre is the source of the predicament that Rousseau seeks to alleviate in his political theory, this rehabilitation of amour-propre — the claim that amour-propre is not necessarily socially disruptive — muddles our understanding of Rousseau’s political project. [R]
70.296 IRELAND, David —
“Marx on tax” as an effective antidote to inequality is an overlooked theme within his own output, but also for our own time. Marx theorizing on tax is seen even by pre-eminent Marxists as an empty box, but Marx and Engels in fact had plenty to say about tax. Their coverage embraces progressive taxes, both on capital and income, a strong preference for direct over indirect taxation, inheritance tax, land-value tax, taxes on financial transactions, and state finances around the world. Tax also provides the battleground for a rare sight of Marx as campaigning activist, in 1848, matched in the same period by close ally Wilhelm Wolff. The tax policies of Marx and Engels have been neglected because they are primarily to be found in their journalism and letters. They are no anachronistic curiosity but perfectly applicable to the income and wealth inequalities of our own era. [R]
70.297 JAMES, Samuel —
This article offers a reinterpretation of the origins and character of the socalled “Cambridge School” in the history of political thought by reconstructing the intellectual background to J. G. A. Pocock’s 1962 essay “The History of Political Thought: A Methodological Enquiry” [In Peter Laslett, W. G. Runciman, eds., Philosophy, Politics and Society: Second Series, Basil Blackwell, 1962: 183-202], typically regarded as the first statement of a “Cambridge” approach. I argue that neither linguistic philosophy nor the celebrated work of Peter Laslett exerted a major influence on Pocock’s work between 1948 and 1962. Instead, I emphasize the importance of Pocock’s interest in the history of historiography and of his doctoral supervisor, Herbert Butterfield. By placing Pocock’s intellectual development in these contexts, I suggest, the autonomy of diverse versions of the “Cambridge” approach can more readily be perceived. [R] [See also J. G. A. POCOCK’s reply, pp. 99-103]
70.298 JAQUET, Chantal —
The subordination of religion to the state takes the form of an accommodation in Spinoza’s Theological-Political Treatise. In Chap. XIX, Spinoza often uses the Latin verb accommodare to describe their relationship and one can ask what does it means. The paper analyzes the nature and the figures of the theologico-political accommodations, their conveniences and limits in order to preserve the peace of republic. [R] [See Abstr. 70.304]
70.299 JOHNSON, Joel A. —
In George Orwell’s 1984 [1049], the poet Ampleforth observes that “the whole history of English poetry has been determined by the fact that the English language lacks rhymes.” In this article I connect Ampleforth’s observation to Orwell’s many other writings on language and political control and then show how Orwell’s discussion of poetry’s resistance to political manipulation enhances A. de Tocqueville’s and E. Burke’s accounts of totalitarianism. Specifically, Orwell illustrates how an easily “rhyming” polity is particularly vulnerable to totalitarian politics, while a society containing considerable disorder in its language and politics can be strongly resistant to such tyranny. [R]
70.300 JUERGENSMEYER, Mark —
Social science seldom takes religion seriously. Graeme Wood shows the folly of this neglect in The Way of the Strangers [Encounters with the Islamic State, Random House, 2017], his portrayal of the apocalyptic religious ideas held by some of the most ardent ISIS followers. The actions and devotion of members of the Islamic State cannot be understood without grasping what Wood is telling us. Still, a central question remains: Do these religious ideas inevitably lead to violence? Here the jury is still out, since a focus solely on religion, without the socio-political context, can give a skewed perspective on the motives of this violent politico-religious movement. [R] [See Abstr. 70.288]
70.301 KHACHATURIAN, Rafael —
This article examines the interdisciplinary movement to “bring the state back in,” advanced during the 1980s by the Committee on States and Social Structures. Drawing on the Committee’s archives at the Social Science Research Council, I show that its influential neo-Weberian conception of the state was developed in dialogue with earlier neo- Marxist debates about the capitalist state. However, its interpretation of neo-Marxism as a class reductive and functionalist variant of “grand theory” also created a narrative that marginalized the latter’s contributions to the literature on the state. This displacement had lasting consequences, for while neo-Marxist approaches had provided a critical perspective on the relationship between the social sciences and the state, the Committee’s narrative had a depoliticizing effect on this subject matter. [R, abr.]
70.302 KIRBY, James —
The jurist A. V. Dicey’s study of the Law of the Constitution (1885) has been since its publication the dominant analysis of the British constitution and the source of orthodoxy on such subjects as parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. This canonical status has obscured the originality of Dicey’s ideas in the history of legal and political thought. Dicey reworked the traditional idea of sovereignty into two separate concepts — legal and political sovereignty — in order to square the common law notion of the sovereignty of parliament with the democratic idea of the sovereignty of the people. He forged a new concept — “the rule of law” — to explain the legal basis of liberty in common law countries in a manner that was both Benthamite and constitutionalist. Finally, he provided a democratic and anti-federalist rationale for maintaining the Union of Great Britain and Ireland. [R, abr.]
70.303 LAMB, Peter —
H. Laski argued for international functionalism from his distinctive socialist perspective. He opposed the existing international system based on the principle of state sovereignty. He also criticized the international federalism proposed as an alternative to the existing system. Although Laski began to devise and present his functionalist case in the 1920s, the circumstances of the following decade led him to adopt and adapt some Marxist ideas and to place less emphasis on functionalism. During and after the Second World War he reconsidered the possibilities for international functional organization. Although fragmented and undeveloped, his functionalist theory was innovative. By the end of the 1940s he had expressed it in a variety of publications as he reflected on the international conditions of that decade. [R, abr.]
70.304 LAUX, Henri —
Spinoza’s Christ makes no claim to any power in the state; his teaching is moral in nature. However, it does touch on politics when it deals with the liberty of citizens, with justice, and with how religious justice, and with how religion should respect public law. Moreover, by the exemplary quality of his life and death, he has made a desire for unrestricted social fellowship available to humanity’s collective memory. It is thus through the diffusion of this ethic in the course of history that he is in the profoundest sense political. [R] [Part of a special issue on “Spinoza, politique et religion (Spinoza, politics and religion)". See also Abstr. 70.271, 275, 298]
70.305 LAWSON, George —
Forty years after its publication, Theda Skocpol’s States and Social Revolutions [Cambridge U. P., 1979] remains the pre-eminent book in the study of revolutions. This essay reviews Skocpol’s contribution to three main issue-areas: theory, structural approaches and the international. It argues that, rich as it has been, the research agenda initiated by States and Social Revolutions has run its course. It cannot respond effectively to the different contexts within which revolutions emerge and the diverse forms they take. Its bifurcation between structure and agency cannot capture the relational character of revolutionary action. And, despite its concern for the international components of revolutions, States and Social Revolutions cannot accommodate the ways in which revolutions are “intersocial” all the way down. A new Skocpol is needed for a new age of revolutions. [R]
70.306 LeMOINE, Rebecca —
After a long discussion in which the foreign sophist Hippias proves unable to define the beautiful, Plato’s Hippias Major ends with Socrates proclaiming he has benefited from their conversation for he now understands the proverb “beautiful things are difficult”. To make sense of this puzzling conclusion, I argue that we must connect Socrates’ claim to have “benefited” from conversing with Hippias to the dialogue’s opening discussion on why it would be “more beneficial” for the Spartans to allow Hippias to educate them. Investigating this link, it becomes clear that the dialogue aims to critique the Spartan ban on foreign education. [R]
70.307 LI Zhuoyao —
Sungmoon Kim’s pragmatic Confucian democracy tries to provide a mediating position between the instrumental model and the intrinsic model of democracy. However, this model of Confucian democracy is problematic because it fails to justify the unique role Confucianism plays in accommodating democracy when it is one among many comprehensive doctrines in East Asia. To be truly pragmatic about democracy is to hold a pluralistic attitude toward how people will come to terms with it. This article aims to push the pragmatic tendency further and propose an alternative model of democracy that has a multivariate structure, a neutral state, and an active public role for Confucianism. This multivariate model represents a more promising future for democracy in East Asia. [R] [See KIM Sungmoon, “Reasonable pluralism and pragmatic Confucian democracy: reply to Li”, pp. 485-491, and the author’s response, “Confucianism and democracy: a response to Sungmoon Kim”, pp. 493-497.]
70.308 LINDSAY, Adam —
The prevailing interpretation of constituent power is taken to be the extrainstitutional capacity of a group, typically “the people”, to establish or revise the basic constitutional conditions of a state. Among many contemporary democratic theorists, this is understood as a collective capacity for innovation. This paper excavates an alternative perspective from constituent power’s genealogy. I argue that constituent power is not a creative material power, but is a type of political claim that shapes the collective rights, responsibilities, and identity of “the people.” I do so by recovering Th. Hobbes’s intervention into debates over constituent power among Scottish Presbyterians during the English Civil War. Though a materialist, Hobbes appreciated the centrality of the imagination to politics, and he argued that constituent power was one such phantasm of the mind. [R, abr.]
70.309 LITVIN, Boris —
Rousseau’s interpreters often disagree over whether the Emile prepares its protagonist for membership in the Social Contract’s political community or presents him as an alternative to it. I argue that such attempts to determine the compatibility of Rousseau’s different “projects” obscures his broader engagement with his contemporary popular audiences — particularly those associated with the theater and the novel — and the political implications therein. In contrast to the above debate, I argue that in Emile Rousseau attempts to shape readers in distinct and crucial ways. Emile intervenes into the underlying communicative dynamics that need to obtain for Rousseau’s conception of collective self-legislation. It shifts between the theatrical and novelistic generic conventions identified in his prior engagements with popular audiences, thus generating a reading experience that orients readers to continuously revisit their constitution as a collective audience. [R, abr.]
70.310 LLOYD, Moya —
This article focuses on J. Rancière’s reflections on A. Jaar’s The Rwanda Project [Actar, 1998] in the context of wider discussions of the politics of naming the dead. Against the claim that his reflections reveal a depoliticizing, universalist commitment to naming all the dead, it contends that foregrounding the relation between naming and counting in this discussion shows Rancière’s focus to be the policing and politics of naming. In an original argument, it focuses specifically on how, for Rancière, in this context, individualized proper names function politically and dissensually. To do so it explores (1) Rancière’s analysis of the role of the mainstream media during the Rwandan genocide in perpetuating the police order (or order of grievability) which divided nameable individuals from anonymous masses, thereby constituting living and dead Rwandans as of little or no account, and (2) his account of how Jaar’s art is able to disrupt the ‘partition of the sensible’ underpinning this count. [R, abr.]
70.311 NASH, Stephen John ; NASH, Sebastian St. John Xavier ; RYBAK, Liza Joan —
J. Locke builds a world that has benefits and costs. While economics has illustrated the benefits, this work illustrates the costs, by contrasting Two Treatises of Civil Government [1689] to the work of Aristotle. Generally, the cost one must bear from entering the world that Locke built is a compression of human experience, where qualitative equality of all things is asserted to exist. More importantly, a trivialization of all the outcomes, which emanate from all human decisions, must accompany the equality that Locke asserts. Even though Locke provides the elementary operating system for modern economics, through his proposition of the principle of qualitative equality, this operating system effectively divorces man, not only from nature but also from the very thing with which man has always used to interpret the natural world; works of great literature. [R, abr.]
70.312 NIGIANNI, Panagiota —
I offer a critical analysis of the spatial cultures of modern Athens through the urban portraits presented in three fictive stories by Vangelis Raptopoulos — “At the Bottom of the Sea” (Sto Vytho), “One-Way Street” (Monodromos), and “Long-Distance Call” (Yperastiko) — from his 1995 collection “In Pieces” (Kommatakia). I argue that by constructing firstperson fictive narratives, written in confessional prose, Raptopoulos problematizes the notion of subjectivity in its varying relationships to modern urban and spatial cultures. My main focus is on the practice of subjective recitations of urban space in view of the narrator’s experiences of imaginative and physical spatial appropriation. I argue that these experiences and the fragmentary style, through which they are conveyed in the stories, are an incisive critique of the official planning practices of urban public space and prescribed practices of spatial mobility. [R, abr.]
70.313 OKADA, Takuya —
In Chapter 34 of Leviathan, Hobbes developed an original philological analysis of “spirit”. Despite the uniqueness of this analysis, modern Hobbes scholars have shown little interest in it, without adding much to the common knowledge that it is one implication of his materialism. However, this peculiar philological interpretation deserves attention, as it reflects various important factors and tackles delicate and complex issues. This article examines the interpretative, theoretical and political aspects of Hobbes’s philological analysis to identify its distinctive features and to explain why he developed it for the first time in Leviathan. [R]
70.314 OWEN, J. Judd —
Graeme Wood’s The Way of the Strangers [Encounters with the Islamic State, Random House, 2017] suggests that many scholars have denied or downplayed the Islamic State’s own account of its emphatically religious foundation. This tendency is heir to the Enlightenment strategy of defanging illiberal religion by claiming that only religions conforming to liberal principles are genuinely religious — raising anew questions that arose at the dawn of liberalism, in the wake of the Wars of Religion. [R] [See Abstr. 70.288]
70.315 PALONEN, Kari —
This article is a thought experiment. It constructs ideal types of political representation in the sense of Max Weber. Inspired by Quentin Skinner and others, the aim is to give a rhetorical turn to contemporary debates on representation. The core idea is to claim an “elective affinity” (Wahlverwandschaft, as M. Weber says following Goethe) between forms of representation and rhetorical genres of their justification. The four ideal types of political representation are designated as plebiscitary, diplomatic, advocatory, and parliamentary, corresponding to the epideictic, negotiating, forensic, and deliberative genres of rhetoric as the respective ways to plausibly appeal to the audience. I discuss historical approximations of each type of representation and apply the combination of representation and rhetorical genres to the understanding of the EU’s unconventional system of “separation of powers”. [R, abr.]
70.316 PALTIELI, Guy —
This paper focuses on the role solitude played in John Stuart Mill’s political thought. By doing so, it challenges contemporary appropriations of Mill’s thought by participatory, deliberative and epistemic theories of democracy. Mill considered solitude to be contrary to political participation and public debate, but nonetheless regarded it as essential for democracy and for intellectual progress. Since the early 1830s Mill began developing an idea of solitude while simultaneously forming a particular kind of a democratic model which I refer to as “imperfect democracy”. According to this model, democracy is restrained by nondemocratic elements which offer a contrary spirit and are not incorporated by democracy. [R, abr.]
70.317 PATTY, John W. ; PENN, Elizabeth Maggie —
Kenneth J. Arrow was one of the most important intellectuals of the 20th c, and his “impossibility theorem” is arguably the starting point of modern, axiomatic social choice theory. We discuss Arrow’s theorem and subsequent work that extended the result. We then discuss its implications for voting and constitutional systems, including a number of seminal results — both positive and negative — that characterize what such systems can accomplish and why. We then depart from this narrow interpretation of the result to consider more varied institutional design questions such as apportionment and geographical districting. Following this, we address the theorem’s implications for measurement of concepts of fundamental interest to political science such as justice and inequality. Finally, we address current work applying social choice concepts and the axiomatic method to data-analysis more generally. [R]
70.318 POINTON, Daniel —
Closed Material Procedures (CMPs) are widely considered to be unjust. In his influential A Theory of Justice, J. Rawls sets out that trials must be fair and open, and that such precepts of natural justice ensure the impartiality of the legal order. I argue that whilst this commits Rawls to a rejection of the permissibility of CMPs, he is not right to do so, and his theory does not require him to do so. Firstly, the conception of natural justice upon which Rawls bases his view of open justice is not so strict as to demand this so long as the legal system ensures a sufficient gist of the closed material is provided. Secondly, it is plausible that individuals in Rawls’ original position, would select CMPs due to the role security and stability play in a just state. [R, abr.]
70.319 POWER, Catherine R. —
Despite its immense popularity at the time of publication in the 1730s, the Marquis d’Argens’s (Jean-Baptiste de Boyer) Lettres juives is largely overlooked by contemporary political theorists and the history of political thought. The Lettres’ contribution is noteworthy in its multilayered literary presentation incorporating many of the polemics and paradoxes of Enlightenment ideas. It is also significant as an early example of one way that post-Christian thought made use of imagined Jews and Judaism to articulate, debate, and popularize philosophical and political ideas. I submit that d’Argens appropriated Christian figural Judaism in the service of secular philosophical inquiry. D’Argens’s imagined “Jew in speech” proved to be a fertile ground upon which to conceptualize and debate post-Christian ideas about human nature and secular politics that subsequent diverse thinkers would make use of in the centuries that followed. [R]
70.320 PRŠÍN, Marek —
The modern history of the Western nation-states shows that the success of democratisation ultimately depended on the independence of the state-building centres and the territorial integrity of the states. With regard to these assumptions, the Rokkanian categories, especially the centre formation and external boundary building, seem to be plausible for a historical-sociological analysis of the conditions for processes of democratisation in modern Central and Eastern Europe. Due to its ethnic fragmentation, this region seems unsuitable for the consolidation of national states. Given its geographical position, between the Western world and Russia, it is indeed to be questioned whether the nation-state, which is considered a precondition for democracy, can survive at all in this region. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 70.1178]
70.321 QERIMI, Qerim —
This article articulates legal and practical discourse that seek to apply and extend the classic cosmopolitan ideals of Immanuel Kant to the evolving practice and reality of the 21st c. Kantian cosmopolitanism is reinterpreted by way of conjoining the classic cosmopolitan moral and normative principles of universal freedom, human worth and global justice to emerging and actual contemporaneous constitution-making trends such as using international or comparative foreign models as a basis for constitutional design, using international law and foreign domestic law in national constitutional interpretation, or using regional or international bodies of adjudication and their jurisprudence as a constitutionally mandated source of law. The outlined framework seeks to transcend the occasional historical setbacks and skeptical objections to cosmopolitanism, while admitting their continuous, albeit gradually unobtrusive presence. [R, abr.]
70.322 ROBERTS, William Clare —
When Marx dissected the capitalist economy and intervened in the international workers’ movement, he did so in the service of freeing people from alien, uncontrolled power. His political project was the realization of what he called the social republic, and his theoretical project was to identify the forces that promote or retard this political project. In order to bring out the specificity and cogency of the socialrepublican Marx, this essay uproots the positive-freedom reading that has overgrown the edifice of his thought. Marx certainly hoped for “real freedom”, which is a sort of self-realization. He also hoped for a sort of collective self-determination. And he thought that collective selfdetermination was a prerequisite for general self-realization. But Marx also thought that generalized freedom from domination was a prerequisite for collective self-determination. [R]
70.323 RUBINELLI, Lucia —
Early 20th-c. German reflections on the intersection between law and politics have been the object of extensive historical analysis. Especially C. Schmitt’s realism and H. Kelsen’s positivism have often been taken to instantiate two irreconcilable epistemological poles. Yet little attention has been paid to thinkers who, being at the crossroad of different intellectual traditions, operated within this dichotomy while trying to avoid its most caricatural features. One of these figures is the Italian constitutional theorist Costantino Mortati. While introducing his life and oeuvre to the Anglophone public, this article argues that his work should be read as an attempt to make sense of law’s relationship to politics that, although similar to Schmitt’s realism, avoids its more pernicious outcomes. [R]
70.324 SAGAR, Paul —
Over the past two decades, Philip Pettit has consistently argued for an understanding of “republican” liberty in terms of nondomination. Yet in his major published studies, he has almost nothing to say about markets, nor about the economy more generally. I contend that this is a seriously problematic omission, insofar as markets represent a major problem for republican views of freedom. In short: if freedom requires the absence of the mere possibility of arbitrary interference (as Pettit maintains), then the widespread existence of markets indicates that on a republican view the vast majority of people in the world today exist in the dominated position of slaves. As a result, Pettit cannot adopt the “complacency” towards market transactions that he officially avows. [R, abr.]
70.325 SAKKAS, Evangelos —
This article probes Jonathan Israel’s theory about “Radical Enlightenment” inaugurating political modernity by way of explicating the thought of Joseph Priestley. In Israel’s view, despite the inconsistencies plaguing Socinian thought, Priestley, a monist, emerged as an ardent supporter of religious toleration and democratic republicanism. This article seeks to restore the fundamental coherence of Priestley’s theological and metaphysical views, arguing that they were produced as parts of a system founded on the simultaneous adherence to providentialism and necessitarianism. Prized as a prerequisite of the unfolding of the divine plan, the unobstructed expression of religious opinions was the center of the conception of civil society and civil liberty that Priestley articulated based on these premises and his forays into politics aimed to secure its permanence. [R, abr.]
70.326 SCHMIDT PASSOS, Eduardo —
E. Voegelin’s criticism of H. Kelsen’s legal positivism places him closer to the natural law tradition than to other legal traditions. This proximity could be interpreted as a defense of the contemporary relevance, or as an attempt to revive the natural law tradition in the twentieth century. However, Voegelin always avoids using the traditional terminology of natural law in his mature works, and expresses a certain ambiguity regarding its contemporary revival. To understand this problem, this article investigates the evolution of Voegelin’s understanding of natural law and his criticism of different natural law traditions from Cicero to John Locke, especially his positive evaluation of Aristotle’s and Thomas Aquinas’s interpretations. [R, abr.]
70.327 SERRA, Clara ; PEZ, Alba —
This article deals with the Feminism for the 99% manifesto [Verso, 2019] by Nancy Fraser, Cinzia Arruzza and Thithi Bhattacharya, which presented feminism as a broad movement that could uphold an agenda in defense of social rights, as well as with the historical development and significance of the 8th of March. It argues that feminism is today’s conducting thread between different international social crises and may be the way to create an almost all-inclusive and democratic discussion of these topics. The author argues that, faced with the failure of the neoliberal project and the peak in ultra-reactionary forces, the feminist movement offers two antidotes: care for the common good and respect to individual freedom.
70.328 SKOCPOL, Theda ; SCHICKLER, Eric —
An interview with Theda Skocpol took place at Harvard University in December 2017. She was interviewed by Eric Schickler, Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley. [R, abr.]
70.329 SMITH, Roger M., et al. —
In Race and the Making of American Political Science, Jessica Blatt argues that the professionalization of the discipline was deeply entwined with ideas about racial difference, and the concomitant attempt by leading scholars to define and defend a system of racial hierarchy in the US and beyond. Although it focuses on the period from the late nineteenth century through the 1930s, the book also raises fundamental questions about the historical legacy of racialist arguments for professional political science, the extent of their continuing resonance, and contemporary implications for both academic and broader civic discourse. We have asked a range of leading political scientists to consider and respond to Professor Blatt’s important call for scholarly self-reflexivity. [R]
70.330 SOLAR, Carlos —
Defence labour division is a complex process of policy-making where political and military interests collide, most especially, in recently democratised countries. Samuel Huntington’s theoretical concepts, described in his book The soldier and the state (1957) continue to influence the debate over the best approach to assure civilian control of the military, and the potential for civilian connivances with defence labour. This article reviews Huntington’s work to explore the role of the minister of defence, the relationship with the president, the executive cabinet, and the military in post-authoritarian Chile. It discusses the managerial style of the minister according to the three labels offered by Huntington: the spokesman, the business manager, and the policy-strategist. The article challenges Huntington’s prescriptive division of labour. [R, abr.]
70.331 TUTOR DE URETA, Andrés —
The aim of this article is to analyze whether value pluralism can be successfully distinguished from relativism. Following Isaiah Berlin’s proposal, communication will be first presented as the key difference between the two perspectives. Then, with the help of diagrams, two different pluralist approaches to situations in which communication breaks down will be examined. This analysis, particularly focused on the question of Nazism, will prove that Berlin’s arguments in favor of distinguishing pluralism from relativism fail, since his notion of value pluralism is based only on historical and ethnocentric reasons, allegedly possessing normative force. Then, an alternative view of pluralism without relativism, built upon Berlin’s ideas, but clearly beyond his own proposal, will be offered. [R, abr.]
70.332 VALENTINOV, Vladislav ; ROTH, Steffen ; WILL, Matthias Georg —
We explore the cross-fertilization potential between stakeholder theory and Niklas Luhmann’s social systems theory. Social systems, such as corporations or nonprofits, are defined by complexity reduction and operational closure, which may render them insensitive to their environment and undermine their sustainability. This vision resonates with stakeholder theory’s arguments on the importance of the corporate responsiveness to stakeholder interests. The suggested common ground between the theories yields novel insights into key concepts of stakeholder theory such as the contrast between the jointness of stakeholder interests and trade-off thinking, the normativity of the stakeholder idea, and the meaning of corporate social responsibility. [R]
70.333 VILLANUEVA, Ricardo —
In his own time, L. Woolf was one of the most prolific and respected experts on international affairs. Yet, his paramount place in the field fell rapidly, partly because he was a writer whose ideas have been labelled as utopian. This article employs Woolf to challenge the orthodox narrative of the discipline of International Relations (IR) that oversimplifies the early stages of the field as a dichotomy between idealism and realism.
While this has already been done cogently by Peter Wilson, this article discloses a Marxist dimension in Woolf’s thought and writings. This is particularly important given that Marxism has regained significance in recent IR debates. Through a contextualist approach, this article demonstrates that Woolf represents a considerable challenge to conventional IR historiography. [R, abr.]
70.334 WALTER, Ryan —
To subject politics to "theory," "metaphysics", or "speculation" was disreputable in 1790s Britain, owing largely to the success of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), which linked these practices with enthusiasm. This fact is well established, but less studied are the means by which those committed to these forms of inquiry defended their intellectual conduct. Dugald Stewart’s Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind (1792) was a pedagogical text that instructed the Scottish elite on how to govern their faculties; it was also a riposte to Burkean prudence, portraying the veneration of practice as theoretically naive. [R]
70.335 WINTER, Yves —
Unlike his Roman and Renaissance sources, Machiavelli downplays the rape and suicide of Lucretia, denying the causal role in the revolution that his predecessors had routinely attributed to it. This dismissal of Lucretia’s rape and suicide is surprising both in view of the importance Machiavelli accords to public spectacles of violence in founding political institutions and because the case of Lucretia appears to corroborate his persistent warning to princes to abstain from sexually assaulting their subject women. This article examines the reasons behind Machiavelli’s skeptical attitude towards Lucretia and argues that the refusal to extol Lucretia as a republican hero stems from his rejection of a central ethical premise and rhetorical trope of republicanism: the idea that sexual virtue is a synecdoche for political virtue. [R, abr.]
70.336 WOOD, Graeme —
My critics and I agree that ideology is understudied, though I think it is the most important factor while they reserve a lesser role for it. S. Hertog’s analysis of personality traits is suggestive and valuable, though it illuminates a path that leads to the Islamic State’s ideology (but also to other, perhaps less dangerous places) rather than to its violence. J. J. Owen correctly identifies the challenge the Islamic State — and other forms of revivalist religion — pose for Lockean toleration. M. Fadel’s swerve toward an “ideology” of Arab despotism is a diversion. M. Juergensmeyer rightly notes parallel forms of violence in other traditions, and his analysis of the role of social conditions is partly shared by ISIS supporters themselves. [R] [See Abstr. 70.288]
70.337 ZUG, Charles U. —
The End of Europe [Yale U. P., 2017] by James Kirchick and The Strange Death of Europe [Bloomsbury, 2017] by Douglas Murray evince many of the very same political and discursive pathologies which they successfully diagnose in European politics. Both authors have discovered that Europe’s current situation is as much a result of irresponsible public policies and mismanaged crises as of a decay in European political thinking, a decay manifested in Europe’s ever-more simplistic, antideliberative — in a word, demagogic — public discourse. And yet, Europeans of today find themselves in a social, political, and economic crisis in part because they lack the discursive means to recognize and deliberate on the very crisis they are in. [R, abr.]
70.338 ZUK, Piotr —
The author traces the impact of Abramowski’s ideas on the recent history of Poland. His concepts were not only popular in the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) and the syndicalist movement in the interwar period (1918- 1939), but they also exerted a profound influence on the cooperative movement and democratic left-wing opposition in the 1970s and 1980s. The leaders of the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR) were much influenced by Abramowski’s ideas and, according to some researchers, the Solidarity movement from 1980 to 1981 in Poland was the culmination of his concepts. Today’s anti-systemic movements in Poland (anarchists, syndicalists, alter-globalists) are also inspired by Abramowski. [R, abr.]
70.339
Articles by Laurie E. NARANCH, “What does it mean to rebel? Feminist critical theory, agency, and working-class women”, pp. 559-564; Mary CAPUTI, “The power of ‘the limit’ in feminist theory”, pp. 564-569; and the reply by Claudia LEEB, “Theorizing feminist political subjectivity: a reply to Caputi and Narach”, pp. 569-580.
70.340
Articles by Clarissa RILE HAYWARD, “Political agency in the face of structural injustice: is ‘impure dissent’ enough?”, pp. 527-535; Shatema THREADCRAFT, “Believe black women”, pp. 535-542; Christopher LEBRON, “Race, affect, and contract”, pp. 542-548; and the reply by Tommie SHELBY, “Ghetto abolition and political philosophy: response to Hayward, Threadcraft, and Lebron”, pp. 549-558.