Abstract
72.1 ABIZADEH, Arash —
The majoritarian conception of democracy implies that counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism — and even representative institutions — are derogations from democracy. The majoritarian conception is mistaken for two reasons. First, it is incoherent: majoritarianism ultimately stands against one of democracy’s core normative commitments — namely, political equality. Second, majoritarianism is premised on a mistaken view of power, which fails to account for the power of numbers and thereby fails to explain the inequality faced by members of persistent minorities. Although strict majority rule serves the democratic values of political agency and equality as interpreted by a set of formal conditions, an adequate conception of power shows why in real-world conditions formal-procedural inequalities, instantiated by counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism, are sometimes required to serve democratic equality. [R]
72.2 ABULOF, Uriel ; PENNE, Shirley Le ; PU, Bonan —
We all know we will die, but not when and how. Can private death awareness become public, and what happens when it does? This mixedmethod research on the Covid-19 crisis reveals how pandemic politics cultivates and uses mass existential anxiety. Analyzing global discourse across vast corpora, we reveal an exceptional rise in global ‘mortality salience’ (awareness of death), and trace the socio-political dynamics feeding it. Comparing governmental pandemic policies worldwide, we introduce a novel model discerning ‘mortality mitigation’ (coping mechanisms) on a scale from steadfast resistance (‘oak’) to flexible resilience (‘reed’). We find that political trust, high median age, and social anxiety predict a reedy approach; and that the oak, typically pushing for stricter measures, better mitigates mortality. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1309]
72.3 AGUILERA, Thomas ; CHEVALIER, Tom —
The use of mixed methods — the combination of qualitative and quantitative methods in a single research study — has increased in visibility in recent years. In France, however, despite several empirical works that have used mixed methods, political scientists have largely overlooked methodological advances in the field, in particular the vast Englishlanguage literature on the subject of mixed methods. In this article, we shall outline the emergence of this important literature in order to present the advantages and limits of this approach for political science. We shall then propose a typology of eight mixed method research designs: contextualization, systematization, generalization, confirmation, enrichment, complexification, triangulation, and complementarity. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Mixed methods: towards a methodology 3.0?”, introduced by Nonna MAYER. See also Abstr. 72.3, 22, 62, 78]
72.4 AIELLO, Emilia —
This paper reports strategies that promote social impact by Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH) research projects. An in-depth analysis of six Social Sciences and Humanities research projects that achieved social impact was carried out to identify those strategies. For each case study, project documents were analysed and qualitative fieldwork was conducted with diverse agents, including researchers, stakeholders and end-users, with a communicative orientation. The strategies that were identified as contributing to achieving social impact include a clear focus of the project on social impact and the definition of an active strategy for achieving it; a meaningful involvement of stakeholders and end-users throughout the project lifespan, including local organisations, underprivileged end-users, and policy-makers; coordination between projects’ and stakeholders’ activities; and dissemination activities that show useful evidence and are oriented toward creating space for public deliberation with a diverse public. [R, abr.]
72.5 ALBERTI, Philip M. ; LANTZ, Paula M. ; WILKINS, Consuelo H. —
The novel coronavirus pandemic has set in high relief the entrenched health, social, racial, political, and economic inequities within American society as the incidence of severe morbidity and mortality from the disease caused by the virus appears to be much greater in black and other racial/ethnic minority populations, within homeless and incarcerated populations, and in lower-income communities in general. The reality is that the United States is ill equipped to realize health equity in prevention and control efforts for any type of health outcome, including an infectious disease pandemic. In this article, the authors address an important question: When new waves of the current pandemic emerge, or another novel pandemic emerges, how can the United States be better prepared and also ensure a rapid response that reduces rather than exacerbates social and health inequities? [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.204]
72.6 ALEXANDRE, Chloé ; GONTHIER, Frédéric ; GUERRA, Tristan —
Recent studies have acknowledged the heterogeneity in the way citizens make sense of their economic and cultural beliefs, thus calling to question the conventional assumption that political views are organized along a single liberal-conservative dimension and connected accordingly with left-right identifications. Our article contributes to this stream of research. Primarily highlighting the influence of political sophistication on attitude consistency, we show that only the most interested in politics associate their economic and cultural attitudes in accordance with the liberalconservative continuum and are able to combine them in a coherent fashion with their ideological identifications. In contrast, large segments of the French public do not respond to the dominant framing of the political debate. [R] [See Abstr. 72.1236]
72.7 ANDĚLOVÁ, Kristina, et al. —
This paper has a threefold objectives. Firstly, it casts a new light on the legacy of the 1960s’ student rebellion in the West and in Eastern Europe, reinterpreting the two upheavals as opposing kinds of civilizational critique of the modern project. Secondly, it unwraps the key problems with visions of re-enchanted modernity proposed by the Western and Eastern European Left. Lastly, it contends that reassessing the legacy of 1968 may offer a key to understanding the resurgence of illiberal movements in the 21st c. [R]
72.8 ANDERSON, Noel ; BAGOZZI, Benjamin E. ; KOREN, Ore —
This article provides an accessible introduction to the phenomenon of monotone likelihood in duration modeling of political events. Monotone likelihood arises when covariate values are monotonic when ordered according to failure time, causing parameter estimates to diverge toward infinity. Within political science duration model applications, this problem leads to misinterpretation, model misspecification and omitted variable biases, among other issues. Using a combination of mathematical exposition, Monte Carlo simulations and empirical applications, this article illustrates the advantages of Firth’s penalized maximum-likelihood estimation in resolving the methodological complications underlying monotone likelihood. The results identify the conditions under which monotone likelihood is most acute and provide guidance for political scientists applying duration modeling techniques in their empirical research. [R]
72.9 ANDERSSON, Jenny —
This paper takes its point of departure in recent literature around the Mont Pèlerin Society and the construction of the new Nobel Prize in economics, which was awarded to Milton Friedman in 1976. By following the reception of Friedman’s Prize in the Swedish debate, I argue that neoliberalism in Sweden was not a product of transnational circulation, but of endogenous debate and dissident economists in the mature social democrat welfare state. In the final section, I discuss the difference between social democracy and neoliberalism as ideal type construction and as empirical phenomenon, and I suggest that once the central idea of a social form of democracy was lost, social democracy could become neoliberal. [R] [See Abstr. 72.279]
72.10 ANTSIFEROV, Nikolay —
The article is devoted to the problems of the legal organization of public authority in the context of ensuring social interest. Given the idea of constitutionally limited power, the study considers two key elements of the mechanism for ensuring social interest — organizational and legal. The content of these elements is considered in the logic of their relationship with one another. Conclusions are made about their complementarity, on the one hand, and a certain degree of competition, on the other hand, and the problems of collisions between the elements under consideration are also revealed. [R]
72.11 ANTYUKHOVA, Yekaterina —
One of the most drastic moves by various countries regardless of the levels of economic development and political systems has been to put their education systems online. [R]
72.12 APPADURAI, Arjun, et al. —
The present issue offers a somewhat dispersed set of articles about apps and air filters, shopping malls and circuses, urban majorities and children. Yet in the light of the current conditions, these topics reveal a set of conjunctural surprises. The essays in this issue remind us that the coronavirus spreads through particular contexts and that we should poise ourselves to observe and to notice what comes next. [R]
72.13 ARRINGTON, Nancy, et al. —
Do the processes states use to select judges for peak courts influence gender diversity? Scholars have debated whether concentrating appointment power in a single individual or diffusing appointment power across many individuals best promotes gender diversification. Others have claimed that the precise structure of the process matters less than fundamental changes in the process. We clarify these theoretical mechanisms, derive testable implications concerning the appointment of the first woman to a state’s highest court, and then develop a matched-pair research design within a Rosenbaum permutation approach to observational studies. Using a global sample beginning in 1970, we find that constitutional change to the judicial selection process decreases the time until the appointment of the first woman justice. [R, abr.]
72.14 ASENBAUM, Hans —
Current radical democratic politics is characterized by new participatory spaces for citizens’ engagement, which aim at facilitating the democratic ideals of freedom and equality. These spaces are, however, situated in the context of deep societal inequalities. Modes of discrimination are carried over into participatory interaction. The democratic subject is judged by its physically embodied appearance, which replicates external hierarchies and impedes the freedom of self-expression. To tackle this problem, this article identifies ways to increase the freedom of the subject to explore its multiple self. Understanding the self as inherently fugitive, the article investigates participatory, deliberative and agonistic concepts of self-transformation. Enriching the transformative perspective with queer and gender theory, the article generates the concept of a politics of becoming, which, through radical democratic practices of disidentification, advances the freedom of the subject to change. [R, abr.]
72.15 BACEVIC, Jana —
This article examines a frequent assumption of sociological accounts of knowledge: the idea that knowledge acts. The performativity of knowledge claims is here analysed through the prism of ‘sociological excuses’: the idea that sociological explanations can act as ‘excuses’ for otherwise unacceptable behaviour. The article builds on Austin’s distinction between illocutionary and perlocutionary effects to discuss the relationship between sociological explanation, sociological justification and sociological critique. It argues that understanding how (and if) sociological explanations can act requires paying attention to social and political conditions of performativity and their transformation in late liberalism. [R]
72.16 BAEK Inmee ; BOUZINOV, Maxim —
This paper examines the democracy-terrorism linkage that can be distinguished at different stages of democracy. We first attempt to identify the level of democracy where terrorism is peaked, and then investigate if there is a significant reduction of terror incidents as a country advances to higher levels of democracy from the peaked level of terrorism. Using data from 124 countries covering the period 1984-2017, the study finds that the terrorism-increasing effect of democratization is peaked when a country is at the very middle level of democracy. Furthermore, there is evidence that terrorism may not be deterred as a country incrementally progresses to higher levels of democracy from the peak unless the country reaches the very highest level of democracy. [R, abr.]
72.17 BALLANGE, Aliénor —
Si l’enjeu de l’identité européenne fait l’objet d’une littérature déjà amplement balisée, peu d’études se sont jusqu’à présent penchées sur sa dynamique relationnelle. Dans cet article, nous soutenons que l’identité européenne est en partie générée par l’image que l’Europe entend d’abord produire vis-à-vis des États tiers. En recourant aux travaux de Jacques Derrida sur la logique de l’exemplarité, nous interrogeons la rationalité paradoxale d’une Europe qui n’a cessé de s’auto-définir comme modèle et exception auprès de ses « périphéries ». En faisant remonter au 18e siècle l’origine de l’exemplarité européenne, puis en la confrontant aux débats philosophiques contemporains, nous proposons de nuancer l’opposition théorique entre universalisme et euroexceptionnalisme d’une part, et approches cosmopolitique et communautarienne de l’autre. [R]
72.18 BANHAM, Cynthia ; ANANTHARAJAH, Kirsty —
Our article illuminates a particular way to think about the relational nature of public accountability and how that might guide further study of liberal democracies’ treatment of asylum seekers and refugees. Public accountability is in trouble in liberal democracies, conceptually and practically. Scholars in the field identify a lack of clarity surrounding the ‘everexpanding’ idea of accountability — its meaning and want of deep conceptual roots; the separation of theorizing from lived practice. At the same time, we see in liberal democracies, particularly in cases regarding the treatment of non-citizens, disturbing attacks on traditional mechanisms of accountability. We focus on the crisis of public accountability manifest in Australia’s treatment of asylum seekers in offshore detention. [R, abr.]
72.19 BARA, Corinne ; DEGLOW, Annekatrin ; VAN BAALEN, Sebastian —
Violence after civil war is a challenge to sustainable peace. Many armed conflicts today are recurrences of previous wars and much of the literature on violence after war explains why armed groups return to the battlefield. But even if peace prevails, many other types of violence take place in postwar environments. This postwar violence is likewise subject to a growing multidisciplinary literature. Using citation network analysis, we show that research on war recurrence and postwar violence has developed in relative isolation from each other — although these phenomena are interrelated. This compartmentalization leads us to overlook important similarities and differences in the drivers of different forms of violence after war. We demonstrate this by reviewing the literature in both of these closely related fields. [R, abr.]
72.20 BAS, Muhammet A. ; ORSUN, Omer F. —
Regime type is an important variable in international relations. Numerous scholars have theorized its effects on actors’ crisis behavior and outcomes. Despite regime type’s importance, the literature has not focused on the role its uncertainty might play in interstate politics. This is in stark contrast to the scholarly attention given to uncertainty about other similarly important variables like actor capabilities, intentions, or fighting costs. In this paper, we aim to address this gap in the literature by providing a theory of regime uncertainty’s effects on conflict and developing a novel measure of uncertainty about regime type in interstate relations to test our hypotheses. We find that regime uncertainty breeds caution rather than conflict: higher uncertainty about the opponent’s regime type makes conflict initiation and escalation less likely in disputes, and dyads with more uncertainty are less likely to experience conflict onset. [R]
72.21 BECKER, Jordan —
Scholars and practitioners continue to debate transatlantic burden sharing, which has implications for broader questions of collective action and international organizations. Little research, however, has analyzed domestic and institutional drivers of burden-sharing behavior; even less has disaggregated defense spending to measure burden sharing more precisely. This paper enhances understanding of the relationship between national political economies and burden shifting, operationalizing burden shifting as the extent to which a country limits or decreases defense expenditures, while at the same time favoring personnel over equipment modernization and readiness in the composition of defense budgets. Why do countries choose to allocate defense resources to personnel, rather than equipment modernization? I find that governments slightly decrease top-line defense spending in response to unemployment while shifting much more substantial amounts within defense budgets from equipment expenditures into personnel. [R, abr.]
72.22 BENOIT, Cyril —
This article sheds light on four different ways of integrating qualitative and quantitative results in political science. These approaches are applied to different configurations, but in every case the goal is to address the same research question. These different approaches are illustrated using examples drawn from studies in political economy, dealing with unionization in advanced capitalist democracies, economic voting, governance of the pharmaceutical sector, and financial regulations, respectively. [R] [See Abstr. 72.3]
72.23 BERINSKY, Adam J. ; DRUCKMAN, James N. ; YAMAMOTO, Teppei —
One of the strongest findings across the sciences is that publication bias occurs. Of particular note is a “file drawer bias” where statistically significant results are privileged over nonsignificant results. Recognition of this bias, along with increased calls for “open science,” has led to an emphasis on replication studies. Yet, few have explored publication bias and its consequences in replication studies. We offer a model of the publication process involving an initial study and a replication. We use the model to describe three types of publication biases: (1) file drawer bias, (2) a “repeat study” bias against the publication of replication studies, and (3) a “gotcha bias” where replication results that run contrary to a prior study are more likely to be published. [R, abr.]
72.24 BIGLAISER, Glen ; McGAUVRAN, Ronald J. —
Developing countries, saddled with debts, often prefer investors absorb losses through debt restructurings. By not making full repayments, debtor governments could increase social spending, serving poorer constituents, and, in turn, lowering income inequality. Alternatively, debtor governments could reduce taxes and cut government spending, bolstering the assets of the rich at the expense of the poor. Using panel data for 71 developing countries from 1986 to 2016, we assess the effects of debt restructurings on societal income distribution. Specifically, we study the impact of debt restructurings on social spending, tax reform, and income inequality. We find that countries receiving debt restructurings tend to use their newly acquired economic flexibility to reduce taxes and lower social spending, worsening income inequality. [R, abr.]
72.25 BLACHFORD, Kevin —
This article reimagines the balance of power tradition by highlighting its early modern foundations. Through providing a historical contextualization of the balance of power, this article shows how republican thinkers sought to balance against concentrations of power in order to safeguard political liberty. Early modern republics grappled with the challenge of maintaining a division of power within the polis in a co-constitutive relationship with the international. A republican polis could not secure liberty if under external domination or if the polis itself expanded to imperial proportions. Imperial expansion and the martial politics this entailed have traditionally been understood as incompatible to the safeguarding of political liberty. Recognizing this republican influence can uncover the co-constitutive connections between the internal power dynamics of the polis and the international sphere. [R, abr.]
72.26 BLANCK, Julie —
Examining the evolution of the French National Agency for Radioactive Waste Management (ANDRA), this article will look at how organizational work is an essential component of public policy elaboration, at the level of political frameworks, organisational formalisation, and ultimately the implementation of operational mechanisms. This will allow us to explore the intersecting links between change and continuity. In the case of radioactive waste, organisational shifts have in fact helped to preserve the highly contentious solution of geological disposal, despite the fact that path dependency is generally credited to inertia. [R]
72.27 BLIZZARD, Brittany ; JOHNSTON, Jocelyn M. —
State pre-emption of local government discretion is examined through the lenses of county cooperation with federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and “immigration federalism.” Through a mixedmethod approach, we examine why counties collaborate with ICE as well as how and why they deviate from state preemptions on local support for immigration. Analysis of a sample restricted to Georgia and Texas, states with especially robust preemptive anti-immigrant laws, suggests that special interests — those related to immigrant-dependent industries important to county economies — have significant influence over county decisions to minimize cooperation with ICE. [R] [See Abstr. 72.386]
72.28 BLOM, Robin —
An online survey experiment with 897 US adults demonstrated that the level of believability of news headlines about illegal immigration was for a large part the result of an interaction of perceptions about news source trust and news content expectancy. This study was a second, successful attempt to test a theoretical news content believability model to explain correct and wrongful perceptions of reality. A better understanding of how people assess the believability of news would allow educators to fine-tune media literacy modules. There is certainly a need for enhanced media literacy as the participants of the experiment demonstrated that many of them believed news headlines about illegal immigration that contain misinformation. [R]
72.29 BLOM HANSEN, Thomas —
Theories of sovereignty in the 20th c. are generally based on a teleological “out-of-Europe” narrative where the modern, centralized nation-state form gradually spread across the world to be the foundation of the international order. The author reflects on how the conceptualization of sovereignty may change if one begins a global account of modern sovereignty not from the heart of Western Europe but from the complex arrangements of “distributed sovereignty” that emerged in the Indian Ocean and other colonized territories from the 18th c. onward. These arrangements were organized as multiple layers of dependency and provisional domination, captured well by Eric Beverley’s term minor sovereignty. Thinking through sovereignty in a minor key allows us to
see sovereignty less as a foundation of states and societies and more as a performative category. [R, abr.]
72.30 BLUM, Ashley ; HAZLETT, Chad ; POSNER, Daniel N. —
Economics games such as the Dictator and Public Goods Games have been widely used to measure ethnic bias in political science and economics. Yet these tools may fail to measure bias as intended because they are vulnerable to self-presentational concerns and/or fail to capture bias rooted in more automatic associative and affective reactions. We examine a set of misattribution-based approaches, adapted from social psychology, that may sidestep these concerns. Participants in Nairobi, Kenya completed a series of common economics games alongside versions of these misattribution tasks adapted for this setting, each designed to detect bias toward noncoethnics relative to coethnics. Several of the misattribution tasks show clear evidence of (expected) bias, arguably reflecting differences in positive/negative affect and heightened threat perception toward noncoethnics. [R, abr.]
72.31 BOCCON-GIBOD, Thomas —
L’accusation de corruption vise aujourd’hui principalement des individus ou des groupes sociaux alors que le terme caractérisé jadis des régimes politiques. La raison principale de ce glissement et l’émergence, à partir de l’âge classique, du paradigme de l’intérêt, qui s’est imposé comme le fondement de toute réflexion sur la société et son gouvernement. Le problème de la confusion des intérêts c’est ainsi superposer à l’ancienne qualification de corruption systématique, sans tout à fait le faire disparaître, obscurcissant considérablement la signification de la notion. Après avoir exposé la nature et les origines de cette distinction essentielle, on se propose de montrer comment l’ancien concept, proprement politique, de corruption, peut être utilisé dans les sociétés modernes de manière à éclaircir les ambiguïtés que peuvent contenir les luttes contre les conflits d’intérêts. [R] [Partie d’un numéro thématique sur “La corruption en question”, coordonné par Françoise DREYFUS. Cf. Abstr. 72.38, 39]
72.32 BOESE, Vanessa A. ; LINDBERG, Staffan I. ; LÜHRMANN, Anna —
This is a response to L. Tomini’s “Don’t think of a wave!” [See Abstr. 72.253] and S.-E. Skaaning’s “Waves of autocratization and democratization”. With this rejoinder we make three arguments: First, the question how global waves shape autocratization processes and regime transformations is now more urgent than ever. Since 1994, civil liberties and political rights of one third of the global population have been substantially and increasingly reduced due to autocratization. Second, waves of any concept can only be studied meaningfully if the underlying concepts as well as the waves are clearly defined. We argue that the conceptualization of episodes of regime transformations (ERT) in the ERT dataset provides exactly such a clear state-of-the-art empirical mapping of processes of democratization and autocratization at the national level. [R, abr.]
72.33 BONICA, Adam, et al. —
The distribution of physicians across geography and employers has important implications for the delivery of medical services. This study examines how the political beliefs of physicians influence their decisions about where to live and work. Physician relocation and employment patterns are analyzed with a panel constructed from the National Provider Identifier directory. Data on political donations are used to measure the political preferences of physicians. The “ideological fit” between a physician and his or her community is a key predictor of both relocation and employment decisions. A Democratic physician in a predominantly Republican area is twice as likely to relocate as a Republican counterpart living there; the reverse is also true for Republicans living in Democratic areas. Physicians who do not share the political orientation of their colleagues are more likely to change workplaces within the same geographic area. [R, abr.]
72.34 BORMANN, Nils-Christian, et al. —
Recent research has shown that inequality between ethnic groups is strongly driven by politics, where powerful groups and elites channel the state’s resources toward their constituencies. Most of the existing literature assumes that these politically induced inequalities are static and rarely change over time. We challenge this claim and argue that economic globalization and domestic institutions interact in shaping inequality between groups. In weakly institutionalized states, gains from trade primarily accrue to political insiders and their co-ethnics. By contrast, politically excluded groups gain ground where a capable and meritocratic state apparatus governs trade liberalization. Using nighttime luminosity data from 1992 to 2012 and a global sample of ethnic groups, we show that the gap between politically marginalized groups and their included counterparts has narrowed over time while economic globalization progressed at a steady pace. [R, abr.]
72.35 BOYD, Richard —
For all the recent discoveries of behavioral psychology and experimental economics, the spirit of homo economicus still dominates the contemporary disciplines of economics, political science, and sociology. However, pioneering figures such as Francis Bacon, Thomas Hobbes, and Adam Smith were hardly apostles of economic rationality as they are often portrayed in influential narratives of the development of the social sciences. As we will see, while all three of these thinkers can plausibly be read as endorsing “rationality,” they were also well aware of the systematic irrationality of human conduct, including a remarkable number of the cognitive biases later “discovered” by contemporary behavioral economists. Building on these insights I offer modest suggestions for how these thinkers, properly understood, might carry the behavioral revolution in different directions than those heretofore suggested. [R, abr.]
72.36 BRÄNNMARK, Johan —
Liberal political theory is often understood as being underpinned by an individualistic social ontology, and it is sometimes objected that this type of ontology makes it difficult to address injustices that involve social groups and informal forms of privilege. It is argued here that, to the extent that liberals do fail to properly address such structural injustices, the main problem can instead be understood to lie with a rules-centric understanding of institutions — one which is actually out of line with a proper ontological individualism. If institutions are instead understood as distributions of right and duties, held by individuals, it becomes much more straightforward to identify institutional privilege in terms of inequalities in those distributions. [R, abr.]
72.37 BRAWLEY, Mark R. —
Economic globalization never proceeded in a smooth steady trajectory. The current international economy, organized around liberal principles, faces potential problems unleashed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Two popular theoretical approaches offer varying reasons for the survivability of the contemporary order. One stresses the benefits associated with participating in liberal international orders, claiming such arrangements are essentially self-sustaining. The rival view emphasizes the uneven distribution of gains, emphasizing the role of leadership, especially for dampening crises. To examine the support for each argument, I examine the evolution of international monetary arrangements. International monetary orders lie at the heart of liberal international economies; no prior liberal monetary order has proven self-sustaining. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1128]
72.38 BREBISSY-SCHNALL, Catherine —
L’objectif de cet article et de montrer d’une part les insuffisances de la réponse pénale dans la lutte contre la corruption dans les marchés publics et d’autres par la nécessité de mettre en place une nouvelle stratégie globale d’intégrité qui se fonde sur des dispositifs complémentaires de vigilance déontologique et de transparence suscitée par les procédures électroniques de passation des marchés. [R] [Cf. Abstr. 72.31]
72.39 BRIQUET, Jean-Louis —
Le clientélisme et la corruption désignent des phénomènes distincts, relevant des transactions électorales pour le premier et des collusion politico-économiques pour le second. Ils sont cependant fréquemment associés dans les situations concrètes. L’article s’attache aux différentes formes que prennent leurs liens, en distinguant trois cas de figure principaux: les réseaux de collusions politico-affairistes; les machines politicoélectorales; les situations de criminalisation de l’État. [R] [Cf. Abstr. 72.31]
72.40 BROOKS, Thom —
Most research in global justice considers international distributive justice from a perspective of what duties, if any, affluent states have towards people in severe poverty. The debate usually focuses on whether positive or negative duties are most relevant and how they should be applied. This article challenges this orthodoxy by defending stakeholder theory as a promising new approach overcoming limitations in current debates through promotion of the virtue of stakeholders having a say where they have a stake. [R]
72.41 BROWN, Brian —
This paper examines the trajectory of 32 service users through the mental health care system on the path to recovery. It offers a critical appraisal of the processes whereby mental health and social care services attempt to responsibilize the service user in the process of delivering recovery-oriented services. Responsibilization was often found to be onerous and counterproductive and appeared to work against their strivings for autonomy. Acting responsibly was aligned with following instructions from health professionals and managing the demands one made on services. By contrast, participants who described their involvement in civil society organisations described a good deal of effort on their own and other’s behalf, but this was not seen as burdensome, had a sense of being freely chosen and represented a source of satisfaction and accomplishment, scarcely felt as responsibility at all. [R, abr.]
72.42 BROWN, Nicole Marie —
The study utilizes 18 archival primary source collections related to the Welfare Rights Movement, using both open and focused coding to perform content analysis of 3300 documents. By extending Zygmunt Bauman’s theory of the “flawed consumer” to incorporate intersectionality, this article offers an intersectional analysis of political consumerism, which reveals two dimensions of political consumerism: (1) communitybased and (2) commercial-based. Findings reveal that while Black, maledominated capitalist-promoting welfare organizations such as The Woodlawn Organization employed commercial-based intersectional political consumerism, predominantly White, female-led socialist organizations such as Jobs or Income Now preferred community-based intersectional political consumerism. This re-conceptualization of intersectional political consumerism within the Welfare Rights Movement better considers the role of intersectionality in the strategy decision-making of the movement organizations. [R, abr.]
72.43 BRUNSBACH, Sandra ; KATTENBACH, Ralph ; WEBER, Ines —
In order to develop and improve a course concept in political science, the Design-Based Research approach is employed. The approach involves three phases that form an iterative evolving cycle of course development. In the first analysis/orientation phase, we identify three major student challenges: an inadequate methodological competence, a prevalent and mostly unfounded methodological dogmatism, and a frequently insufficient ability to work in a team. With the second design development phase, we present the course concept to face these challenges and to evaluate the impact of our measures. We opted for a student research project, which is widely regarded as a suitable tool to enhance the students’ methodological competencies. We also included professional coaching to build up team capacities. The third evaluation phase is based on multiple methods and sources. [R, abr.]
72.44 BRUTGER, Ryan ; RATHBUN, Brian —
American politicians repeatedly and strenuously invoke concerns about fairness when pitching their trade policies to their constituents, unsurprisingly since fairness is one of the most fundamental and universal moral concepts. Yet studies to date on public opinion about trade have not been designed in such a way that they test whether fairness is important, nor whether the mass public applies fairness standards impartially. Drawing on findings in social psychology and behavioral economics, we develop and find evidence for an “asymmetric fairness” argument. In a national survey of Americans, we find strong evidence that fairness, conceived in terms of equality, is crucial for understanding support for potential trade deals and support for renegotiating existing ones. Americans view as most fair and most preferable outcomes in which concessions and benefits are equal across countries, especially when those equal benefits match productivity. [R, abr.]
72.45 BUTON, François ; MICHON, Sébastien —
Cet article vise à revenir sur l’activité de Jean Rottner pendant la crise du coronavirus à partir d’une analyse détaillée de ses interventions durant cette période, qui font de lui un acteur bénéficiant d’une médiatisation importante sinon extraordinaire. Pour ce faire, l’article mobilise la notion de conjoncture critique. Il défend la thèse que c’est le gestionnaire hospitalier plus que le soignant qui agit de manière ajustée dans la crise, mais aussi l’élu local qui tente de consolider sa position. L’analyse se fonde sur un dépouillement de la presse nationale et régionale ainsi que sur d’autres sources complémentaires. [R] [Cf. Abstr. 72.462]
72.46 CALMAR ANDERSEN, Simon ; HVIDMAN, Ulrik —
Existing research demonstrates how governments can use insights from behavioral science to design policy and alter residents’ behavior. This article proposes that the effect of behavioral interventions may be different in hierarchical organizations where the decision to change behavior and the execution of that decision are split between different individuals. We examine the effect of two small-scale interventions — personal reminders and financial incentives — in a large-scale field experiment with public schools in Denmark. The Ministry of Education invited a representative sample of public schools to adopt a program that provides information on students’ socio-emotional competencies. Results show that small financial incentives increased managers’ adoption of the program by 7 percentage points. [R, abr.]
72.47 CAREY, Sabine C. ; GONZALEZ, Belén —
How do wartime legacies affect repression after the conflict ends? Irregular forces support the government in many civil wars. We argue that if this link continues after the war, respect for human rights declines. As “tried and tested” agents they are less likely to shirk when given the order to repress. Governments might also keep the militias as a “fallback option”, which results in more repression. Analyzing data from 1981 to 2014 shows that pro-government militias that were inherited from the previous conflict are consistently associated with worse repression, but newly created ones are not. Wartime pro-government militias target a broader spectrum of the population and are linked to worse state violence. New militias usually supplement wartime ones and use violence primarily against political opponents. [R, abr.]
72.48 CASSANI, Andrea —
Besides elections, the sub-Saharan wave of political reforms of the 1990s led several countries to introduce limits to the number of terms that a chief executive can serve, even though several leaders managed to bypass them. While Africa’s executive term limits (ETLs) politics has gained scholarly attention, the literature mostly consists of in-depth small-N analyses. Systematic comparative research is rare. To contribute filling this gap, this article presents a new Africa Executive Term Limits (AETL) dataset. Covering 49 sub-Saharan polities throughout the 1990-2019 period, AETL represents the most complete and updated collection of data on Africa’s ETLs politics, and a versatile research tool to address several questions on the present and future of this continent. [R, abr.]
72.49 CASSING, James H. ; LONG Ngo Van —
We study how the opportunity to trade in trash might influence the equilibrium outcome when the tax on the externality is determined by a political economy process. In our model, individuals have heterogeneous preferences for environmental quality, and there is a wastage of real resources when funds are transferred from the pressure groups to the politicians. When hard-core environmentalists and capitalists are organized interest groups while moderate environmentalists are not organized, we find that the politically chosen tax on the externality is below the optimal Pigouvian level. The opportunity to export waste in unlimited quantities, but at a price, is not the environmentalists’ panacea and does not eliminate political social tension and suboptimal results. [R]
72.50 CHAMPEIL-DESPLATS, Véronique —
Pour répondre à l’épidémie de Covid-19, la loi no 2020-290 du 23 mars 2020 crée, entre autres mesures, un état d’urgence sanitaire. Cet état d’exception confère des compétences de police spéciale au Premier ministre, au ministre chargé de la santé et, sur habilitation, aux représentants de l’État. Il permet des limitations sans précédent à l’exercice des droits et libertés. Si ses promoteurs insistent sur la continuité de l’État de droit, les arrangements singuliers apportés à ce dernier tendent cependant, ces dernières années, à se répéter, voire à se normaliser, au point que le concept même d’État de droit pourrait s’en trouver modifié. [R] [Cf. Abstr. 72.462]
72.51 CHENG Xusen ; FU Shixuan ; DE VREEDE, Gert-Jan —
Vendors and clients collaborate on outsourcing projects through virtual teams. Trust is an important indicator of mutual relationships that lead to successful projects. This study’s objective is to investigate the determinants of trust in different stages of collaboration during offshore softwaredevelopment outsourcing. Using a case study approach to collect data, we find that reputation, a cognition-based trust factor, influences clients’ trust in vendors in the team-forming stage. Responsible team climate, a knowledge-based trust factor, impacts clients’ trust in vendors in the team-storming and norming stages of software design and development. [R, abr.]
72.52 CHOI Gwangeun —
It is widely believed that economic inequality significantly affects political inequality, and vice versa. However, there has been a lack of empirical evidence about this relationship, particularly, in cross-national comparative research. This is largely because cross-national measures of political inequality are underdeveloped. To fill this gap, this study introduces a new way of conceptualizing and measuring political inequality and constructs the Political Inequality Index (PII), which is mainly based on objective indicators. Additionally, the Political Power Inequality Index (PPII) based on subjective indicators is presented as an alternative measure. This research then explores the features of these measures and investigates the impact of economic inequality on political inequality with the measures. [R, abr.]
72.53 CICCHI, Lorenzo, et al. —
In recent years, a growing body of literature has widely investigated the impact of role-playing simulations in teaching politics and international relations. While scholars agree that participating in simulations is helpful for the students in developing their skills, the evidence about benefits is more mixed. Moreover, the question whether all students — regardless of their demographic or academic background — benefit similarly from simulations remains largely unanswered. This article, based on a crossnational survey submitted to students from Italy and the Netherlands who have participated in the Model United Nations (MUN), provides an innovative contribution to the current literature by looking at views and opinions of students coming from different educational contexts. Our empirical results suggest that students perceive that MUN increases their skills regardless of their academic and socio-demographic background. [R, abr.]
72.54 ÇINAR, Ipek —
While democratic breakdown has become increasingly common, significant variation exists in the strategies deployed by would-be autocrats. Although some engage in unconstitutional power grabs, an increasing number of incumbents instead deploy constitutional methods to consolidate their power. How do incumbents decide how far to ride the democracy train, and whether to attack democracy unlawfully, or subvert it legally from within? This paper presents a simple formal model to adjudicate between these two incumbent-led paths to autocracy. The model implies that leaders who retain military support can successfully conduct an executive coup yet prefer lawful means to grab power when they enjoy high popularity. The paper examines how Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who boarded the democracy train as a democratically elected leader but continued his journey toward a fully authoritarian destination, orchestrated his autocratic takeover of Turkish democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 72.188]
72.55 CLAASSEN, Rutger ; HERZOG, Lisa —
Authors like I. Young and P. Pettit have come up with proposals for theorizing ‘structural injustice’ and social relations marred by ‘domination’. These authors provide conceptual tools for focusing on concrete economic structures and re-focus the debate about justice onto questions of power. In this article we build on their work, but we argue that a positive notion of economic agency is needed as a criterion for what makes economic structures dominating and potentially unjust. We propose a notion of economic agency, which we relate to a more general notion of autonomous agency to create a dual-level account. Domination in the economic sphere happens where individuals are deprived of their economic agency, to the extent that such agency is necessary to lead an autonomous life in general. Using the example of creditor-debtor relations we argue for the usefulness of this theoretical framework. [R, abr.]
72.56 CLAYTON, Govinda ; STICHER, Valerie —
Ceasefires play a role in almost all civil war peace processes. Yet existing studies undertheorize the ways in which different logics drive the design of ceasefire agreements, and the effect this has on violence suspension. Building on bargaining theory and existing ceasefire literature, we identify different bargaining problems conflict parties face over the course of a conflict, and three classes of ceasefire design they use to address these problems. We argue that the effect of ceasefires is driven both by these underlying logics and by the provisions they contain. Building on the PA-X data to capture the provisions included within all written civil war ceasefires between 1990 and 2019, and using Uppsala Conflict Data Program georeferenced event data, we estimate models of ceasefire survival, with conflict deaths as the main measure of whether a ceasefire remains in place. We find that definitive ceasefires (i.e., agreements with demobilization and incompatibility provisions), followed by preliminary ceasefires (i.e., agreements with compliance mechanisms), are associated with longer periods of violence suspension than cessation of hostilities agreements that lack such provisions. [R, abr.]
72.57 CLIFFORD, Scott ; SHEAGLEY, Geoffrey ; PISTON, Spencer —
The use of survey experiments has surged in political science. The most common design is the between-subjects design in which the outcome is only measured posttreatment. This design relies heavily on recruiting a large number of subjects to precisely estimate treatment effects. Alternative designs that involve repeated measurements of the dependent variable promise greater precision, but they are rarely used out of fears that these designs will yield different results than a standard design (e.g., due to consistency pressures). Across six studies, we assess this conventional wisdom by testing experimental designs against each other. Contrary to common fears, repeated measures designs tend to yield the same results as more common designs while substantially increasing precision. These designs also offer new insights into treatment effect size and heterogeneity. [R, abr.]
72.58 COEN, Alise —
States have increasingly moved away from refugee protection, intensifying the vulnerability of refugees and asylum-seekers. Drawing on theories of norm dynamics within International Relations (IR), this article argues that departures from refugee protection can be partly explained by the weakness of the normative principles governing the treatment of individuals fleeing persecution. Ambiguities, diverging interpretations, and varying levels of codification complicate efforts to hold states accountable to a complex bundle of human rights standards surrounding refugee and asylum protection. These weaknesses in the international refugee regime bolster norm-evading behavior wherein governments deliberately minimize their obligations while claiming technical compliance. Drawing on an analysis of US refugee and asylum policies under the Trump administration, the article reveals how norm evasion and accountability challenges emerge in the context of ambiguous standards vis-à-vis non-refoulement, non-detention, non-penalization, nondiscrimination, and refugee responsibility-sharing. [R]
72.59 COLOMBO, Enzo —
The paper aims to reconstruct the debate over the pandemic in Italy to highlight the logic of the discourse that guided the various voices. The two governmentalities that have monopolized the public and political debate are biomedical and economic. The former brought the defense of biological life (zoé) as the ultimate element of truth and legitimacy of the government’s action. The latter, based the “true” justification upon a careful cost-benefit calculation and the protection of the interests of homo oeconomicus. The debate lacked a “social” perspective capable of placing dignity and human rights as a compass for intervention. Behind an apparent impartial universalism that would drive both biomedical and economic logic, there emerges a form of discrimination and lack of protection for specific sectors of society, in particular the marginal ones. [R, abr.]
72.60 CONLEY TYLER, Melissa —
The field of international relations has been described as a discipline rooted in pessimism. This stems from misunderstanding optimism and from downplaying the negative consequences of pessimism. Insights from the psychological literature on optimism challenge these assumptions. In particular, the optimism-pessimism binary needs to be broken down and optimism seen as a healthy middle state between overconfident risk-taking and debilitating pessimism. There are proven techniques that could be used by those working in international relations to promote an optimistic outlook to help avoid falling into despondency. The field will limit the ability of its scholars, practitioners and students to contribute to solving problems if it ties itself to pessimism. [R]
72.61 CONTEH, Charles —
The multilevel governance literature has matured into a widely used analytical framework for investigating policy processes that span multiple tiers of jurisdiction. However, there are still gaps in this literature. This article addresses some of these gaps by proposing a strategic construct of multilevel governance that focuses on informal but longer-time horizons of interjurisdictional cooperation. This strategic approach expands the frame of analysis from prevalent emphasis in the extant literature on limited instances of interjurisdictional coordination to a greater emphasis on sustainable strategic multiscalar partnerships facilitated by municipallevel authorities and non-state actors. The article uses this strategic construct of multilevel governance to analyze the key institutional features of Canada’s innovation policy delivery in southern Ontario. It illustrates how a strategic construct provides a richer understanding of the highly adaptive and fluid processes of multilevel governance in federal systems. [R, abr.]
72.62 CORTINAS MUÑOZ, Joan ; HOURCADE, Renaud —
Comparison between a variety of territorial contexts is often useful to explain the differing implementation of public policies. We present a methodology developed in order to benefit from both a medium-N comparison and from a substantial understanding of causal mechanisms, arrived at through close observation in the field. This research design combines a process tracing approach with a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) of 15 cases of (non-)implementation of public polices in France. This article highlights two important factors that can help to explain how these policies were implemented: the existence of a coalition of local actors that supported the protection of water resources and a reduction in uncertainties with regard to the source and effects of water pollution. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3]
72.63 COSTALLI, Stefano ; NEGRI, Fedra —
A primary challenge for researchers that make use of observational data is selection bias (i.e., the units of analysis exhibit systematic differences and dis-homogeneities due to non-random selection into treatment). This article encourages researchers in acknowledging this problem and discusses how and more importantly — under which assumptions they may resort to statistical matching techniques to reduce the imbalance in the empirical distribution of pre-treatment observable variables between the treatment and control groups. The article engages with the evaluation of the effectiveness of peacekeeping missions in the case of the Bosnian civil war, a research topic which shows how to apply the Coarsened Exact Matching (CEM), the most widely used matching algorithm in the fields of Political Science and IR. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72 66]
72.64 CROSS, Mai’a K. Davis —
Drawing upon fresh archival research and participant observation, the author traces the emergence and transformative idea of the nonweaponized and peaceful use of space from the 1920s to today. Building on this, the case study questions much of the common wisdom surrounding humans’ relationship with space over the past century. Although the beginnings of the Space Age are usually thought to have closely coincided with the Space Race beginning in 1955, the paper goes further back to the Spaceflight Movement of the 1920s and 30s, tracing the emergence of the idea of space as part of the global commons. This societallevel movement was highly transnational and collaborative in nature, and pushed for the achievement of human spaceflight decades before the technology existed, at the same time advocating for space as a peaceful domain for all of humankind. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1175]
72.65 CROYDON, Silvia —
The paper offers a within-case analysis of Japanese prison policymaking. In particular, I compare the 2005 bill updating the Prison Law in force in Japan since the Meiji era with an earlier draft version of that bill which appeared in parliament on three occasions since the early 1980s. On the basis of the convergence of these bills in terms of seeking to align Japan with the evolved new global standards for convicted prisoners’ treatment, I argue that a three-decade delay occurred in the implementation of prisoners’ rights in Japan. To account then for this delay, I point to a provision pertaining to the criminal procedure which was incorporated in the law in question in 1908 merely for pragmatic reasons, and with regard to which the modern-time stakeholders of the bar and the police could not find agreement. [R, abr.]
72.66 CURINI, Luigi ; DAMONTE, Alessia —
In the last decades, ‘research design’ has become a strategic topic across political science. An emerging discourse relies on it to encompass paradigmatic oppositions and cultivate a pluralist approach to causation. As an introduction to the special issue on the topic, we offer an outline of the roles that the discipline recognizes to design in its relation to models and contend that, in a time of fascination for predictors, political science pluralism allows for balancing interpretability and validity of findings at once. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Capturing causation: issues of research design in political science”. See also Abstr. 72.63, 175, 216, 219, 259, 285]
72.67 CURTICE, Travis B. ; ARNON, Daniel —
Do coups affect patterns of political violence like violations of physical integrity rights? Do these patterns vary depending on whether coups succeed or fail? We argue that political uncertainty from coups decreases respect for physical integrity rights. Post-coup regimes preemptively repress as a show of strength to deter threats from those excluded from power and settle scores through cycles of retaliation. Additionally, we argue that the retaliation cycle of score settling will last longer after a failed coup because of informational problems that emerge when targeting opponents. Employing data on coups and physical integrity rights from 1980 to 2015, we find coup failure and success to be negatively associated with respect for physical integrity rights, and the cycle of retaliation lasts longer after failed coups. [R]
72.68 DALACOURA, Katerina —
This article responds to Acharya’s call to integrate deep area studies knowledge and methods into a global IR by presenting the findings of an empirical enquiry into the concept of civilization in Turkish Islamist thought. It delves into primary and secondary sources, in English and Turkish and in particular into the works of a number of emblematic Islamist thinkers in Republican (post-1923) Turkey, to show that their approach to ‘Islamic civilization’ is defined through nineteenth century, modern concepts, shared with so-called Western thinkers and contexts. The conclusions of the study constitute the basis for a critique of the culturalist perspective in IR which treats cultural and civilizational differences as foundational or even immutable. The article posits, instead, that a truly global IR can only be developed if it is underpinned by the concepts of global modernity and global history (as proposed by Buzan and Lawson, among other IR theorists and historians), across an imagined ‘East’ and ‘West’. [R]
72.69 DAMONTE, Alessia —
How can Qualitative Comparative Analysis contribute to causal knowledge? The article’s answer builds on the shift from design to models that the Structural Causal Model framework has compelled in the probabilistic analysis of causation. From this viewpoint, models refine the claim that a ‘treatment’ has causal relevance as they specify the ‘covariates’ that make some units responsive. The article shows how QCA can establish configurational models of plausible ‘covariates’. It explicates the rationale, operations, and criteria that confer explanatory import to configurational models, then illustrates how the basic structures of the SCM can widen the interpretability of configurational solutions and deepen the dialogue among techniques. [R] [See Abstr. 72 66]
72.70 DAOUDY, Marwa —
Scholars of environmental politics and policy experts have long debated whether climate change can be linked to violent conflict. I present a new framework called human-environmental-climate security (HECS), which integrates critiques of traditional security frameworks while offering a systematized method of process tracing. Using existing concepts of vulnerability and resilience, I illustrate the empirical utility of centering the human subject and local conceptions of security when analyzing the role of climate in armed conflict. I develop this framework using the cases of Syria, Sudan, and Morocco. I argue that the ecological drivers of conflicts in Sudan and Syria are best understood as a result of policy decisions that reflected the ideology and preferences of ruling elites rather than direct functions of climate change. Conversely, I present the case of Morocco as a counterfactual in which sound government policy attenuated environmental drivers of conflict. [R, abr.]
72.71 DAVIES, William —
In the early 21st c., liberal democracies have witnessed their foundational norms of critique and deliberation being disrupted by a combination of populist and technological forces. A distinctive style of dispute has appeared, in which a speaker denounces the unfairness of all liberal and institutional systems of equivalence, including the measures of law, economics and the various other ‘tests’ which convention scholars have deemed core to organizations. The article reviews how sociologists of critique have tended to treat critical capacities as oriented towards consensus but then considers how technologies of real-time ‘control’ circumvent liberal critique altogether. In response, a different type of dispute emerges in the digital public sphere, which abandons equivalences in general, instead adopting a non-representational template of warfare. This style of post-liberal dispute is manifest in the rhetoric of populists but does not originate there. [R]
72.72 DEDIEU, François ; JOUZEL, Jean-Noël —
Les mutations institutionnelles des deux dernières décennies dans le champ de la santé publique portent la promesse de décisions politiques prenant mieux en considération l’état des savoirs, et, en particulier des données épidémiologiques qui mettent en évidence des facteurs de risque de maladies chroniques. Le secteur de la santé au travail met néanmoins en évidence les limites de la conversion des données épidémiologiques en instruments d’action publique. De nombreux travaux ont montré que les rapports sociaux de domination entre employeurs et salariés empêchent d’aligner la reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles sur les connaissances épidémiologiques disponibles. Dans cet article, nous mettons plutôt en évidence les logiques administratives qui filtrent la prise en compte politique des données épidémiologiques sur les pathologies induites par les toxiques professionnels. [R, abr.]
72.73 DESTRI, Chiara —
As is well known, instrumentalism and proceduralism represent the two primary viewpoints that democrats can adopt to vindicate democratic legitimacy. This article has two aims. First, it introduces three variables with which we can thoroughly categorise the aforementioned approaches. Second, it argues that the more promising version of proceduralism is extrinsic, rather than intrinsic, and that extrinsically procedural accounts can appeal to other values in the justification of democracy without translating into instrumentalism. This article is organised as follows. I present what I consider to be the ‘implicit view’ in the justification of democracy. Then, I analyse each of the three variables in a different section. Finally, I raise an objection against procedural views grounded in relational equality, which cannot account for the idea that democracy is a necessary condition for political legitimacy. [R, abr.]
72.74 DIAZ, Diego A. ; LARROULET, Cristian —
The number and impact of natural disasters are increasing because of climate change and more people living in urban areas [R]
72.75 DINGLI, Sophia —
This article examines the conceptualisations of peace and its preconditions manifested in the critical turn in peace theory. It argues that the turn is at an impasse and is unable to address the crucial charge that its conceptualisation of peace is inconsistent. To explain the persistence of inconsistency and to move us forward, the article analyses, evaluates and responds to the turn through the lens of Nicholas Rengger’s work on the anti-Pelagian imagination in political theory. This is defined as a tendency to begin theorising from non-utopian, anti-perfectionist and sceptical assumptions. Through this examination the article argues that the critical turn is anti-Pelagian but not consistently so because it often gives way to perfectionism, adopts naïve readings of institutions and postulates demanding conceptions of political agency and practice. [R, abr.]
72.76 DODLOVA, Marina ; LUCAS, Viola —
We study taxation by autocratic rulers. Using a detailed dataset on government finances in 105 autocracies from 1950 to 2004, we find that despotic autocrats, who are defined as personally concentrating all decision-making power and as not relying on elites for regime support, tend, with a middle class absent, to use lower personal income taxes in face of a threat of rebellion from the population-at-large and to use higher land and property taxes to financially repress elites. When the threat to the regime is from elites, taxation is the converse, with the tax burden on elites is relaxed. Our empirical results show how autocratic rulers choose forms of taxation with awareness of elites and the population-at-large as groups that can threaten regime security. [R]
72.77 DRISCOLL, Barry —
The Big Man has attracted considerable attention from social scientists, both as an explanatory force as well as a phenomenon to be explained. But the concept has become unmoored from its original meaning. Once used to refer to an apex figure within a patrimonial regime, today Big Men are often described as dictators or thieves. I show this using an original dataset covering discussions of Big Men in leading African Studies journals since 1980. I find that authors, especially political scientists, overemphasise theft and underemphasise accountability of Big Men. Then, drawing on my research with Ghanaian local politicians, I show how Big Men are constantly under pressure from their supporters. [R, abr.]
72.78 DRUEZ, Élodie —
This article investigates the linkages between politicisation, experiences of racial discrimination, and higher education, by developing a strategy of “complexification” based on mixed methods and a comparative approach between France and the UK On the quantitative side, this article will compare and describe the effects of perceived discrimination and education levels on the politicisation of French and British descendants of immigrants. On the qualitative side, it will focus on higher education graduates of sub-Saharan origin, deconstructing these explanatory variables by revealing the effect caused by the type of academic degree obtained. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3]
72.79 DUGHERA, Stefano ; GIRAUDO, Marco —
We develop a social custom model where a population of social media users decide whether to remain online and accept the platform’s datagathering policy or abandon the social media and litigate for privacy violations. By allowing the users’ concerns for informational security to co-evolve with the number of privacy-related trials, we find that the system may converge to multiple equilibria. When users put relative emphasis on the relational benefits of online interactions, privacy-related trials remain contained and the provider imposes no limitations to its data-gathering activities. Conversely, when users put relative emphasis on the privacy costs of web-mediated interactions, privacy-related trials become endemic and platforms modulate their data-gathering activities by mediating between profitability and the legal implications of their choice. [R, abr.]
72.80 DUTTA, Nabamita ; SOBEL, Russell S. —
The previous literature finds that self-reported ‘fear of failure’ has a significant negative effect on individuals’ choice to become entrepreneurs. We hypothesize this effect is lessened in economies with a larger number of additional, alternative, entrepreneurial opportunities to pursue if a failure occurs. Prior literature also concludes the number of entrepreneurial opportunities is enhanced significantly by having policies and institutions consistent with higher levels of economic freedom. We therefore test and confirm that fear of failure hurts the entrepreneurial process less when levels of economic freedom are higher as there are more additional chances for failed entrepreneurs to pursue. [R]
72.81 DUXBURY, Scott W. —
Threat theory argues that states toughen criminal laws to repress the competitive power of large minority groups. Yet, research on threat suffers from a poor understanding of why minority group size contributes to social control and a lack of evidence on whether criminal law is uniquely responsive to the political interests of majority racial groups at all. By compiling a unique [US] state-level dataset on 230 sentencing policy changes during mass incarceration and using data from 257,362 responses to 79 national surveys to construct new state-level measures of racial differences in punitive policy support, I evaluate whether criminal sentencing law is uniquely responsive to white public policy interests. [R, abr.]
72.82 DZIEDZIC, Anna —
Studies of global constitutionalism have focused on the transnational movement of constitutional law through the citation of foreign judgments. However, little attention has been paid to the movement of constitutional judges themselves. This article considers how the foreign judges who sit on courts of constitutional jurisdiction in Pacific island states can be understood as part of the phenomenon of global constitutionalism. It identifies three ways in which foreign judges can be agents of global constitutionalism: as mechanisms for the diffusion of constitutional ideas, as expressions of global constitutional values and as objects of transnational legal transfer. An empirical analysis comparing the citation practices of local and foreign judges in constitutional cases in nine Pacific states suggests that the use of foreign judges on constitutional courts does contribute to the international movement of constitutional ideas. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1248]
72.83 EDRY, Jessica ; JOHNSON, Jesse C. ; LEEDS, Brett Ashley —
In the current era, many of the military threats that state leaders face come from domestic and transnational nonstate actors. Military alliances are recognized as an important policy strategy to counter military threats, but existing research has primarily been focused on threats from other states and has difficulty uncovering a consistent relationship between external threat and alliance formation. We argue that this discrepancy arises from the failure to recognize that many threats are not external to the state. We contend that alliance formation is motivated both by external threats from other states and by internal threats that make civil conflict more likely. Moreover, we argue that leaders design alliance obligations differently when faced with internal threats. An empirical analysis of alliance formation from 1946 to 2009 shows that while external threats motivate the formation of defense pacts, internal threats encourage the formation of consultation pacts. [R, abr.]
72.84 ELKINS, Zachary —
Executive term-limits are evidently under stress in many jurisdictions. One mode in which they are evaded is through the formal revision or abrogation of a constitution. Such a process accelerates a pernicious cycle in which constitutional non-compliance begets constitutional instability, which in turn begets subsequent non-compliance. Such a noncompliance cycle is a core problem in law, and one that deserves more careful examination in various domains. This essay unearths original historical evidence of term-limit provisions and executive tenure in an effort to illuminate and evaluate the phenomenon. A background concern is that of international (and domestic) approaches to term-limit evasion. One intellectual response is that of militant democracy. The logic of that approach would imply the entrenchment and protection of term-limits, which would presumably disrupt the cycle of non-compliance. [R] [See Abstr. 72.188]
72.85 ETZERODT, Søren Frank —
Why do some advanced capitalist democracies experience relatively higher economic growth rates? This paper argues that complementarities between varieties of coordination and systems of social protection can help explain differences in long-run economic performance. Testing the explanatory power of the original Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) model and the welfare production regime (WPR) model, the article finds that long-run economic growth is conditioned by the extent to which systems of social protection are complementary to varieties of coordination. Using time-series cross-section data on 17 OECD countries from 1974 to 2009, the article finds strong support for the hypothesis that coordinated market economies with decommodified welfare states achieve relatively higher economic growth rates in the long run. The WPR model moreover seems better at explaining economic growth compared with the classical VoC model. [R, abr.]
72.86 EZCURRA, Roberto —
This paper examines the relationship between the individualismcollectivism dimension of culture and political instability using a dataset covering around 100 countries. To shed light on the causal effect of culture on political instability, the identification strategy exploits the variation in historical pathogen prevalence and the information provided by the genetic distance between countries. The results reveal that individualism has a negative and statistically significant impact on the degree of political instability, which means that this cultural trait contributes to making the political environment more stable. This finding is robust to the inclusion in the analysis of a substantial number of controls that may be correlated with both individualism and political instability, including other cultural dimensions. [R, abr.]
72.87 FACCHINI, François ; MELKI, Mickael —
The unprecedented reduction in popular support for democracy represents a risk of democratic deconsolidation. The new situation echoes old debates on the compatibility of democracy with capitalism and socialism. This article provides empirical support for the incompatibility of socialism with democracy by providing evidence suggesting that when citizens adopt egalitarianism as a supreme value, they are ready to sacrifice democracy for the sake of equality. Using individual data, we observe that the decline in support for democracy over generations and over time is accompanied by rising support for egalitarian values in US and European democracies. Moreover, democracies with stronger preferences for egalitarianism also have less public support for democracy, suggesting a tradeoff between both values. [R]
72.88 FALLADA GARCIA-VALLE, Juan Ramon —
Some expressions identify the constitutional order with the “rules of the game” or “of the convivence”. Taking that as a starting point, some key characteristics of the constitutional orders are pointed out, by comparing them with the rules of the games. Freedom, ludic character and lack of punishment to those who decide not to play are confronted to supposed shared consent of the constitutional norms, sacredness and potential use of unregulated violence against dissidence. From that characterization some critical comments will be made. [R]
72.89 FARRALL, Stephen, et al. —
With the passing of time and the benefit of hindsight, there is, again, growing interest in Thatcherism — above all in its substantive and enduring legacy. But little of that work has focused on tracing the behavioral consequences, at the individual level, of holding Thatcherite values. That oversight we seek both to identify more clearly and begin to address. Deploying new survey data, we use multiple linear regression and structural equation modelling to unpack the relationship between ‘attitudinal’ and ‘behavioral’ Thatcherism. In the process, we reveal the considerably greater behavioral consequences of holding neo-liberal, as distinct from neo-conservative, values whilst identifying the key mediating role played by social, political and economic nostalgia. We find that neo-liberal values are positively associated with behavioral Thatcherism, whilst neoconservative values are negatively associated with behavioral Thatcherism. [R, abr.]
72.90 FERNÁNDEZ GARCIÁ, Eusebio —
In the work, the concept of Reason of State is analyzed. This expression refers to the use (and its knowledge and rational examination) of exceptional means by the state to conserve and maintain itself in situations of need. The means can be legal and illegal, moral and immoral. Secondly, the connection between the first steps of the modern state and the theories of good and bad Reason of State is emphasized. Finally, the contributions to the good Reason of State of Francisco Tomás and Valiente, Elías Díaz and Rafael del Águila are analyzed. The thesis maintained in the work is that while the conflicts of the (bad) Reason of State are inevitable, the Democratic State of Law and the ethical values that inspire and base it (good reason of state) must be the remedy. [R, abr.]
72.91 FERNÁNDEZ-I-MARÍN, Xavier ; KNILL, Christoph ; STEINEBACH, Yves —
This article systematically examines policy design and its influence on policy effectiveness in a comparative perspective. We provide a novel concept and measure of policy design. Our Average Instrument Diversity (AID) index captures whether governments tend to reuse the same policy instruments and instrument combinations or produce policy solutions that are carefully tailored to the policy problem at hand. Second, we demonstrate that our AID index is a valid and reliable measure of policy design quality with a strong explanatory power for the outcome variables tested. Analyzing the composition of environmental policy portfolios in 21 OECD countries, we show that higher levels of AID are positively associated with a country’s policy effectiveness in environmental matters. We analyze, in a third step, the factors that lead countries to adopt more or less diverse policy portfolios. [R, abr.]
72.92 FERRARI, Emanuela —
Increasingly, mainstream approaches to the climate emergency are framed around technocratic, market-based policies that leave unchallenged the anthropogenic mode of development responsible for the crisis in the first place, and tend to erase the voices of grounded and localised experiences that issue from different ways of being in the world. The trend is embodied in mounting conflicts around dispossession indigenous land, where are local demands transcend conventional conceptions of political participation in challenge liberal capitalist ontologies. This paper will review the political implications and opportunities that adopting insights derived from the ontological turn in the social sciences offers in such a context, and consider how reflections around post-humanist concerns, and the conceptualization of difference that transcends the modern culture/nature divide, can offer a way out of the current political and ecological impasse. [R]
72.93 FILSINGER, Maximilian ; FREITAG, Markus —
The Corona crisis is an unprecedented challenge for societies. Lockdowns and physical distancing orders have generated economic, social and health-related consequences in many countries. In this regard, we evaluate how information about positive economic expectations during the crisis affects citizens’ attitudes. Using a real-world survey experiment, our analyses indicate that information about a positive economic outlook and governmental support to mitigate the crisis actually promote people’s subjective feelings of disadvantage rather than reducing them. Interestingly, it seems that information about economic recovery that opens up opportunities may backfire due to increased upward comparisons and perceived competition. Structural equation analyses suggest that this relationship is mediated by critical views about democratic institutions during the crisis. Citizens lose confidence in their governments and democratic decision-makers to uphold principles of fairness after the crisis ends. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1309]
72.94 FINKENBUSCH, Peter —
According to governmentality studies, resilience, like any other neoliberal policy framework, reproduces a paternalising dichotomy between capable Northern policy elites and incapable Southern actors. In contrast to this popular governmentality reading, this article argues that resilience thinking is actually geared towards critiquing international policy expertise and the privileged knowledge position of international interveners. Rather than imposing particular policy options from the top down, resilience thinking actively seeks out vernacular, non-liberal forms of governing. However, the drive to critique domineering neoliberal policy initiatives does not usher in a post-liberal paradigm. Instead, this article demonstrates how resilience works as a field of transition on which the retreat from liberal forms of governing is mediated discursively without giving up entirely on the notion of normative, law-based security. [R, abr.]
72.95 FLORIS, Giacomo —
Standard liberal theories of justice rest on the assumption that only those beings that hold the capacity for moral personality (CMP) have moral status and therefore are right-holders. As many pointed out, this has the disturbing implication of excluding a wide range of entities from the scope of justice. Call this the under-inclusiveness objection. This paper provides a response to the under-inclusiveness objection and illustrates its implications for liberal theories of justice. In particular, the paper defends two claims: first, it argues that both the CMP and the potential capacity for moral personality (PCMP) are bases of moral status. This pluralist account of the basis of moral status can broaden the scope of justice and provide a solid philosophical justification for the commonsense intuition that almost all human beings have a moral status that is different and superior to that of nonhuman animals. [R, abr.]
72.96 FOURNIER, Patrick ; PETERSEN, Michael Bang ; SOROKA, Stuart —
The fields of political psychology and election studies often live separate lives. One reason has been the difficulty of including long psychological question batteries in the high-quality, representative samples that are the hallmark of election studies. In this study, we examine a novel one-item measure of psychological differences in sensitivity to one particular emotion: disgust. We demonstrate that disgust sensitivity serves as a foundational political difference that colors a very large range of social and political attitudes and behaviors: including ideology, political engagement, reactions towards outgroups, support for government intervention, behavior during a pandemic, and vote choice. [R]
72.97 FREEDEN, Michael —
Two branches of discourse studies, critical discourse analysis (CDA) and discourse theory (DT), could benefit through extending their critical focus and incorporating findings and methodologies of neighbouring disciplines. While indebted to the attentiveness of CDA to ordinary language, ideology studies have by contrast developed interpretative, nonjudgmental analytical frameworks that explore the many-faceted features of ideology, power, and the political. In turn, the macro-focus of DT on binary distinctions, articulatory equivalences, and the construction of hegemony through empty signifiers, overlooks the complex internal conceptual morphology that produces multiple ideological vocabularies. Through a layered filtering of texts, utterances, and linguistic intensities, ideological micro-morphology reveals processes of semantic decontestation in order to defend, alter or criticize political thought-practices. It illuminates the complex interrelationship between word and concept and accepts fantasies as ineluctable and decodable features of communal life. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.156]
72.98 FU, Diana ; SIMMONS, Erica S. —
How should we study contentious politics in an era rife with new forms of contention, both in the US and abroad? The introduction to this special issue draws attention to one particularly crucial methodological tool in the study of contention: political ethnography. It showcases the ways in which ethnographic approaches can contribute to the study of contentious politics. Specifically, it argues that “what,” “how,” and “why” questions are central to the study of contention and that ethnographic methods are particularly well-suited to answering them. It also demonstrates how ethnographic methods push scholars to both expand the objects of inquiry and rethink what the relevant units of analysis might be. By uncovering hidden processes, exploring social meanings, and giving voice to unheard stories, ethnography and “ethnography-plus” approaches contribute to the study of contention and to comparative politics, writ large. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Studying contentious politics: from afar or up-close?”, edited by the first author. See also Abstr. 72.178, 246, 512, 744, 823, 891]
72.99 GÁBOR SZŰCS, Zoltán —
The paper is organized around two major, but closely interconnected goals. First, the paper’s principal aim is to offer a normative theory of political obligations that is based on certain insights of philosophical anarchism, theories of associative obligations and political realism. Second, the paper aims to offer a normative theoretical framework to examine political obligations in contemporary non-democratic contexts that does not vindicate non-democratic regimes and that does not exclude political obligations from the terrain of moral normativity. The theory of political obligations this paper proposes can be briefly summarized as follows: applying to every subject; and regime-specific offices that attribute specific responsibilities to political obligations are duties of compliance with the political authority claims of those who exercise political power. [R, abr.]
72.100 GADE, Emily Kalah, et al. —
The Internet Archive curated a 90-terabyte sub-collection of captures from the US government’s public website domain (‘.gov’). Such archives provide largely untapped resources for measuring attributes, behaviors and outcomes relevant to political science research. This study leverages this archive to measure a novel dimension of federal legislators’ religiosity: their proportional use of religious rhetoric on official congressional websites (2006-2012). This scalable, time-variant measure improves upon more costly, time-invariant conventional approaches to measuring legislator attributes. The authors demonstrate the validity of this method for measuring legislators’ public-facing religiosity and discuss the contributions and limitations of using archived internet data for scientific analysis. [R, abr.]
72.101 GAIDO, Daniel —
In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by A. Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray’s book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx’s addenda to Lissagaray’s work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men’s Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune’s defeat. [R, abr.]
72.102 GAO, Jacque —
In this article I develop a new theory of how globalization in the form of increasing potential foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows affects democratization. As the level of potential FDI inflows increases, workers become more willing to support democratization because of the large wage benefits from liberalizing FDI under democracy, while capitalists become less willing to support democratization because of their increasing need for protection from the dictator in the form of FDI restrictions. Increased demand for protection allows dictators to extract larger share of rents from capitalists. The effect of increasing potential FDI on democratization is ambiguous because it increases both workers’ incentive to revolt and dictators’ resistance to democratization. [R]
72.103 GATT, Sabine ; HAYEK, Lore ; HUEMER, Christian —
While the relevance of political science is often evaluated with respect to its scholarly impact, evaluations of the teaching impact are rare. This paper offers a step towards strengthening the societal relevance of a political science degree. We treat the societal relevance of political science as a matter of the (non-)academic career preparation and civic education of its graduates. We are therefore interested in the career paths and individual learning outcomes of Austrian political science graduates. Data from the Graduate Monitoring and semi-structured interviews show that most graduates work outside of academia, moreover, as our results show, many graduates state that they had to acquire additional skills for their professional careers. Consequently, future curricula might consider a stronger focus on non-academic career preparation. At the same time, however, graduates highly value the civic dimension of the programme and the impact it had on their political agency. [R]
72.104 GINESTA, Xavier ; SAN EUGENIO, Jordi de —
Place branding is an evolution of what some researchers understood as “place or city marketing,” “place selling,” and “place promotion.” The three concepts analyze the need that territories have to position themselves in order to compete in the global markets through an eminently economic perspective. However, place branding rejects the corporate world to address, as positioning axes, the tangible and intangible values of a specific region and, therefore, its identity. This article presents a theoretical evolution of place-branding in order to find the most common links with the political order, as well as to design a conceptual framework to fit this discipline into the context of political science. This theoretical evolution will be conceived taking into account the results of previous empirical research that the authors conducted for different Catalan public administrations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.563]
72.105 GOES DA COSTA, Lara Denise ; ALMEIDA RESENDE, Erica Simone —
In the last two decades, the discipline of International Relations (IR) has been at crossroads. If, on one hand, dominant theories have converged into explaining world politics within the so-called “neo-neo synthesis”, on the other hand, the unexpected end of the Cold War has brought about the acknowledgement that those theories needed to be reconsidered. More specifically, the premises of the discipline needed urgent rethinking as they were at a crisis, but if it is true, this crisis is extended to foreign policy and the way the states think about their selves as policy makers. Just like the crisis between the Great Wars have made possible the birth of the discipline, the current crisis invites us to dare, to create, to reflect upon concepts and models, to challenge conventions and to propose alternative ways to understand realities. [R, abr.]
72.106 GOOTJES, Bram ; DE HAAN, Jakob ; JONG-A-PIN, Richard —
We ask whether fiscal rules constrain incumbents from using fiscal policy tools for reelection purposes. Using data on fiscal rules provided by the IMF for a sample of 77 (advanced and developing) countries over the 1984-2015 period, we find that strong fiscal rules dampen political budget cycles. Our results are remarkably robust against inclusion of media freedom and the level of government debt as explanatory variables. Furthermore, we find a strong effect of fiscal rules in, amongst others, countries with fewer veto players, left-wing governments, established democracies, and more globalized economies. In addition, the effect of fiscal rules on political budget cycles seems to be stronger after the global financial crisis, reflecting post-crisis expansion in the number of countries with strong fiscal rules, notably in the EU. [R]
72.107 GOTOH, Fumihito —
Since the 1980s, American-led financialization promoting capital and labour mobility has influenced Asia, but the Japanese and Chinese trajectories in financialization of consumption (consumer credit development) have diverged, with the 1995-2013 contraction in Japan contrasting with the skyrocketing growth in China since 2010. I argue the divergence can be attributed to the varying levels of compatibility between American financial norms and their social norms, the different timings of their integration into the global economy (the influence of ‘embedded liberalism’ or neoliberalism), and the interests of key actors of each country. Anti-liberal Japanese elites reversed the financialization of consumption to preserve anti-capitalistic ‘industrious norms’ and strong attachments to intermediary organisations, which are the cornerstones of their dominance. [R, abr.]
72.108 GRAJALES, Jacobo ; VADOT, Guillaume —
Two decades after the beginning of the last commodity boom, what is the state of political authority in places dedicated to the extraction of raw materials and often seen as new frontiers of capitalism? By taking mining, oil, metallurgical, and agribusiness sites — and the companies that come along — as fields of investigation, the contributions gathered in this special issue are a testament to the failed endeavor of bounding the state to the mere role of a broker, charged with facilitating the operations of international capital. This introduction outlines a synthetic view of the multiple processes that are responsible for the social and political anchoring of extractive companies, most often despite these latter’s intentions. The historical perspective granted by the almost three decades passed since the great wave of privatization and liberalization of the 1990s enables a more accurate view of these extractive spaces; one that is attentive to longer term trends and everyday life. [R, abr.]
72.109 GRASSO, Anthony —
Research on corporate criminal law has grown since the Great Recession, but corporate criminal liability, the principle charging corporations for crimes, remains understudied. Literature points to a 1909 [US] Supreme Court decision as its basis, but historical analysis of the doctrine’s deeper political roots reveal that its development was contingent on the convergence of several unique factors driving turn of the century American politics. These factors were each necessary, but alone insufficient, in paving the way for the Court to validate the principle in 1909. How they fit together sequentially illuminates how the doctrine’s construction was contingent on specific political and historical circumstances. [R, abr.]
72.110 GRÜNING, Barbara —
This article explores the complex interplay between sociology and politics during the Nazi Regime by looking at how some nationalist and national-socialist ideas were incorporated in the works of sociologists. I focus on the production and dissemination of sociological knowledge, interlacing two levels of analysis. The first level examines the manners in which sociologists linguistically and epistemologically appropriated some key concepts of nationalist thought and national-socialist ideology. The second level considers the pragmatical use of sociological concepts and methods for investigating and recording the daily life of different groups within the Third Reich’s territory. I first draw an overall picture of the social and symbolic spaces of the sociological field in the interwar period, looking at how some nationalist key concepts gained different meanings over time. [R, abr.]
72.111 HAAS, Mark L. —
Why is it that international ideological enemies — states governed by leaders engaged in deep disputes about preferred domestic institutions and values — are sometimes able to overcome their ideological differences and ally to counter shared threats, and sometimes they are not? Alliances among ideological enemies confronting a common foe are unlike coalitions among ideologically similar states facing comparable threats. Members of these alliances are perpetually torn by two sets of powerful contending forces. Shared material threats push these states together, while the effects of ideological differences pull them apart. To predict when ideological enemies are and are not likely to ally in the pursuit of common interests, it is necessary to know which of these contending forces is likely to dominate at a particular time. [R, abr.]
72.112 HAASS, Felix —
How does development aid shape democracy after civil conflicts? I argue that political aid conditionalities and the economic utility that recipient elites gain from office give rise to a rent-seeking/democracy dilemma: recipients can initiate democratic reforms but also risk uncertainty over office and rents. Or they can refuse to implement such reforms, but risk losing aid rents if donors reduce aid flows in response to failed democratic reforms. This dilemma is strongest in power-sharing cabinets. By granting rebel groups temporally limited access to the state budget, such cabinets intensify elites’ rent-seeking motives. Thus, aid-dependent power-sharing elites will hold cleaner elections, but also limit judicial independence and increase particularistic spending to simultaneously reap aid benefits and remain in power. I find statistical support for this argument using data on aid flows and power-sharing governments for all post-conflict states between 1990 and 2010. [R]
72.113 HAEGEL, Florence —
This paper puts contemporary political socialisation research in perspective. It offers a rapid overview of the crisis of the subfield after the 1970s and then shifts attention to post-crisis studies. Beginning with child political socialisation, it raises four issues: the use of theoretical frameworks derived from child psychology; the need to reconnect political socialisation to the sociology of family; the benefits of renewing methods for understanding the world of child politics; and a new account of social inequality in the process of political socialisation. It then explores lifelong political socialisation and how it has developed around four research dynamics: the study of civic and political socialisation of school-age adolescents and young adults; the generational renewal; the socialising effects of political mobilisation; and the processes and agents of the secondary political socialisation of adults. [R, abr.]
72.114 HAMANN, Kerstin, et al. —
The face of higher education is changing. One major trend is the fact that students are taking an increasing proportion of their courses online. That is, a growing number of students at not-for-profit private and public colleges and universities are taking some of their course work online and completing other parts in face-to-face courses. What impact does this mix of online and in-person course modalities have on student success? We answer this question by looking at political science majors at a large public university in the USA, taking into account demographics, achievement, and the mix of course modalities the students take (n = 1173). Through descriptive statistics, regression analysis, and predicted probabilities, we analyze how the mix of course modalities students enroll in impacts student success and retention. Results indicate that the success of all students declines as they take a greater proportion of their course load online. [R, abr.]
72.115 HAMANN, Kerstin ; HAMENSTÄDT, Ulrich —
Teaching and learning in college and university classrooms has received increased attention in recent years, including in political science. While historically, political science college education was dominated by the model of lectures and perhaps discussions in brick-and-mortar classrooms, the last two decades have witnessed changes in instructional techniques and considerable variation in pedagogical approaches across instructors and classes. At the same time, we sometimes lack the empirical evidence that these innovative approaches are effective and result in improved learning outcomes. We suggest that sharing our innovative pedagogical approaches becomes even more valuable to the academic community when we add an empirical evaluation of their effectiveness on students’ success and learning. [R]
72.116 HARRIS, Clodagh ; HUGHES, Ian —
Established democracies face numerous crises, including climate change, environmental degradation, overconsumption and pollution, unsustainable levels of inequality and the potential for disruptive social unrest. Decades of neoliberalism have also undermined democracy, including the idea of democratic Society itself, leaving established democracies vulnerable to the rise of toxic leaders. In these circumstances, we must not only strengthen the existing institutions of democracy, we must also reimagine democracy. Drawing on the experiences of the Irish Citizens’ Assembly and the UK Climates Assembly, this paper argues for ‘vibrant democratic ecology’ that is collaborative, empowering and progressive and emphasis participatory in deliberative democratic innovations. [R, abr.]
72.117 HARTEVELD, Eelco —
This study explores whether, in societies around the world, affective polarization — or animosity between citizens based on their political allegiance — is stronger if political divisions align with non-political ones. Such ‘social sorting’ has earlier been established to foster affective polarization in the US. I argue that the underlying mechanism travels across the globe. I then present two complementary studies which confirm this hypothesis. First, I employ CSES data to predict the level of affective polarization by social sorting at 119 elections in 40 countries, showing that greater alignment of partisan divisions with non-political divisions in a society (along the lines of income, education, religion and region) is associated with stronger dislike towards political outgroups. Second, using Dutch panel data, I show that individuals who fit the sociodemographic ‘profile’ of their party better tend to be more affectively polarized. [R, abr.]
72.118 HAUGEVIK, Kristin ; BASBERG NEUMANN, Cecilie —
This article theorises containment as a diplomatic response mode for states when faced with potentially harmful attacks on their international identity and reputation. Despite widespread agreement in International Relations (IR) scholarship that identities matter in the context of state security, studies of crisis management have paid little attention to ontological security crises. Scholarly literature on public diplomacy has concerned itself mainly with proactive nation branding and reputation building; work on stigma management has privileged the study of how ‘transgressive’ states respond to identity attacks by recognising, rejecting or countering criticism. Our contribution is two-fold. First, we make the case that states do not perform as uniform entities when faced with ontological security crises – government representatives, bureaucratic officials and diplomats have varying roles and action repertoires available to them. Second, we argue that containment is a key but undertheorised part of the diplomatic toolkit in crisis management. [R, abr.]
72.119 HEGRE, Håvard ; NYGÅRD, Håvard Mokleiv ; LANDSVERK, Peder —
Can we predict civil war? This article sheds light on this question by evaluating 9 years of, at the time, future predictions made by H. Hegre, et al. [“Predicting armed conflict 2010-2050, ibid. 57(2), 2013 : 250-270] in 2011. We evaluate the ability of this study to predict observed conflicts in the 2010-2018 period, using multiple metrics. We also evaluate the original performance evaluation, i.e. whether the performance measures presented by Hegre, et al. hold in this new 9-year window. Overall, we conclude that Hegre, et al. were able to produce meaningful and reasonably accurate predictions of armed conflict. Of course, they did not always hit the mark. We find that the model has performed worse in predicting low level incidence of conflict than in predicting major armed conflict. The model also failed to predict some important broader regional shifts. These, however, represent important insights for future research and illustrate the utility in predictive models for both testing and developing theory. [R]
72.120 HEIMBERGER, Philipp —
This paper explores various dimensions of the wide variation in existing estimates of the globalization-spending relationship. By applying metaanalysis and meta-regression methods to a unique data-set consisting of 1182 observations from 79 peer-reviewed articles, we find that the evidence rejects theoretical views predicting strong unidirectional effects of economic globalization on government spending. Once we account for publication selection bias, no evidence of a non-zero average empirical effect is found. More importantly, however, the type of government spending matters: while the results are consistent with the view that economic globalization exerts small-to-moderate downward pressure on government spending for social protection and welfare, other spending components are affected less significantly. The meta-regression analysis shows further that several factors influence the globalization-spending estimates reported in the literature. [R, abr.]
72.121 HELLMEIER, Sebastian, et al. —
This article analyses the state of democracy in 2020. The world is still more democratic than it was in the 1970s and 1980s, but a trend of autocratization is ongoing and affecting 25 countries in 2020, home to 34% of the world’s population. At the same time, the number of democratizing countries has dwindled by nearly half, reducing to 16 countries, home to a mere 4% of the global population. Freedom of expression, deliberation, rule of law and elections show the most substantial net declines in the last decade. A major change is that India, formerly the world’s largest democracy, turned into an electoral autocracy. The V-Dem data suggests that direct effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on levels of liberal democracy were limited in 2020. Still, the longer-term consequences may be worse and must be monitored closely. [R, abr.]
72.122 HENDRIK, Behagel Jelle ; AYŞEM, Mert —
Within post-structuralist discourse theory, there has been an ongoing interest in fantasy and the fantasmatic logic. We propose a new way forward and suggest a focus on fantasies of ‘nature’ and what is deemed ‘natural’. Fantasies are structurally entwined with language, desire, and political ontologies. Discourses of nature hold a privileged position in this entwinement. We use the psychoanalytic concept of fantasy to explore how symbolic engagement with the world is supported by fantasmatic mechanisms. We argue that political fantasies express political subjects and objects via the imaginary mechanisms of splitting and projection. In an era of ecological crises and global pandemics, we find that fantasies that create a split between nature and society are a central part of the transformation of political imaginaries and discourses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.156]
72.123 HENDRIKS, Frank —
Pushed by technological, cultural and related political drivers, a ‘new plebiscitary democracy’ is emerging which challenges established electoral democracy as well as variants of deliberative democracy. The new plebiscitary democracy reinvents and radicalizes longer-existing methods (initiative, referendum, recall, primary, petition, poll) with new tools and applications (mostly digital). It comes with a comparatively thin conceptualization of democracy, invoking the bare notion of a demos whose aggregated will is to steer actors and issues in public governance in a straight majoritarian way. In addition to unravelling the reinvented logic of plebiscitary democracy in conceptual terms, this article fleshes out an empirically informed matrix of emerging formats, distinguishing between votations that are ‘political-leader’ and ‘public-issue’ oriented on the one hand, and ‘inside-out’ and ‘outside-in’ initiated on the other hand. [R, abr.]
72.124 HERKE, Boglárka —
The literature on single mothers’ welfare deservingness tend to point to an undeserving public image of single mothers. This negative perception is often explained by the identity gap between middle-class voters and poor single mothers, which is partly fueled by conservative family values in mainstream society. This study investigates the issue in Hungary, where the government has strongly promoted traditional family ideals and significantly increased the support for affluent two-parent families in the past decade. First, it explores the public image of single mothers based on open-ended and closed-ended survey questions. Second, it measures the perceived deservingness of the group based on five criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, and need) (van Oorschot 2000) by using the same open-ended question data and a series of other survey data. [R, abr.]
72.125 HEROLD, Jana, et al. —
Scholars of international relations and public administration widely assume that international bureaucracies, in their role as policy advisors, directly influence countries’ domestic policies. Yet, this is not true across the board. Why do some countries closely consider the advice of international bureaucracies while others do not? This article argues that international bureaucracies’ standing as sources of expertise is crucial. We tested this argument using data from a unique survey that measured prevalent practices of advice utilization in thematically specialized policy units of national ministries in a representative sample of more than a hundred countries. Our findings show that ministries’ perceptions of international bureaucracies’ expertise, that is, specialized and reliable knowledge, are the key factor. [R, abr.]
72.126 HOBBS, Joshua —
Duties to address global poverty face a motivation gap. We have good reasons for acting yet we do not, at least consistently. A ‘sentimental education’, featuring literature and journalism detailing the lives of distant others has been suggested as a promising means by which to close this gap (Nussbaum in Upheavals of Thought: The Intelligence of Emotions, CUP, Cambridge, 2001; Rorty in Truth and Progress: Philosophical Papers, vol. 3, CUP, Cambridge, 1998). Although sympathetic to this project, I argue that it is too heavily wed to a charitable model of our duties to address global poverty — understood as requiring we sacrifice a certain portion of our income. However, political action, aimed at altering institutions at both a global and a local level is likely to be necessary in order to provide effective long-term solutions to poverty globally. [R, abr.]
72.127 HONG Shinae —
For the Republic of Korea the 1997 Asian financial crisis was more than an economic crisis, as it challenged the country to its core. The Korean government accepted the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) mandated economic reforms as a part of its financial bailout package. Korea was compelled to launch massive financial deregulation, dismantling the state-governed economic structure in favor of market governance. This process had grave repercussions for Korean society and was a turning point that transformed Korea from a regulatory regime to a neoliberal state. This article reviews Korea’s restructuring process to reevaluate how the IMF produces a shaking state, triggering reconstruction of the institution for market governance by reforming national economies and thereby redirecting the course of a nation to cope with the internationalization of capital through its policies. [R]
72.128 HUBERFELD, Nicole ; GORDON, Sarah H. ; JONES, David K. —
Federalism has complicated the US response to the novel coronavirus. States’ actions to address the pandemic have varied widely, and federal and state officials have provided conflicting messages. This fragmented approach has surely cost time and lives. Federalism will shape the longterm health and economic impacts of COVID-19, including plans for the future, for at least two reasons: First, federalism exacerbates inequities, as some states have a history of underinvesting in social programs, especially in certain communities. Second, many of the states with the deepest needs are poorly equipped to respond to emergencies due to low taxes and distrust of government, leading to inadequate infrastructure. These dynamics are not new, but they have been laid bare by this crisis. What can policy makers do to address the inequities in health and economic outcomes that federalism intensifies? [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.204]
72.129 HUFF, Connor ; SCHUB, Robert —
How does the design of military institutions affect who bears the costs of war? We answer this question by studying the transformative shift from segregated to integrated US military units during the Korean War. Combining new micro-level data on combat fatalities with archival data on the deployment and racial composition of military battalions, we show that Black and white soldiers died at similar rates under segregation. Qualitative and quantitative evidence provides one potential explanation for this counterintuitive null finding: acute battlefield concerns necessitated deploying military units wherever soldiers were needed, regardless of their race. We next argue that the mid-war racial integration of units, which tied the fates of soldiers more closely together, should not alter the relative fatality rates. The evidence is consistent with this expectation. [R, abr.]
72.130 HUGHES, David A. —
International Relations (IR) scholars uncritically accept the official narrative regarding the events of 9/11 and refuse to examine the massive body of evidence generated by the 9/11 truth movement. Nevertheless, as calls for a new inquiry into the events of 9/11 continue to mount, with the International 9/11 Consensus Panel and World Trade Centre Building 7 Evaluation inquiries having recently published their findings, and with a US Federal Grand Jury on 9/11 having been announced, now would be an opportune moment for IR scholars to start taking the claims of 9/11 truth seriously. A survey of the 9/11 truth literature reveals that the official 9/11 narrative cannot be supported at multiple levels. Two planes did not bring down three towers in New York. There is no hard evidence that Muslims were responsible for 9/11 other than in a patsy capacity. Various US government agencies appear to have had foreknowledge of the events and to have covered up evidence. [R, abr.]
72.131 IMAI Kosuke ; KIM In Song —
The two-way linear fixed effects regression (2FE) has become a default method for estimating causal effects from panel data. Many applied researchers use the 2FE estimator to adjust for unobserved unit-specific and time-specific confounders at the same time. Unfortunately, we demonstrate that the ability of the 2FE model to simultaneously adjust for these two types of unobserved confounders critically relies upon the assumption of linear additive effects. Another common justification for the use of the 2FEestimator is based on its equivalence to the differencein-differences estimator under the simplest setting with two groups and two time periods. We show that this equivalence does not hold under more general settings commonly encountered in applied research. [R, abr.]
72.132 IMAI, Kosuke ; LO, James —
The democratic peace — the idea that democracies rarely fight one another — has been called “the closest thing we have to an empirical law in the study of international relations.” Yet, some contend that this relationship is spurious and suggest alternative explanations. Unfortunately, in the absence of randomized experiments, we can never rule out the possible existence of such confounding biases. Rather than commonly used regression-based approaches, we apply a nonparametric sensitivity analysis. We show that overturning the negative association between democracy and conflict would require a confounder that is forty-seven times more prevalent in democratic dyads than in other dyads. To put this number in context, the relationship between democracy and peace is at least five times as robust as that between smoking and lung cancer. [R, abr.]
72.133 JABKO, Nicolas ; SCHMIDT, Sebastian —
Thomas Kuhn’s concept of paradigm has long been a part of ordinary parlance in political science. Aside from its role in metatheoretical debate, scholars have enlisted the paradigm concept to explain policy change, particularly in the international political economy (IPE) literature. In this context, policy paradigms are defined primarily in ideational terms and with respect to a specific domain of policymaking. We argue that this stance overstates the ideational coherence of policymaking and runs a risk of reification. We re-evaluate the paradigm concept by drawing a link to the recent literature on norm change that emphasizes the importance of practice and process. This analysis highlights theoretical difficulties in using the paradigm concept, as the relation of ideas to practical logics elides the distinctness of paradigmatic frameworks. [R, abr.]
72.134 JACKSON, Karl D. ; DORA DORE, Giovanna Maria —
Enduring democracy depends on an ensemble of elements: (1) genuinely democratic leaders; (2) trust among elites and a modicum of satisfaction among the general public; (3) legal protections for individual rights; (4) moderate levels of both voter turnout and non-electoral participation; and (5) the predominance of civil society organizations over patron-client relations. Democracy is difficult to attain or maintain if one (or more) of the required conditions remains absent. At any given time in most countries in Asia, one or more of the five uneasy pieces is weak or missing. The difficulty of simultaneously maintaining all five elements explains why democracy has proven to be so challenging, country specific, and historically contingent as it has been in Asia. [R]
72.135 JANKOWSKI, Richard —
The Roman Republic was one of the earliest and long-lasting democracies (510-27 BCE). To prevent the creation of dictatorship, it had a system of separation of powers but it failed to protect the Roman Republic. The ultimate cause of the fall of the Roman Republic was due to the immense wealth that Rome accumulated from its empire and the impact this wealth had on Rome’s institutions, especially its generals. Cicero proposed constitutional reforms to prevent its demise. His reforms were unnecessary because the Roman Senate already had the constitutional authority to prevent its demise. The problem was that Senators lacked an incentive to use their constitutional authority to save Rome’s democracy. [R]
72.136 JEANNOT, Gilles —
L’article analyse les représentations et pratiques qui président au projet d’État plateforme, en vogue en France entre 2014 et 2019. Ce projet recouvre plusieurs composantes: le rééquilibrage de l’open data de la transparence vers l’innovation, le rêve — déçu — de voir des startups spontanément proposer des services administratifs et, surtout, une pratique alternative pour l’informatique autour de microprojets portés par les “startups d’État” et autour de dispositifs légers d’échange de données (API). La mise à l’écart de la notion traduit un retour à des formes plus classiques de standardisation des projets informatiques. “État plateforme” peut être considéré comme une tentative de renouveler l’approche de l’innovation et de la gestion dans l’administration, tentative qui fait écho à l’introduction du “digital” dans les entreprises privées. [R]
72.137 JENSEN, Jacob —
Research on the relationship between neoliberalism and democracy has mostly overlooked the important theoretical contributions of public goods theorists in extending market mechanisms beyond the economy. Yet, many aspects associated with the rise of neoliberalism would have been unimaginable without these economists’ contributions to the development of a new variety of liberal democracy, based on the model of the market. The separation of provision and production, the introduction of market-like competition in public services, and the use of performance incentives are inexplicable without reference to public goods theorists’ reinvention of politics as the demand for and supply of publicly provided goods and services. Focusing on the contributions of Paul Samuelson, Charles Tiebout, and Vincent Ostrom, the article argues that public goods theory represents a positive vision of the market-oriented democratic state that most scholars of neoliberalism have overlooked. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.279]
72.138 JUNG Ji Hee —
This article analyses Bell Hill (Kane no naru oka), the NHK radio drama designed by US-occupation personnel, and the fervent audience response, while treating this redemption story of war-affected homeless children as a trope for Japanese reorientation under American tutelage. Specifically, it examines the two major tenets of the rehabilitative vision delineated in the serial, liberal guidance based on the principles of selfgovernment and sentimental brotherhood. Questioning the underlying assumption of post-war discourses that they were new, humanitarian fundamentals for Japan’s democratic transformation, this study considers liberal principles and sentimentalism as technologies of power and the self that affected both drama’s characters and receptive audiences to refigure themselves as responsible and empathetic members of the newly imagined national community. [R, abr.]
72.139 KAUFMAN, Aaron R. ; KING, Gary ; KOMISARCHIK, Mayya —
To deter gerrymandering, many state constitutions require legislative districts to be “compact.” Yet, the law offers few precise definitions. Academics have shown that compactness has multiple dimensions and have generated many conflicting measures. We hypothesize that both are correct — that compactness is complex and multidimensional, but a common understanding exists across people. We develop a survey to elicit this understanding, with high reliability (in data where the standard paired comparisons approach fails). We create a statistical model that predicts, with high accuracy, solely from the geometric features of the district, compactness evaluations by judges and public officials responsible for redistricting, among others. We also offer compactness data from our validated measure for 17,896 state legislative and congressional districts, as well as software to compute this measure from any district. [R, abr.]
72.140 KAUTH, Jasper Theodor ; KING, Desmond —
“Illiberalism” has assumed an invigorated if unanticipated significance in the 21st c. Aspects of illiberalism populate not only states long known as indifferent to such principles as personal liberty, human equality and the rule of law but have expanded in “liberal” democracies as their rulers employ purportedly “illiberal” practices more frequently than in the recent past. Indeed, the term “illiberal” seems to have lost its negative aura in the context of state action. We contend that illiberalism represents either an opposition to procedural democratic norms — as disruptive illiberalism — or an ideological struggle — termed ideological illiberalism. We first discuss the term as used in the vast literature on regime types in the debate on authoritarian/democratic hybrid-regimes. We then turn to the key puzzle in what one may call “illiberalism studies”: the rise of illiberal practices and policies in liberal democracies. [R, abr.]
72.141 KAVANAGH, Matthew M. ; SINGH, Renu —
The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged governments around the world. It also has challenged conventional wisdom and empirical understandings in the comparative politics and policy of health. Three major questions present themselves: First, some of the countries considered to be most prepared — having the greatest capacity for outbreak response — have failed to respond effectively to the pandemic. How should our understanding of capacity shift in light of COVID-19, and how can we incorporate political capacity into thinking about pandemic preparedness? Second, several of the mechanisms through which democracy has been shown to be beneficial for health have not traveled well to explain the performance of governments in this pandemic. Is there an authoritarian advantage in disease response? Third, after decades in which coercive public health measures have increasingly been considered counterproductive, COVID-19 has inspired widespread embrace of rigid lockdowns, isolation, and quarantine enforced by police. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.204]
72.142 KIFT, Paula —
In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, governments around the world turned to contact-tracing applications in an attempt to balance the reopening of the economy with keeping the virus at bay. But as this article demonstrates, contact-tracing applications not only fail to protect the most vulnerable among us; they also shift responsibility for failing to prepare public-health systems for a pandemic away from governments and onto the individual user struggling to contain its worst effects. In the process, contact-tracing applications change the definition of failure. They also reinforce existing inequalities. Technology in this case not only has politics; it prevents politics. By focusing on contact-tracing applications as an example, the article points to some of the deeper perils of accepting app-based solutions to structural problems. [R]
72.143 KILANI, Ahmad —
There have been numerous claims that some countries do not reveal their reported cases of COVID-19 truthfully. Some studies suggest that autocratic countries tend to manipulate their reported figures. To test these claims, the article uses Benford’s law (BL) to detect anomalies in the reported numbers of COVID-19. This study applies BL to a set of 34 countries using Pearson’s χ2, Kuiper and mean absolute deviation tests to analyze the daily reported cases; then, correlating the tests results with four freedom indices using ordinary least square. The article demonstrates how countries with low freedom scores are likely to manipulate their COVID-19 reporting, whereas countries with high freedom scores do not show a manipulation in their data. [R, abr.]
72.144 KILIÇ, Sadik —
The author claims that the COVID-19 pandemic could cause neoliberalism to break, based on four arguments addressed in four sections. The first section demonstrates that such a break is possible within the long wave theory framework. The second section points out that the neoliberal long wave was created by certain social and political actors from the 1980s onward and has already entered the downswing period since 2008. The third section shows that COVID-19 creates an economic crisis that causes an ideological transformation that further weakens neoliberalism. The fourth section emphasizes that the attitudes of industrial relations actors (and conflicts between them) will affect the shaping of the post-COVID-19 period. As a result, the trade union political action will be crucial in the coming years to revive themselves and create more regulated capital-labor relations. [R]
72.145 KIM Nam Kyu ; SUDDUTH, Jun Koga —
Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing coups, because the plotters’ goals of overthrowing the entire regime and changing the group of ruling coalition are not achievable via activities within the institutions. Our empirical analysis provides strong empirical support for our expectations. [R, abr.]
72.146 KIRBY, Nikolas —
There is an emerging drive to define a new praiseworthy governance goal: a goal that not only implies addressing corruption but going further to establish institutions that are truly worthy of trust. That goal is ‘public integrity’. However, most current accounts of public integrity adopt an ‘officer-first’ approach: defining public integrity primarily as a quality of individual public officers, and only derivatively, if at all, as a quality of public institutions themselves. This article argues that this approach is flawed. Analysing the current debate, it identifies the need to define a role-specific sense of praiseworthy behaviour for public officers. However, it is only possible to define this role-specific sense of praiseworthy behaviour by referring to a public officer’s contribution to the overall moral ideal of her institution. [R, abr.]
72.147 KOK, Kristiaan P. W. ; LOEBER, Anne M. C; GRIN, John —
This paper seeks to bridge the gap between socio-material and complex adaptive systems approaches in conceptualizing the politics of transformation. Our contribution in particular is a further clarification of the relational nature of power, and the role of non-humans in transitional dynamics of complex adaptive systems. We explore and operationalize the role of non-humans and relationality in (1) agency and (2) power, and the implications thereof for processes of (3) powering, through which power relations shape resource distributions and associated macro-scale dynamics. We consider agency as an embedded and temporal capacity for reorientation. This also entails attributing agency to entangled networks of humans and non-humans. Such a capacitive conception of agency follows from our understanding that agents and structures consist of comparable ontological building blocks, both being (networks of) components in complex adaptive systems. [R, abr.]
72.148 KOROTAYEV, Andrey ; VASKIN, Ilya ; ROMANOV, Daniil —
This article proposes a new explanation of the positive correlation between democracy and terrorism detected in many previous studies: this might be accounted for by the fact that factional democracies are subjected to more terrorist attacks than other political regimes. A positive relationship between the democratic regime and the level of terrorist activity can be obtained due to the inclusion of factional democracies in the sample of democratic states. If factional democracies are excluded from the sample, the relationship between the level of terrorist activity and the democratic regime is negative. The analysis allows to maintain that factional democracy is a rather powerful factor of a high level of terrorist activity, while non-factional democracy turns out to be rather a statistically significant predictor of a relatively low intensity of terrorist attacks. [R]
72.149 KORZE, Branko ; TUCAK, Ivana —
As opposed to authors who strive to justify the right of access to public passenger transport services of citizens predominantly on the principles of justice deriving from social ethics, the authors justify the right of such access on the human rights to mobility and equality before the law, as the rights based on international legal acts, whereas the principles of fairness are used to upgrade the human right to equality and prohibition of discrimination. Based on the rights to mobility and equality before the law, the authors justify an obligation of democratic states to introduce a law to provide for people an adequate access to public passenger transport services at the interurban and urban level. [R, abr.]
72.150 KOUEVI-GATH, Beni ; MEON, Pierre-Guillaume ; WEILL, Laurent —
We study the relationship between banking crises and the level of democracy. We use an event-study method on a sample of up to 129 countries over the period 1975-2010 featuring 94 systemic banking crises. We find that banking crises are followed by an improvement in democracy and report evidence suggesting that the relation may be causal. The bulk of the improvement takes place between 3 and 10 years after the banking crisis. The impact of a banking crisis is greater in non-democratic countries and when the banking crisis is severe. We explain this finding by the fact that banking crises create windows of opportunity to contest autocratic regimes. [R]
72.151 KROS, Mathijs ; HEWSTONE, Miles —
This study extends the literature on the relationship between ethnic neighbourhood composition and cohesion, trust, and prejudice, by considering the influence of both positive and negative interethnic contact. We employ multilevel structural equation modelling, with individuals nested in neighbourhoods, using a unique dataset collected in England in 2017 amongst 1,520 White British and 1,474 Asian British respondents. Our results show that negative interethnic contact, unlike positive interethnic contact, is not related to ethnic neighbourhood composition. Specifically, White British people who live in neighbourhoods with relatively many Asian British people have, as expected, more positive but, encouragingly, not more negative interethnic contact. For Asian people, living in neighbourhoods with relatively many White people is unrelated to both their positive and negative interethnic contact. [R, abr.]
72.152 KUHN, Theresa ; PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi —
Existing explanations of individual preferences for decentralisation and secession focus on collective identity, economic considerations and party politics. This paper contributes to this literature by showing that preferences for fiscal and political decentralisation are also driven by concern about the quality of government in the face of corruption. It makes two claims. Firstly, information on national-level corruption decreases satisfaction with national politicians, and subsequently increases preferences for decentralisation and secession. Secondly, information on regionallevel corruption pushes citizens of highly corrupt regions to prefer national retrenchment and unitary states. The effects of this political compensation mechanism crosscut national identities and involve regions that are not ethnically or economically different from the core. [R, abr.]
72.153 KURRILD-KLITGAARD, Peter ; STEINER BRANDT, Urs —
Deliberation may increase the quality of decisions but also necessarily takes time and effort and hence will have costs. But proponents of deliberative democracy as an attractive or superior method for making decisions almost all focus on presumed benefits while in practice ignoring the costs associated with investing time and resources in the process of deliberation. We show that the cost side significantly influences the performance of the deliberative process. Through a number of simulations, we demonstrate that there must be a certain point beyond which the costs of deliberating will outweigh the potential benefits. Since this type of processes invariably will be time consuming, especially when the convergence of the participants towards a common goal is slow, conditions are derived where the deliberative process performs relatively well or relatively poorly. [R, abr.]
72.154 KUSHNER, Aaron —
Citizenship, a fundamental political idea, exists in many forms in the US. I apply the analytical strategies of American political development to examine the evolution of Cherokee constitutional citizenship law since 1827. The lack of political development studies on Cherokee governance presents a unique opportunity to identify foundational and second-story ideas underpinning Cherokee political thought. I contribute to the ongoing discussion of indigenous political development by creating a new theoretical framework for interpreting and analyzing durable shifts in Cherokee citizenship law. As America expands and diversifies, alternate, nonliberal views of citizenship increase in political relevance. Understanding why certain laws exist and where they came from is crucial for cultivating political engagement, engaging in productive discourse, and creating humanizing policies. [R]
72.155 KUTZ, Christopher —
Arguments about the ownership of natural resources have focused on the claims of cosmopolitans, who urge an equality of global claims to resources, and resource sovereigntists, who argue that national peoples are the proper owners of their resources. In addressing this question, we must look at a distinction between resident workers and citizens. I argue that the extracted value of natural resources should benefit all residents of the states in which they are found, not merely all citizens. By contrast, control of natural resources should be vested in a democratic citizenry, who are nonetheless normatively constrained by the distributive principle described above. I illustrate the argument with data showing the gap, especially in the Gulf States, between principles that allocate benefits to all citizens vs. to all resident workers. [R, abr.]
72.156 LACLAU, Ernesto, et al. —
We discuss the aims and structure of this special issue focused on the development of the post-structuralist and post-Marxist discourse theory originally developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Discourse theory: ways forward for theory development and research practice”. See Abstr. 72.97, 122, 909]
72.157 LALLEMENT, Michel —
Concrete utopias have received little international comparison. In order to contribute to a comparative sociology of such social experiments, this article is interested in the case of France and the US in the 19th century. To mirror concerns that were important at that time in both of these countries (the “social question” and the “question of women”), attention is focused on local experiments where work and gender were the subject of some notable innovations. After highlighting the form, importance and dynamics of abstract and concrete utopias in France and the United States, two communities inspired by C. Fourier are compared: the Familistère de Guise (France), and the Oneida Association (United States). [R, abr.]
72.158 LANG, Anthony F., Jr. —
This article argues that this special section reveals a practical global constitutionalism, or one that integrates a liberal constitutional set of ideas with the histories and practices of Asian states. [R] [See Abstr. 72.1248]
72.159 LAWSON, Kerianne N. ; LAWSON, Robert A. —
This article examines 77 countries with the most significant economic liberalizations since 1970, as measured by changes in the Economic Freedom of the World index. Our empirical evidence suggest that faster reforming nations economically outperformed slower reformers. We do not find evidence that more comprehensive reforms, as opposed to more narrowly targeted reforms, had much an impact on ensuing economic growth. [R]
72.160 LEE, Barrett A. ; SHINN, Marybeth ; CULHANE, Dennis P. —
Contrary to popular perceptions of homelessness as a static, enduring condition, we emphasize its dynamic nature. The updated macro-micro framework that we develop capitalizes on the increasing availability of over-time data, which makes it easier to examine changes in homelessness and the factors responsible for them. Our framework integrates structural forces — such as income inequality, an affordable housing shortage, social exclusion, and inadequate safety net programs — with the personal circumstances and challenges that shape individuals’ homeless trajectories. The macro-micro perspective also helps us to evaluate the effectiveness of policies, and it highlights variation across contexts in how the dynamics of homelessness operate. [R, abr.]
72.161 LELLIO, Anna Di ; KRAJA, Garentina —
In this article, we analyze the patterns of sexual violence against Albanian women during the Kosovo conflict (1998-1999) as a weapon of the Milosevic regime’s campaign of ethnic cleansing. We used a broad combination of sources: a secondary literature of history and social science, human rights reports, trial records, our oral history of survivors, interviews with advocates and psychologists handling hundreds of survivors, and a subset of survey data of reported discrete incidents of sexual violence. Our focus on Kosovo as a single-case study rich in data allowed us to discern patterns that offer important insights for understanding how women’s bodies come to be sites of militarized violence in the context of ethnic exclusion and destruction. This carries policy implications for preventing the use of sexual violence in other conflicts, or, in the case of Myanmar military’s sexual violence against Rohingya women, to offer a roadmap for the prosecution of perpetrators. [R]
72.162 LEMPERT, Robert, et al. —
Problem, research strategy, and findings: prediction-based approaches, the heart of current transportation planning practice, are inadequate for informing transportation decisions in today’s rapidly changing conditions. In this study we offer an initial demonstration of how robust decision making (RDM) might enhance current long-range planning by applying the approach to selected components of Sacramento Area Council of Government’s (SACOG’s) 2016 regional transportation plan. RDM, a quantitative exploratory scenario-based method informs decisions under deep uncertainty by stress-testing proposed plans over thousands of plausible futures, identifying scenarios that best distinguish futures in which plans meet and miss planning goals, and using these scenarios to identify more robust plan. Our analysis suggests that SACOG’s ability to meet critical mobility and climate goals depends on socioeconomic growth, fuel price, and fuel efficiency assumptions. [R, abr.]
72.163 LENZ, Gabriel S. ; SAHN, Alexander —
How often do articles depend on suppression effects for their findings? How often do they disclose this fact? By suppression effects, we mean control-variable-induced increases in estimated effect sizes. Researchers generally scrutinize suppression effects as they want reassurance that authors have a strong explanation for them, especially when the statistical significance of the key finding depends on them. In a reanalysis of observational studies from a leading journal, we find that over 30% of articles depend on suppression effects for statistical significance. Although increases in key effect estimates from including control variables are of course potentially justifiable, none of the articles justify or disclose them. [R, abr.]
72.164 LEPONT, Ulrike —
In the late 2000s, the contention that quality improvements achieved by reforms in the delivery of care would slow the growth of costs throughout the US health care system became the predominant strategy for cost containment in the discourses and programs of all the 2008 presidential candidates. The question that this paper addresses is why, despite all of the critiques of this idea (especially those of the Congressional Budget Office), what the author terms the quality solution has remained credible enough to be a possible argument in policy makers’ discourses and programs. To answer this question, the article explores the role of health policy experts — who are expected to provide credibility and legitimacy to proposals defended by policy makers — in supporting and diffusing this quality solution. The empirical research combines written sources with evidence from 78 interviews. [R, abr.]
72.165 LOEFFLER, Elke ; TIMM-ARNOLD, Peter —
This paper analyses the relationship between modes of governance at local level and the adoption of user and community co-production approaches in community safety and social care services, based on a German case study. The findings draw on a series of intensive focus groups with managers and staff of public services in four different regions in Germany, exploring existing levels of co-production and its potential in social care and community safety services, with particular focus on older and young people. The paper provides the first clear research evidence on how approaches to co-production are specific to the modes of governance within which they take place. The paper concludes with policy conclusions, both in the two programme areas concerned and in local public services more generally. [R]
72.166 LORI, Noora ; SCHILDE, Kaija —
Advanced liberal democratic states interdict migrants on the High Seas global commons. Why have liberal states engaged in this practice over the past four decades? Deterrence and humanitarian rescue explain part of this puzzle, but they are insufficient for understanding the patterns and justifications for migrant interdiction on the High Seas. Tension between states promoting international human rights and circumventing those obligations challenges expectations of liberal state behavior. International relations scholars must incorporate the global commons when explaining state behavior; ungoverned areas create exceptional zones for states to partially suspend their standard operating procedures to execute policies furthering their interests. We argue that liberal states use the regulatory gray zones of the High Seas to ‘muddy the waters’ in order to advance their security interests. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1175]
72.167 LOSANO, Mario G. —
The recent political “movements” present itself as an alternative to the traditional political parties and propose the direct democracy as an alternative to the representative democracy. In Italy too, the “Movimento 5 Stelle” followed this path and gathered a considerable electoral success. F. Pallante, an Italian public law professor, analyses critically this present conception of direct democracy in his book Contro la democrazia diretta (Against direct democracy 2020), stepping stone of the present article. More specifically, the digitalization is presented today as the technical support of direct democracy and, in Italy, the “Movimento 5 Stelle” entrusts to the “Piattaforma Rousseau” the interchange with its affiliates. The present article expresses the doubts about this platform — doubts now arousing also among the same Movimento. [R, abr.]
72.168 LUBAN, Daniel —
The development of modern economic thought has involved an increased emphasis on the subjective nature of all values, and a repudiation of the notion that the economy is or should be constrained by any sort of objective non-economic order. On this view, it is impossible to judge any outcome of uncoerced market interactions by an external standard of justice. The same thinkers who have embraced the general subjectification of social and economic theory have tended to resist applying it to the concept of coercion itself, fearing that doing so might imply that market processes can themselves be coercive in wide-ranging ways. Among subjectivists, Friedrich Hayek and Robert Nozick are particularly notable for their willingness to tackle this tension head-on. Yet an examination of their respective theories suggests that neither is ultimately successful in doing so. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.279]
72.169 LYNCH, Julia —
The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed starkly and publicly the close interconnections between social and economic equality, health equity, and population health. To better understand what social policies would best promote population health, economic recovery, and preparedness for future pandemics, one must look both upstream and abroad for inspiration. In this article, the author argues for a suite of near-term and longer-term interventions, including universal health insurance and paid sick leave; upgraded wage insurance policies; tax reform; investments in parental leave, childcare, and education; and upgraded government record systems. Policies that equalize the distribution of the social determinants of health and promote social solidarity also will improve population health and economic performance and allow everyone to confront future pandemics more successfully. [R] [See Abstr. 72.204]
72.170 MAHIET, Damien —
Harmony is a generally agreed-upon idea in international and diplomatic discourse. A common theme in multiple traditions of thought, Platonist and Confucian among others, it underlies today’s significant investments in musical activism, cultural diplomacy, conflict resolution and peacebuilding. An essay written in the 1830s by the French philosopher Jean Reynaud offers a striking point of departure: Reynaud defines diplomacy as ‘the science of harmony among states’. This article, drawing from Reynaud’s text as well from the wider history of music, art and political thought, maps a series of conceptual fault lines that touch on the concept’s function in international thought; the inscription of difference, dissonance, conflict and even war within the idea of harmony; the hegemonic and imperial temptations harmony encompasses and legitimizes; and the theoretical sources of harmony in nature and artifice. [R, abr.]
72.171 MALLINSON, Daniel J. —
This research note presents a new database of policy diffusion research results useful for research synthesis. This database is a compilation of the results from every event-history analysis model of policy diffusion in the American states published between 1990 and 2018. The result is 507 models with 6,641 variables. The database is publicly available and can be used to answer numerous questions regarding the veracity of policy diffusion research claims. It also provides a systematic understanding of where there are gaps in diffusion research that can be filled by scholars from many subfields. This article briefly discusses the data collection and coding processes, what is available in the database, and how it can be used. It also provides an illustrative meta-analysis of the effect of legislative professionalism on innovation adoption. [R]
72.172 MARENCO, Matteo ; SEIDL, Timo —
New forms of work intermediation — the gig economy — and the growing use of advanced digital technologies — the new knowledge economy — are changing the nature of work. The digitalization of work, however, is shaped by how countries respond to it. But how countries respond to digitalization, we argue, depends on how digitalization is perceived in the first place. Using text-as-data methods on a novel corpus of translated newspaper and policy documents from eight European countries as well as qualitative evidence from interviews and secondary sources, we show that there are clear country effects in how digitalization is framed and fought over. Drawing on discursive-institutionalist and coalitional approaches, we argue that institutional differences explain these discursive differences by structuring interpretative struggles in favor of the social coalitions that support them. [R, abr.]
72.173 MARICUT-AKBIK, Adina —
Parliamentary questions are an essential tool of legislative oversight. However, the extent to which they are effective in controlling the executive remains underspecified both theoretically and methodologically. This article advances a systematic framework for evaluating the effectiveness of parliamentary questions drawing on principal-agent theory, the public administration literature on accountability and communication research. The framework is called the ‘Q&A approach to legislative oversight’ based on the premise that the study of parliamentary questions (Q) needs to be linked to their respective answers (A) and examined together (Q&A) at the micro-level as an exchange of claims between legislative and executive actors. Methodologically, the Q&A approach to legislative oversight offers a step-by-step guide for qualitative content analysis of Q&A that can be applied to different legislative oversight contexts at different levels of governance. [R]
72.174 MARTINEZ-COUSINOU, Gloria; ÁLVAREZ-SOTOMAYOR, Alberto ; TOMÉ-ALONSO, Beatriz —
This paper analyses changes in attitudes towards politics among the students of a Bachelor of Communication degree program in Spain after applying an educational innovation project including a formal civic education, an open classroom climate and collaborative learning strategies in politics. The effects of the project on the knowledge and interest towards politics of the participants were measured through a mixed methodology. First, a survey was administered both before and after the project was implemented. Second, focus groups were also conducted in both referred moments. The results show an increase in both understanding and having an interest in politics among students. In the context of low levels of formal instruction on politics during secondary school, such as in the Spanish case, these findings show that political disaffection among youth relates to a serious lack of knowledge about politics. [R]
72.175 MARTINI, Sergio ; OLMASTRONI, Francesco —
The article offers an overview of the use of survey experiments in political research by relying on available examples, bibliographic data and a content analysis of experimental manuscripts published in leading academic journals over the last two decades. After a short primer to the experimental approach, we discuss the development, applications and potential problems to internal and external validity in survey experimentation. The article also provides original examples, contrasting a traditional factorial and a more innovative conjoint design, to show how survey experiments can be used to test theory on relevant political topics. The main challenges and possibilities encountered in envisaging, planning and implementing survey experiments are examined. The article outlines the merits, limits and implications of the use of the experimental method in political research. [R] [See Abstr. 72 66]
72.176 MARTIROSYAN, Arevik —
The concept of digital sovereignty is a matter of wide-ranging debate in the scientific community for the following reasons: there is a contradiction between digital sovereignty and “spirit” of the internet; the concept of classical state sovereignty and the contradicts the principle of the unlimited freedom of cyberspace. The principle of the freedom of speech in city space is at odds with the practice of state restrictions on the free exchange of information in order to ensure cybersecurity. According to the concept of cybersecurity, the main subject of cyberspace governance are the primary subjects of international law, which contradicts the existing model of a multilateral internet governance regime. This contradiction has led to the emergence of two theories: decentralized and centralized internet governance structures. [R]
72.177 MASQUELIER, Charles —
Despite experiencing an early and protracted neoliberal transformation, France has exhibited an acutely ambiguous stance towards neoliberal practice. This is illustrated by, for example, regular nationwide protests opposed to policies with an overtly neoliberal flavor, or the coexistence of heavy taxation and a profound financialization of its economy. This article explains why neoliberalism successfully developed in France, despite such an ambiguity. The focus is placed on the transformation of labor relations, which will reveal the important role played by both the technocratic elite and firm-level negotiations in legitimating neoliberal practice. I argue that while several relevant sociological explanations offer some valuable insights for making sense of neoliberalism’s successful development in France, Antonio Gramsci’s concept of ‘passive revolution’ provides a very fruitful basis upon which to capture the singularity of the French case. [R]
72.178 MASULLO, Juan —
Why do some communities overtly declare their opposition to violent groups, while others disguise it by engaging in seemingly unrelated activities? Why do some communities manifest their dissent using nonviolent methods instead of organizing violence of their own? I argue that ideational factors are crucial to answering these questions: normative commitments can restrict civilian contention to nonviolent forms of action, while exposure to oppositional ideologies can push civilians toward more confrontational forms of noncooperation with armed groups. Furthermore, I contend that the role of political entrepreneurs activating and mobilizing this ideational content is crucial for it to shape contention. I support this argument with a wealth of microlevel evidence collected in various warzones in Colombia, analyzed within a purposively designed comparative structure. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.98]
72.179 MAZUMDER, Sandeep ; WOOD, John H. —
The cause of the Great Depression was the post-World War I decision to resume the gold standard on prewar terms, after immense inflation during the war. No collection of smaller shocks, such as bank failures and demand declines was required, as the deflationary effects of fullresumption policies is sufficient to explain the Depression by itself. [R]
72.180 McKEIL, Aaron —
International relations today are widely considered to be experiencing deepening disorder and the topic of international disorder is gaining increased attention. Yet, despite this recent interest in international disorder, in and beyond the academy, and despite the decades-long interest in international order, there is still little agreement on the concept of international disorder, which is often used imprecisely and with an alarmist rather than analytical usage. This is a problem if international disorder is to be understood in theory, towards addressing its concomitant problems and effects in practice. As such, this article identifies and explores two ways international order studies can benefit from a clearer and more precise conception of international disorder. First, it enables a more complete picture of how orderly international orders have been. Second, a greater understanding of the problem of international order is illuminated by a clearer grasp of the relation between order and disorder in world politics. [R, abr.]
72.181 METELSKA-SZANIAWSKA, Katarzyna ; LEWKOWICZ, Jacek —
Are de jure constitutional rules significant for constitutional practice? We pose this question with regard to de jure and de facto protection of constitutional rights in post-socialist countries of Europe and Asia. While, after 1989, these countries enacted broad catalogues of rights and freedoms, they are by now often regarded as electoral, not liberal democracies — i.e. they generally allow for political competition and fair elections but witness considerable violations in civil and minority rights. We use various econometric techniques to determine whether, and under what conditions, de jure rights originating from texts of postsocialist constitutions matter for de facto protection of rights in these countries. Our results reveal no such significant unconditional effect, with the exception of freedom of assembly/association. [R, abr.]
72.182 MICHAELS, Erin —
The immigrant political incorporation scholarship tends to stress the positive role that schools play in integrating undocumented Latinx youth. Yet, the racialization in school literature indicates that school is often a disempowering place for students of color. This study helps to explain this divergence. It draws from a case study of a struggling high school undergoing state-led reform in a new immigrant destination and analyzes data from school ethnography and student interviews. Deploying the concept of “critical bureaucratic incorporation,” this study explores how school reforms emphasizing high-stakes testing affected the students’ political incorporation. The findings show how these reforms disproportionately negatively affected the Latinx students, nearly all of whom were undocumented immigrants. [R, abr.]
72.183 MICHELSEN, Nicholas —
This article argues that ‘Critical International Relations’, often counterpoised to ‘mainstream IR’, has come to function as a major theoretical category in its own right. It argues that critique involves ‘minor theorising’, defined as the practice of disturbing settled theoretical assumptions in the discipline. The article examines the role and significance of ‘minor theories’ in the context of ongoing debates about Critical IR. It argues that critique is defined by context, and is politically and ethically ambiguous. The article concludes that the scope for critique could be advanced if the terms ‘Critical IR’ and ‘Critical IR Scholar’ are dropped from scholarly parlance. [R]
72.184 MOORE, Margaret —
What justifies territorial rights in unoccupied places? This question is relevant to a pressing practical question concerning the permissibility of national and corporate interests in mining or gas drilling and other resource-extraction activities in unoccupied places, some of which were either technologically impractical or prohibitively expensive in the past, but which now are possible. The territorial rights literature does not focus on unoccupied places, treating resource rights there as an extension of rights in occupied places, thereby suggesting that these activities could be justified in the same way. This article examines the distinctive normative contours of unoccupied spaces, and so considers a number of possible arguments to justify such rights. It focuses on rights to resources in relation to three different kinds of unoccupied places and suggests that the stewardship justification is the most promising. [R, abr.]
72.185 MOREY, Daniel S. —
Building upon research that found that coalitions are more likely to win wars, recent work has sought to differentiate effective from ineffective coalitions. Much of this work focuses on characteristics of member states and not the coalition itself. This paper takes a first step in exploring how the structure of a coalition contributes to its performance. Specifically, coalitions vary in how much control members must transfer to the coalition. Some coalitions form weak command structures with states maintaining primary control while other coalitions form a strong centralized command. The impact of command structure on coalition performance is vital to understanding the success and failure of coalitions. Highly centralized command structures allow states to overcome the problems associated with coalition warfare and achieve victory. [R, abr.]
72.186 MURRAY, John ; FLYVERBOM, Mikkel —
Our focus is on how corporate political activity evolves in ways that require us to pay more attention to how information gets structured in digital spaces, and on how information ecosystems operate and shape strategic communication activities in organizational settings. We outline these digital transformations, offer a focus on corporate political activity as informational and develop a typology of datafied corporate political activity techniques to illustrate how the workings of digital spaces shape political issues more concretely. This serves to highlight the necessity of extending the focus of informational corporate political activity beyond the contents of overt and direct messages to include the more covert and subtle forms of influence made possible through the strategic structuring of information itself. [R, abr.]
72.187 NAKANO, Takeshi —
This essay provides a hypothesis about how geopolitical environments significantly affect the rise and fall of modern economic ideologies. First, it articulates how the two world wars transformed political, social and ideological conditions into those favourable for the rise of Keynesianism. Second, it theoretically identifies the political and social foundations of Keynesianism with expanded state capacity, social cohesion and social equality, all of which were by-products of major wars. Third, it shows how the transformation of geopolitical environments and the change of the nature of warfare since the late 1960s undermined the political and social foundations of Keynesianism and paved the way for the rise and dominance of neoliberalism. By shedding light on military and geopolitical dimensions of international environments, our hypothesis well explains the sudden fall of Keynesianism in the 1970s and the current robustness of neoliberal dominance. [R]
72.188 NALEPA, Monika —
This paper argues that selective enforcement of transitional justice can be linked to democratic erosion. It adjudicates between two theories of democratic backsliding. The first argues that elite polarization drives erosion: when political candidates are ideologically far apart, citizens who strongly prefer one over the other may turn a blind eye to antidemocratic transgressions by their preferred candidate to prevent the competing candidate from winning. The second theory, describes an equilibrium where voters are uncertain whether the candidate they are dealing with is a closet autocrat or an ideological incumbent, but reelect him into office regardless. I argue that judiciary reforms in Poland reflect exactly the kind of incumbent actions that are consistent both with the actions of an ideological incumbent and with the actions of a closet autocrat. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Constitutional crises and human rights”, introduced, pp. 273-277, by the author and Emilia Justyna POWELL. See also Abstr. 72.54, 84, 207, 1227]
72.189 NARCY, Mathieu ; SARI, Florent —
L’objectif de cet article et d’étudier dans quelle mesure la réforme du congé parental, entré en vigueur en janvier 2015, a pu modifier la probabilité des mères d’avoir recours à ce dispositif, l’indemnisation ne couvrant plus désormais l’intégralité de la période allant de la naissance jusqu’à la scolarisation de l’enfant. Pour identifier l’effet causale de cette réforme, nous exploitons les données de l’enquête Emploi et mettons en oeuvre une méthodologie combinant régression sur discontinuité et doubles différences. Cette réforme a eu pour conséquence de réduire la probabilité de recourir au congé parental à temps plein d’environ 10 points de pourcentage. En outre, les mères les plus particulièrement affectées par cette réforme sont les moins diplômées et les salariées du secteur privé. [R]
72.190 NEMEREVER, Zoe ; ROGERS, Melissa —
Recent accounts of American politics focus heavily on urban–rural gaps in political behavior. Rural politics research is growing but may be stymied by difficulties defining and measuring which Americans qualify as “rural.” We discuss theoretical and empirical challenges to studying rurality. Much existing research has been inattentive to conceptualization and measurement of rural geography. We focus on improving estimation of different notions of rurality and provide a new dataset on urban–rural measurement of U. state legislative districts. We scrutinize construct validity and measurement in two studies of rural politics. First, we replicate P. Flavin and W. W. Franko [“Economic segregation and unequal policy responsiveness”, Political Behavior 42(3), 2020 : 845-864] to demonstrate empirical results may be sensitive to measurement of rural residents. [R, abr.]
72.191 NILSSON, Desirée ; SVENSSON, Isak —
There is a large research field focusing on the recurrence of civil wars, yet this literature has omitted to seriously consider religious dimensions and ideational features of armed conflicts. To address this gap, we provide the first global study exploring whether, and why, Islamist civil wars — armed conflicts fought over self-proclaimed Islamist aspirations — are more or less likely to recur compared to other conflicts. We argue that civil wars fought over Islamist claims are more likely to relapse because the ideational features of these conflicts increase the uncertainty regarding the capabilities of the warring actors in terms of the extent and nature of transnational support that may be forthcoming, for rebels as well as the government. In line with our argument, we find that Islamist civil wars are significantly less likely to be terminated and more likely to recur once ended. Thus, our results demonstrate that Islamist civil wars represent a particular challenge with regard to the goal of achieving durable peace. [R]
72.192 NORMAN, Ludvig —
This article develops a model for causal explanations amenable to interpretive International Relations (IR) research. A growing field of scholars has turned toward causal inquiry while stressing the importance of shared understandings, identities, and social practices for their explanations. This move has considerable potential to strengthen the contributions of interpretive approaches to IR. However, the article identifies shortcomings in the causal models on which this research is based which work to limit this potential. The article provides a detailed discussion of these limitations and offers an alternative model of causal explanations for interpretive IR. The proposed model builds on a clear differentiation between constitutive and causal analysis and supplies an explicit argument for how they can be combined to generate causal explanations. [R, abr.]
72.193 NOVAK, William J. ; SAWYER, Stephen W. —
Democratic critiques of neoliberalism have been comparatively rare, and positive democratic rejoinders to the social and political ruins of neoliberalism have been rarer. The question thus presents itself — what would an overtly democratic critique of neoliberalism look like and, beyond critique, what would a constructive democratic response to neoliberalism entail? [R] [See Abstr. 72.279]
72.194 NOVOVIC, Gloria —
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (Agenda 2030) encompasses social, economic, and environmental commitments within a single global framework. However, experts have been warning that the ambitious nature of Agenda 2030’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDG s) might be lost in indicator-driven implementation. This article examines the assumption that SDG indicators result in policy shrinking (offering a less ambitious framing) by exploring how the framing of Agenda 2030’s gender commitments shifts from SDG s to their indicators. Employing critical frame analysis, this article shows that SDG global indicators result in policy shrinking of gender-specific targets in terms of their (1) human rights framing (2) overall scope, and (3) inclusivity of target groups. [R, abr.]
72.195 PALDAM, Martin —
The paper analyzes the strong but complex relation between corruption and development. The corruption/honesty index is explained by three variables measuring aspects of development: Income, Polity and Fraser (for Economic Freedom). The last two indices represent the political and the economic system. Two problems arise: (1) Development is a common factor in all four variables, giving the variables strong confluence, so it is difficult to sort out the contribution of each explanatory variable. However, kernel regressions on the corruption/income scatter give a well-defined long-run transition path, which permits an identification of the specific contributions of institutions to corruption. (2) The correlation of corruption to the first difference of the three development variables is negative. This gives a substantial lag in the corruption/income relation in the form of wide J-curves, but the main direction of causality is still from development to corruption. [R, abr.]
72.196 PAOLINO, Philip —
Multinomial logit (MNL) differs from many other econometric methods because it estimates the effects of variables upon nominal, not ordered outcomes. One consequence of this is that the estimated coefficients vary depending upon a researcher’s decision about the choice of a reference, or “baseline,” outcome. Most researchers realize this in principle, but many focus upon the statistical significance of MNL coefficients for inference in the same way that they use the coefficients from models with ordered dependent variables. In some instances, this leads researchers to report statistics that do not reflect the correct quantities of interest and reach flawed conclusions. I argue that researchers need to orient their approach to analyzing both the substantive and statistical significance of predicted probabilities of interest that match their research questions. [R]
72.197 PAPENFUSS, Ulf ; SCHMIDT, Christian A. —
Self-regulation has become a crucial governance mechanism for policymaking and political control. Although governments have increasingly implemented self-regulation, its effects are under-researched. International policymakers highlight the role of self-regulation in extending accountability and political control of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). A key accountability area — attracting widespread public interest — is the level of executive directors’ pay. Drawing on agency theory, this study analyzes 2,112 pay disclosures of 700 executive directors employed in 289 German SOEs between 2014 and 2017. The results indicate that both self-regulation and its quality have significant effects on behavior control. Further, the complementary adoption of self-regulation and law has the strongest effects on principals’ and agents’ behavior and awareness. For the debate on board composition, it is important to note that a higher proportion of politicians as directors on SOE boards weakens the effects of self-regulation. [R, abr.]
72.198 PÁSTOR, Luboš ; VERONESI, Pietro —
We develop a model of political cycles driven by time-varying riskaversion. Agents choose to work in the public or private sector and to vote Democratic or Republican. In equilibrium, when risk-aversion is high, agents elect Democrats — the party promising more redistribution. The model predicts higher average stock market returns under Democratic presidencies, explaining the well-known “presidential puzzle.” The model can also explain why economic growth has been faster under Democratic presidencies. In the data, Democratic voters are more riskaverse, and risk-aversion declines during Democratic presidencies. Public workers vote Democratic, while entrepreneurs vote Republican, as the model predicts. [R]
72.199 PAULIS, Emilien, et al. —
This note introduces the POLITICIZE dataset which contains information on the characteristics of 105 Deliberative Mini-Publics (DMPs) that took place in Europe between 2000 and 2020. Based on coding of experts regarding cases of real-life deliberative experiments in 18 different European countries, the dataset describes the core features of DMPs in Europe. It comprises information on three crucial dimensions: their composition (who deliberates?), their format (how do they deliberate?) and their role (what do they deliberate about and what are their prerogatives?). Hence, the note presents the different variables included in the dataset and reports empirical variations across them, thereby presenting the main contribution of the POLITICIZE dataset: delivering the most systematic and comprehensive efforts of data collection on mini-publics in Europe. [R]
72.200 PEREZ-NIEVAS, Santiago ; CORDERO, Guillermo ; MALLET-GARCIA, Marie L. —
This special issue addresses the need for cross-national analyses on immigrant integration. The articles in this issue examine the integration processes of Latino immigrants in the US and in Spain in several aspects — socioeconomic, legal, educational, and political — and through varied methods — quantitative as well as qualitative — contributing to the literature in several ways. By focusing on the same ethnic group across different contexts, it provides a thorough comparison of the mechanisms at play in their integration processes. It emphasizes the context-specific and culture-specific elements that most affect immigrants’ integration. This special issue gathers nine articles that offer complementary perspectives on the integration of Latino immigrants in Spain and the US. [R]
72.201 PETKOVSEK, Veronika ; HROVATIN, Nevenka ; PEVCIN, Primož —
The paper presents a literature review about local public services delivery mechanisms like: in-house provisions, privatization, and intermunicipal cooperation. It reviews the development of the studied field, to find out which delivery mechanism dominates in a certain period of time, and to review which economic research focus dominates in the studied field. Possible effects on the economies of scale, costs reductions, efficiency, and other economic-political-institutional-social factors in the provision of local public services are scrutinized, using a content analysis breakdown. Results show that most studies are country studies and empirical studies in increasing numbers in recent years. The choice of local public services delivery mechanisms are mostly influenced by the size of the local government, the efficiency of service provision, the resources available, and the institutional framework. [R, abr.]
72.202 PIANO, Ennio E. ; SALTER, Alexander W. —
This paper identifies political property rights and jurisdictional rivalry as two important mechanisms that drive political and economic development. After developing a general framework to explain relative performance in the ‘market for governance’, we argue that Western Europe during the High Middle Ages presented initial conditions conducive to the development of effective states. We extend the framework by analyzing city-state governance in Renaissance Italy, as well as public finance practices in early modern Germany. We conclude by discussing the implications of our argument for the literature on state capacity and economic development. The takeaway is that well-aligned political property rights and competition in the provision of governance services can promote the protective and productive state while forestalling the predatory state. [R]
72.203 PIN, Clément ; BARONE, Carlo —
This article describes the contribution of mixed methods using a study that had a two-fold objective: designing an intervention programme to promote family reading activities, specifically for socially disadvantaged families; and proving existence of a causal link between the implementation of this programme and improvements in the vocabulary of the children enrolled in the programme. While conducting a randomized controlled trial, generally associated with quantitative methods, this study integrated a qualitative component both upstream and downstream. Upstream, the study sought to refine knowledge about the conditions of implementation and reception of the programme using “instrumental qualitative” methods (the strategy of “systematization”). Downstream, an ethnographic survey allowed for a better understanding of the processes that led to the measured impacts, using an “empowered qualitative” approach (the “enrichment” strategy). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3]
72.204 POLLACK, Harold A. —
The United States is now experiencing public health catastrophe on a scale not seen for more than a century. COVID-19 puts into stark relief the mutual obligations that reflect interdependence among participants in a common society. Drawing on the work of Amartya Sen concerning famine and related challenges, the author discusses the accompanying implications for social justice. Social justice in catastrophe requires strong social insurance structures and legal protections for the most vulnerable people, who would otherwise lack economic resources and political influence to protect their essential interests. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “COVID-19: politics, inequalities, and pandemic”, introduced by Jonathan OBERLANDER. See also Abstr. 72.5, 128, 141, 169, 491, 636, 1072]
72.205 PONGE, Rémy —
Cet article s’inscrit dans une démarche de sociologie de l’action publique qui vise à comprendre le traitement d’un problème social en analysant les luttes définitionnelles” que se livrent les acteurs en prise avec ce problème, dans les arènes publiques (médias, parlement), mais aussi dans des endroits plus discrets, à l’image des espaces paritaires de gestion des risques professionnels. S’appuyant sur un corpus d’archives et d’entretiens, il analyse les luttes politiques et syndicales du début des années 2000 au sujet de la reconnaissance en maladie professionnelle des souffrances psychiques (stress, risques psychosociaux, etc.). Nous montrons que leur reconnaissance s’est heurtée aux contraintes structurelles du système paritaire de gestion des risques professionnels ainsi qu’à l’indécision de l’État. [R, abr.]
72.206 POPOV, Maxim —
Being related to the concept of democracy, liberalism is nevertheless not identical with it; moreover, in its contemporary form, liberalism is rather opposed to democracy. The synthesis of authoritarianism and liberalism seems irrelevant due to the historical dominance of the discourse of political rather than economic liberalism. Influenced by the ideas of J. Rawls and J. Habermas, political liberalism was thought of as a synonym for democracy even from egalitarian and progressive positions in the context of actually existing liberal democracy. Speaking about the longterm relationship between economic liberalism and democracy and analyzing growing overregulation of political processes in the current Eurocrisis, it is necessary to recall the concept of authoritarian liberalism (H. Heller, 1932). Heller’s concept emphasizes the connection between authoritarianism of “the strong state” (C. Schmitt) and economic liberalism of market rationality. [R, abr.]
72.207 POWELL, Emilia Justyna ; MCDOWELL, Steven Christian ; OKSASOGLU, Julia —
States embracing Islam-based laws are frequently seen as struggling with establishing democratic institutions, jeopardizing human rights and encouraging executive encroachment on the judiciary. This paper explores whether the presence of Islam-based legal language in a domestic legal system is associated with lower levels of electoral democracy, fewer protections for private liberties, women’s rights, and a weak judiciary. Relying on original data covering laws in 29 Islamic law states (2001-2012), we focus on Islam-based legal language in these states’ constitutional and subconstitutional domestic legal systems. By itself, Islam-based legal language is not associated with a weak judiciary or the absence of political liberties. However, subconstitutional — particularly legislative — commitments to Islam-based legal language are frequently associated with lower levels of democracy and fewer protections for private liberties and women’s rights. [R] [See Abstr. 72.188]
72.208 PREISS, Joshua —
This article concerns freedom and financial markets. First, I consider the republican case for liberalization, extending Robert Taylor’s economic model of republicanism to financial markets. This case adopts what I call a “philosopher-king” approach to political theory, arguing by reference an ideal or first-best set of policies or reforms. Then, I investigate the negative externalities of several decades of financial market liberalization, including the erosion of political accountability and the growing concentration of political and economic power in the hands of those best suited to profit from the rise of finance. From this “political economy” perspective, the impact of liberalization is clear: we paid for greater access to credit with political and economic domination. In republican terms, we traded freedom for credit. [R, abr.]
72.209 PURYEAR, Stephen —
The traditional view according to which we adults tacitly consent to a state’s lawful actions just by living within its borders — the residence theory — is now widely rejected by political philosophers. According to the critics, this theory fails because consent must be (1) intentional, (2) informed, and (3) voluntary, whereas one’s continued residence within a state is typically none of these things. Few people intend to remain within the state in which they find themselves, and few realize that by remaining they are consenting to the state’s lawful actions. Moreover, the various obstacles standing in the way of us leaving the state render our remaining involuntary. Thus, the critics conclude, few if any people can be considered to have consented through their residence. I argue that these objections fail and that the residence theory remains a viable option, at least for those who are not committed incompatibilists. [R]
72.210 RAUNIĆ, Raul —
This paper reconstructs the conceptual and historical genesis of the idea and value of political peace from the point of view of political philosophy at the intersection between late scholasticism and early modernity. It first highlights methodological and contextual reasons why the idea of political peace has been overshadowed throughout history by dominant discourses on war. [Then], the nature of war is distinguished from other types of conflict and three interpretative approaches to war are analyzed: political realism, fundamentalist-moralistic view of the holy war, and the many theories of natural law that give rise to conceptions of just war. Early theoretical articulations of the notion of peace indicated modernday emancipation of politics from the tutelage of metaphysics and classical ethics, thus separating the value of political peace from its original oneness with cosmic and psychological peace. [R, abr.]
72.211 RAYAMAJHEE, Veeshan ; PANIAGUA, Pablo —
This paper builds on the Ostroms’ oeuvre to suggest that the binary Samuelsonian taxonomy of goods — or the ‘sterile dichotomy’, as Elinor Ostrom calls it — cannot serve as a reliable guide for public policy. Using the Ostroms’ insights on co-production, institutional matching, and polycentricity, we argue that the ‘inherent’ nature of goods and their specific taxonomy are not static and definitive concepts but are instead contestable and dynamic features that are institutionally contingent. We explore four crucial mechanisms and/or contexts, not altogether unrelated, whereby the nature of goods becomes contestable and malleable: namely, (1) technological and geographical factors, (2) coproduction and entrepreneurial ingenuity, (3) bundling and unbundling of services, and (4) ideologies and regime shifts. [R, abr.]
72.212 REITER, Dan —
International relations often include orders of smaller powers led by major powers. Perhaps the most significant aspect of international order is whether the major power leader is restrained or nonrestrained. Restrained major powers respect smaller powers’ preferences, eschew wielding power to impose their preferences, and avoid violating the smaller powers’ sovereignties, often using binding institutions and rules. Nonrestrained major powers violate decision-making rules, seek to impose their preferences, and violate smaller powers’ sovereignties using coercion and force. This article asks, what causes an order to evolve from restrained to nonrestrained? It argues that when a major power grows in strength relative to smaller power order members, the major power becomes more likely to abandon restraint, using coercion and force to impose its preferences on the order. [R, abr.]
72.213 RHODES, Martin —
This article examines the policy responses of the EU and the US to the Covid-19 pandemic during its first twelve months. The intensity of the policy challenge, and the ways in which both political systems have been forced to respond, create a ‘moment révélateur’ — a revealing inflection point — that casts light on their relative institutional strengths and weaknesses. It is also a propitious moment for evaluating existing analytical frameworks, in this case the ‘failing forward’ approach to studying the EU. Far from ‘failing forward’, the pandemic has revealed the EU’s ability to innovate and build new institutions, while effective US crisis management through early 2021 was impeded by poor leadership, political polarization and institutional gridlock. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Failing forward? Crises and patterns of European integration”, introduced and edited by Erik JONES, R. Daniel KELEMEN and Sophie MEUNIER. See also Abstr. 72.994, 998, 1003, 1004, 1009, 1017, 1172, 1280]
72.214 ROESSLER, Martin ; ZWERSCHKE, Patrick ; OLD, Jonathan —
This paper examines the transnational dimensions of low-level conflict and state repression. In this regard, special emphasis is placed on the role of political regimes. Drawing on a simple model, we argue that democracy has opposing effects on conflict intensity. On one hand, democracy satisfies demand for political participation and thus reduces conflict potential, while, on the other hand, we highlight that domestic democracy may spur dissatisfaction and conflict abroad, which, in turn, may induce conflict spillovers. As a result, the net effect of democracy on low-level conflict and state repression is ambiguous and depends on the level of democracy in the neighborhood: We predict that democracy is more pacifying in democratic environments and may spur conflict in autocratic environments. [R, abr.]
72.215 ROUSSELIÈRE, Geneviève —
Contemporary studies mostly understand populism as a reaction to the failures of representative liberal democracies. Yet populism existed at the very inception of modern democracy before it became liberal. I contend that, during the French Revolution, conflicting claims of popular sovereignty gave rise to populism, which was instantiated in the Jacobin theory of Robespierre. The rapid transformation of Jacobinism in the years of the attempted birth of modern democracy (1789-94) tracks the theoretical question at the heart of populism: How can sovereignty be represented for a divided people that have YET to be united in order to exist? [R]
72.216 RUFFA, Chiara ; EVANGELISTA, Matthew —
Qualitative scholars exhibit a wide range of views on and approaches to causality. While some approaches reject causality from the outset, a large strand of qualitative research in political science and international relations does, however, pursue causal explanation. Qualitative scholars nevertheless disagree about what causality means. Our paper reviews what causality means within different strands of qualitative research and how qualitative scholars engage in causal explanations. We focus particular attention on the fertile middle ground between qualitative research that seeks to mimic the statistical model and research that rejects causality entirely. In broad strokes, we understand views of causality as lying on a spectrum and partly overlapping. Along the spectrum, we identify three main clusters: ‘positivist leaning,’ ‘postpositivist leaning,’ and ‘interpretivist leaning.’ Within each cluster, we identify the main traits and provide illustrative examples. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72 66]
72.217 RUSSELL, Meg ; SERBAN, Ruxandra —
The term ‘Westminster model’, widely used in both the academic and practitioner literatures, is a familiar one. But detailed examination finds significant confusion about its meaning. This article follows G. Sartori’s advice for ‘reconstructing’ a social science term whose meaning may be unclear through review of its use in the recent literature. It finds that many authors in comparative politics use the term ‘Westminster model’ without definition, while those providing definitions associate it with a large (and sometimes conflicting) set of attributes, and a set of countries often not demonstrating those attributes. Some have sought to respect this diversity by proposing variants like ‘Washminster’ or ‘Eastminster’, while others suggest that the term should be seen as a loose ‘family resemblance’ concept. But on examination it no longer meets even the – relatively weak – requirements for family resemblance. [R, abr.]
72.218 SALAZAR BENITEZ, Octavio —
The crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic, and especially its social and economic consequences, in addition to those already suffered by the 2008 financial crisis, warn us of the need to revise some of the paradigms of the constitutional State. Specifically, this paper raises the need to overcome a subject-of-rights model based on the male reference and the public (male)/ private (female) division. Unlike the liberal model, the starting point should be the vulnerability of the human being and its inevitable independence, as well as the relational character of autonomy. These budgets would in turn lead us to overcome the liberal theory of rights and the concept of citizenship linked to it. [R]
72.219 SALVATORE, Jessica Di ; RUGGERI, Andrea —
How does space matter in our analyses? How can we evaluate diffusion of phenomena or interdependence among units? How biased can our analysis be if we do not consider spatial relationships? Our paper introduces political scientists to conceptualizing interdependence between units and how to empirically model these interdependencies using spatial regression. First, the paper presents the building blocks of any feature of spatial data (points, polygons, and raster) and the task of georeferencing. Second, the paper discusses what a spatial matrix (W) is, its varieties and the assumptions we make when choosing one. Third, the paper introduces how to investigate spatial clustering through visualizations (e.g., maps) as well as statistical tests (e.g., Moran’s index). Fourth, the paper explains how to model spatial relationships that are of substantive interest to some of our research questions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72 66]
72.220 SAUNDERS, Cheryl —
This article explores the extent to which (if at all) the concept of a constitution is undergoing change in the conditions of globalization that characterize the early decades of the twenty-first century, to an extent that might be described as transformation. The question is prompted both by familiar manifestations of the interdependence of domestic constitutional and international law and practice, and by the interpretation placed on them by some of the literature on global constitutionalism. Some — although by no means all — of the literature and the experience on which it draws relate to the extent of transnational influence on the way in which constitutions now are made or changed: constitution transformation in the narrow, or more particular, sense. The article seeks to answer this question with reference to global constitutional experience, including — critically — experience in Asia, as one of the largest and most diverse regions of the world, too often omitted from studies of this kind. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1248]
72.221 SAZONOVA, Kira —
We are watching a “new ethics” taking shape: possession and display of culture valuables obtained during the colonial period smacks of neocolonialism while colonialism is identified with war and grave violations of human rights and freedoms. [R]
72.222 SCHLIMMER, Sina —
Depuis plusieurs années, les Villages Land Use Plans sont promus en Tanzanie comme une “meilleure pratique” favorisant des approches qui est responsable de l’investissement agricole. Cet article analyse les VLUP comme instrument d’action publique véhiculant des idées et des intérêts par une pluralités d’acteurs. En proposant une sociohistoire des instruments de planification du foncier en Tanzanie, l’article défend l’argument que ces instruments révèlent différents moments et facettes de la formation étatique en Tanzanie. D’autres part, le recadrage et la redéfinition des outils de planification adoptés depuis l’indépendance reflètent le passage d’un État central socialiste vers un régime politique qui véhicule le principe du libre marché. [R, abr.]
72.223 SCHOMAKER, Rahel M. —
This article conceptualizes the vulnerability of the different stages of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) models for corruption against the backdrop of contract theory, principal-agent theory and transaction cost economics, and discusses potential control mechanisms. The article’s contribution to the debate on PPPs is twofold: first, an issue widely neglected by the pertinent literature is conceptualized. Second, as these PPPs are used not only in developed countries whose legal order may shield them sufficiently, but also in developing countries, carving out the vulnerable points in PPP arrangements may enable decision makers to install appropriate control mechanisms, if need be on project level. [R]
72.224 SHCHIPKOV, Alexander —
Overlaid on other symptoms of a world crisis (including a financial crisis), the pandemic created a synergetic effect. Time has come to assess possible results. [R]
72.225 SHEN Xiaoxiao ; TRUEX, Rory —
Item nonresponse rates across regime assessment questions and nonsensitive items are used to create a self-censorship index, which can be compared across countries, over time and across population subgroups. For many authoritarian systems, citizens do not display higher rates of item nonresponse on regime assessment questions than their counterparts in democracies. This result suggests such questions may not be that sensitive in many places, which in turn raises doubts that authoritarian citizens are widely feigning positive attitudes towards regimes they secretly despise. Higher levels of self-censorship are found under regimes without electoral competition for the executive. [R]
72.226 SHOUB, Kelsey ; STAUFFER, Katelyn E. ; SONG Miyeon —
Political scientists have increasingly begun to study how citizen characteristics shape whether — and how — they interact with the police. We examine how one officer characteristic — officer sex — shapes the nature of police-initiated contact with citizens. Drawing on literature from multiple fields, we develop and test a set of competing expectations. Using over four million traffic stops made by the Florida State Highway Patrol and Charlotte (North Carolina) Police Department, we find that female officers are less likely to search drivers than men on the force. Despite these lower search rates, when female officers do conduct a search, they are more likely to find contraband and they confiscate the same net amount of contraband as male officers. These results indicate that female officers are able to minimize the number of negative interactions with citizens without losses in effectiveness. [R, abr.]
72.227 SILVERMAN, Daniel ; KALTENTHALER, Karl ; DAGHER, Munqith —
Misinformation, lies, and fake news are pervasive in war. But when are they actually believed by the people who live in war zones, and when are they not? This question is key, as their spread can spark greater violence and spoil efforts to make peace. In this study, we advance a new argument about lies in war. Building on existing research that links people’s factual beliefs in conflict to their psychological and informational biases, we argue that they also hinge on their exposure and proximity to relevant events. While war is rife with lies, those close to the action have the means and the motives to see through them. We test this argument with a unique combination of survey and event data from the Coalition air campaign against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in contemporary Iraq, finding support for our theory. [R, abr.]
72.228 SIMÃO, Licínia —
The idea that the liberal order is in crisis has been advanced by well-established academics and several world leaders. The reasons for the crisis, its depth and implications are, however, disputed, requiring our ability to map and synthetize arguments and facts. This article contributes to this goal, identifying the structural elements of the liberal order and the central arguments surrounding the idea of its crisis. Although it is hard to reconcile the different viewpoints, it becomes evident that it is perhaps more useful to refer to the crises of the liberal order, since the challenges to the existing post-World War II structures are now felt at different points and in a way that is interconnected, reflecting the nature of the liberal system that is in place. [R]
72.229 SINCLAIR, Adriana —
This article identifies how three dominant ideas of international law (as a process, an institution and a practice) see its agency, concluding that all three share a reluctance to see international law as doing anything more than enabling the operation of other actors, forces or structures. This article argues that we should see international law as a structure because it possesses both the surface structure of rules, principles, processes, personnel and material elements of the international legal system and a deep structure of values that sits deep within our subconscious. As Shklar’s idea of legalism shows us, legalism plays a powerful role in shaping all our understandings of ourselves and the world that surrounds us. [R, abr.]
72.230 SINDBJERG MARTINSEN, Dorte ; SCHRAMA, Reini ; MASTENBROEK, Ellen —
Migration is often perceived as a challenge to the welfare state. To manage this challenge, advanced welfare states have established transgovernmental networks. This article examines how domestic factors condition the interaction of representatives of advanced welfare states when they cooperate on transnational welfare governance. Based on new survey data, it compares who interacts with whom in one of the oldest transgovernmental networks of the EU — the network that deals with EU citizens’ rights to cross-border welfare. First, the authors perform a welfare cluster analysis of EU-28 and test whether institutional similarity explains these interactions. Furthermore, they test whether the level and kind of migration explains interaction and examine the explanatory value of administrative capacity. To test what drives interactions, the study employs social network analysis and exponential random graph models. [R, abr.]
72.231 SINKKONEN, Elina —
We do not have a comprehensive understanding of authoritarian resilience or the quality of governance globally, because we lack research analysing deepening autocratization in already authoritarian countries. Yet, deepening autocratization is an actual phenomenon affecting hundreds of millions of people worldwide. Authoritarian regimes continue to be treated as the negative end of the democracy-authoritarianism continuum, neglecting characteristics present only in authoritarian regimes. This research develops the conceptualization of deepening autocratization, as the definition of autocratization should include deepening autocratization in already authoritarian countries, rather than focusing solely on regime change. It looks at elite-level dynamics in authoritarian regimes and discusses power concentration, including proposed measures for personalization, administrative centralization, and state control over economic assets. [R, abr.]
72.232 SIROKY, David, et al. —
Social science answers to the essential question of group conflict have focused on two main explanations — their motivating “grievances” and their mobilization “capacity” for collective action. Recent years have seen a renewed focus on grievances in the form of horizontal inequalities (between-group inequality), but the important conceptual and potential empirical differences between horizontal inequality and relative deprivation have not yet been incorporated into this discussion fully. This article first discusses these distinctions, and then assesses how they influence collective violence using new global evidence. [R, abr.]
72.233 SNOWER, Dennis J. ; BOSWORTH, Steven J. —
This paper examines how economic fragmentation (widening inequality of skills, income and education) gives rise to social fragmentation (via incompatible social identities), generating political fragmentation (via incompatible economic policies). We consider three value-driven identities: individualism, focused on status concerns, communitarianism, focused on social affiliations, and multi-affiliatedness, encompassing both objectives. Under endogenous identity formation high-skill people are drawn to individualism, the lower-skilled to communitarianism, and those of intermediate skill to multi-affiliatedness. Skill- and educationbiased growth leads to increasing social polarisation, expanding the individualistic and communitarian groups at the expense of multiaffiliates. [R, abr.]
72.234 SOLA, Lourdes ; WHITEHEAD, Laurence —
This paper focuses on major Emerging Market Democracies (EMDs), and their “statecrafting” options under the pressures of globalization, including the recent build-up of counter-currents culminating in the massive “sudden stop” of 2020. Even under the most adverse circumstances, these countries have never just been “rule-takers,” and their political economy trajectories always involve coalition-building and politically negotiated adaptation and reform. [R]
72.235 SONI, Aparna, et al. —
Twenty states are pursuing community engagement requirements (“work requirements”) in Medicaid, though legal challenges are ongoing. While most nondisabled low-income individuals work, it is less clear how many engage in the required number of hours of qualifying community engagement activities and what heterogeneity may exist by race/ethnicity, age, and gender. The authors’ objective was to estimate current levels of employment and other community engagement activities among potential Medicaid beneficiaries. The authors analyzed the US Census Bureau’s national time-use survey data for the years 2015 through 2018. Their main sample consisted of nondisabled adults between 19 and 64 years with family incomes less than 138% of the federal poverty level (N = 2,551). Nationally, low-income adults who might become subject to Medicaid work requirements already spent an average of 30 hours per week on community engagement activities. [R, abr.]
72.236 SOSA, Lorena —
Although resistance to the incorporation of ‘gender’ in human rights law and policies is not new, since 2013 anti-gender campaigns have articulated as movements and increased their visibility. More recently, the transnational dimension of the anti-gender offensive has become visible as a challenge to human rights standards, including the anti-violence against women project, and a process of democratic erosion. In this column, I make a short overview of this social and political phenomenon and describe how these anti-gender campaigns have entered the human rights systems and their discourse has shifted from religious justifications towards legal ones. [R, abr.]
72.237 SPIELBERGER, Lukas —
During the financial crisis of 2008-2010, governments have had varying success in containing the fiscal costs of stabilizing their financial sectors. This article challenges the existing literature that attributes these differences purely to national factors and contends that the international dimension affects a government’s capacity to share the costs across borders. Specifically, if a country shares a leveraged creditor with other countries, concerns about regional contagion will drive decisions by outside actors to participate in or prevent external burden sharing. A comparison of the role of the Swedish government during the financial crisis in Latvia and the ECB’s influence on Ireland shows that these decisions can both facilitate or prevent international burden-sharing. [R, abr.]
72.238 SPITZ, Jean-Fabien —
La critique contemporaine du libéralisme met l’accent sur son incapacité à faire face aux risques auxquels les sociétés contemporaines sont confrontées et elle rend l’individualisme dont il est porteur responsable des inégalités et des formes de fracture sociale qui les menacent. Face à cette critique, qui risque d’aboutir à un moment post-libéral, deux réactions se dessinent. D’une part une fuite en avant vers le règne des experts qui tend à rejeter la démocratie et de l’autre, une forme d’exaltation de la démocratie directe qui tend à en ignorer les composantes formelles qui permettent à la démocratie d’être un vecteur de liberté et non une tyrannie de la majorité. Les deux réactions ignorent cependant l’une et l’autre les valeurs spécifiquement démocratiques mises en valeur par les travaux de Josiah Ober. [R, abr.]
72.239 SRIVASTAVA, Swati ; MUSCOTT, Lauren —
Recent public discourse and political theory center on “structural” approaches of assigning responsibility for injustice in contrast to an “interactional” perspective. The interactional approach corrects discrete harms between agents to return to a just baseline, whereas the structural approach casts a wider net implicating agents in harmful structures for systemic transformation. This theory note advances the understanding of structural responsibility in international relations by defending it against common critiques of underspecification and lack of targeted accountability. We argue that structural arguments are better understood as constituting a framework on the nature of injustice rather than a theory or descriptor of particular harms. We present a “framework, theory, action” heuristic, drawing from constructivism’s evolution from a theory (like realism and liberalism) when it first appeared to a framework (like rationalism) more recently. [R, abr.]
72.240 STEUNENBER, Bernard —
Multi-year budget frameworks are often considered as instruments for controlling spending, including in the context of the European Union. This paper shows that the effects of multi-year budgeting depends on several conditions, some of which, may lead to more rather than less spending. The analysis is based on a model of a finance minister’s decision to enforce a previously accepted budget ceiling in subsequent negotiations with a spending minister. The analysis takes account of uncertainty about preferences in these negotiations, positive transaction costs to the finance minister, and the possibility of political mediation through the prime minister. [R, abr.]
72.241 STOLER, Ann Laura —
This article identifies two radical shifts in how colonialism is politically positioned and temporally framed, shifts that alter what invocations of colonialism look like, what distinguishes the attention they garner, and thus what they are implicitly or explicitly called upon to do. For one, invocations of colonialism are now oriented less to “residual” damage than to deepening racial inequalities on which (il)liberal politics increasingly thrive. Two, they are rendered not only as violating histories of the present but as premonitions in a dark diagnostics, as foreboding forecasts — histories of the global future across broader zones of disrepair, disregard, and degraded care. [R]
72.242 SUNDARAM, Sasikumar S. ; THAKUR, Vineet —
Practice turn marks an important advancement in IR theorizing. In challenging abstract meta-theoretical debates, practice theorizing in IR aims to get close to the lifeworld(s) of the actual practitioners of politics. Scholars from different positions such as constructivism, critical theory, and post-structuralism have critically interrogated the analytical framework of practices in international politics. Building upon these works, we are concerned with a question of how to examine the context of international practices that unfolds in multiple ways in practitioners’ performances. Our central thesis is that a distinct pragmatic methodology offers an opportunity to keep with the practice turn and avoid the problematic foundational moves of mainstream practice theorizing. [R, abr.]
72.243 TAIT, Joshua —
James Burnham and Willmoore Kendall helped give birth and intellectual legitimacy to a conservative movement primarily defined by its opposition to liberalism, resentment of elites, distrust of the democracy, and drive to fight the liberal destruction of America and “the West”. [R]
72.244 TAKLE, Marianne —
This article elaborates on ideas concerning future generations and whether they are useful in understanding some aspects of the concern for the global ecological commons. The article’s main scholarly contribution is to develop analytical tools for examining what a concern for future generations would require of current generations. It combines the scholarly literature on future generations with that of solidarity. The ideas concerning future generations are interpreted in terms of an ideal typical concept of solidarity with future generations. This concept is divided into four dimensions: the foundation of solidarity, the objective of solidarity, the boundaries of solidarity and the collective orientation. By applying these four dimensions in the context of the political process leading to Agenda 2030, the potentials and limitations of the concept are evident. The article concludes that the absence of reciprocity between current and future generations and uncertainty about the future are both crucial issues, which cut across the four dimensions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1175]
72.245 TARABAR, Danko ; YOUNG, Andrew T. —
Why are some constitutions amended frequently and others hardly at all? An obvious candidate determinant is constitutional rigidity, i.e. the size and number of procedural barriers to amendment. Given some demand for amendment, greater rigidity implies a smaller supply. However, measures of rigidity often do not correlate significantly (or even with the predicted sign) with amendment rates. Ginsburg and Melton (2015) argue that amendment culture — “shared attitudes about the desirability of amendment” — is a more important determinant of amendment rates. We study up to 128 constitutional episodes from 54 countries and estimate relationships between amendment rates and Hofstede cultural indices. Cultures that are more individualistic and less prone to uncertainty avoidance are associated with higher amendment rates. [R]
72.246 TARROW, Sidney —
Descriptive or ethnographic studies were once the stock-in-trade of the comparative politics of non-Western areas and illiberal states. The last few decades have seen a dramatic growth in quantitative — or at least systematic — studies of these systems. This marks real progress, but, in the process, some of the advantages of ethnographic and “unitcontextual” studies have been lost. The contributors to this symposium have used ethnographic methods — often in combination with other methods — to examine and compare episodes of contentious politics in a number of these countries. Drawing on some of the “classics” of comparative politics, this article emphasizes both the continuities and the departures of the new generation of “ethnography plus” research efforts represented in this symposium. [R] [See Abstr. 72.98]
72.247 TERBEEK, Calvin —
The Republican Party has adopted constitutional “originalism” as its touchstone. Existing accounts of this development tell either a teleological story, with legal academics as the progenitors, or deracialized accounts of conservatives arguing first principles. Exploiting untapped archival data, this paper argues otherwise. Empirically, the paper shows that the realigning GOP’s originalism grew directly out of political resistance to Brown v. Board of Education by conservative governing elites, intellectuals, and activists in the 1950s and 1960s. Building on this updated empirical understanding, the theoretical claim is that ideologically charged elite legal academics and attorneys in Departments of Justice serve more of a legitimating rather than an originating role for American constitutional politics upon a long coalition’s electoral success. Finally this article posits that the received understanding of a “three-corner stool” of social, economic, and foreign policy conservatism needs revision. [R, abr.]
72.248 TERLIZZI, Andrea —
This article provides a systematic literature review of digitalization in the public sector, bringing together academic and nonacademic research on digital government in the fields of public policy and administration, public management, and welfare studies. The article maps and explores a sample of records according to the following themes: (1) conceptual and operational definitions of public sector digitalization; (2) advantages of digital government strategies and conditions for their success or failure; and (3) determinants and impact of digital government. The article identifies several theoretical and empirical lacunae in the literature, and argues that the policy sciences still have much to offer with regard to advancing our understanding of the variety of contemporary digitalization strategies and their impact on governments and society. [R]
72.249 TEVINI, Marc —
Cet article s’intéresse au rapprochement entre l’évaluation des politiques publiques et certaines analyses conduites par des organisations militantes. Il étudie des travaux militants qui s’appuient, comme les évaluations, sur la collecte de données probantes afin de juger de l’efficacité, de la cohérence et de la pertinence de certaines politiques publiques. Alors que ces travaux ne portent pas toujours le nom ni ne se réfèrent à l’évaluation des politiques publiques, deux études de cas permettent d’illustrer et de documenter la façon dont ces démarches mobilisent des informations à caractère évaluatif dans une logique de plaidoyer. Ces travaux qui visent à alerter l’opinion publique via une approche se voulant évaluative seraient-ils plus à même de susciter la controverse et le débat public? [R]
72.250 THOMAS, Arnaud —
This article shows how, in the face of river continuity policies that aim to restore aquatic biodiversity, the defense of hydroelectric and agricultural activities involves politicizing their role in adaptation to climate change. Thus, actors in these industries seek less to depoliticize water issues than to reaffirm their political dimension by providing other problematizations and other frameworks for interpreting the ecological emergency. This article is based on an analysis of the multi-scalar political work of actors in these industries using some fifty interviews and gray literature. The results show that the politicization of climate issues enables them to transform the frameworks for legitimizing water policy and to reproduce their industrial uses of watercourses. [R, abr.]
72.251 THOMAS, Cassidy ; GOSINK, Elhom —
This article explores the concept of ecofascism during the twenty-first century. In the midst of worsening ecological crises, a revival of ecofascist rhetoric and action has been observed. Despite this resurfacing, there is a lack of theorizing around the topic. This discussion will explore how the ecofascist label has been applied in different contexts historically, and the ways it may manifest in the twenty-first century. We hope that this stimulates conversation and awareness around ecofascism and serves as a guide to identify various ecofascist rhetorical tools, policies, and proposals. [R]
72.252 THRALL, Calvin —
Multinational firms operate in multiple national jurisdictions, making them difficult for any one government to regulate. For this reason the firms themselves are often in charge of their own regulation, increasingly in conjunction with international organizations by way of public-private governance initiatives. Prior research has claimed that such initiatives are too weak to meaningfully change firms’ behavior. Can public-private governance initiatives help firms self-regulate, even if they lack strong monitoring or enforcement mechanisms? I take two steps toward answering this question. First, I introduce a new measure of firms’ performance on ESG (environmental, social, and governance) issues: the extent to which the firms issue public responses to claims of misconduct from civil society actors. Second, I argue that public-private governance initiatives allow firms to benefit from the legitimacy of their public partners, lowering the reputational cost of transparent response. [R, abr.]
72.253 TOMINI, Luca —
One of the most fascinating developments in the recent comparative politics scholarship is undoubtedly the turn from the studies on the process of democratization to those on the opposite phenomenon, that is, autocratization. After the recent, initial wave of empirical studies, only recently scholars began to tackle some underlying albeit essential issues, such as the problem of conceptualization and measurement of this concept. On the pages of Democratization, a crucial debate recently emerged when S.-E. Skaaning reacted to the high-impact 2018 article by A. Lührmann and S. Lindberg. This piece aims to contribute to this stimulating debate. The main message of this piece is: don’t think of a wave! Autocratization matters and deserves to be studied, even if there is no such a “third wave.” [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 72.32]
72.254 TOUCHTON, Michael ; WAMPLER, Brian ; PEIXOTO, Tiago —
Governments around the world often struggle to collect tax revenues, thus undermining their ability to build functioning states, deliver basic public goods, and improve human development. This problem is especially acute in the Global South. Within the broader context of representative democracy, many local governments increasingly adopt participatory institutions in the hope that they will improve government responsiveness, service delivery, and their electoral opportunities. We address gaps in knowledge on participatory institutions and tax collection by asking two critical questions: to what extent (if any) do these reforms improve local governance? And how would we know? We draw from an original database on Brazilian Municipalities that includes fiscal, political, and state capacity variables. [R, abr.]
72.255 TREIN, Philipp ; ANSELL, Christopher K. —
Policies to integrate and coordinate across sectors have become important in recent years, but we know little about the drivers of these reforms. This article evaluates three explanations for differences in patterns of policy integration and administrative coordination reforms across countries and policy sectors over time. Reform activity could reflect: (1) the fragmenting effects of agencification; (2) a strategy of governments to regain policy control; or (3) partisan agendas. We test these explanatory scenarios using multilevel probit and structural equation models on an original dataset of policy integration and administrative coordination reforms. Our findings support the claim that reforms are a reaction to the institutional fragmentation produced by agencification and that agencies drive these reforms. [R, abr.]
72.256 TREIN, Philipp ; MAGGETTI, Martino ; MEYER, Iris —
We explore the determinants of reforms intending to integrate policies and coordinate administrative units by focusing on necessary conditions. Firstly, we elaborate theoretical expectations about potential necessary conditions for cross-sectoral reforms. Secondly, we conduct a conditionoriented fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis to examine our expectations, based on an original data set comparing policy integration and administrative coordination reforms, in environmental and unemployment policy, across 13 countries over 29 years. Our results indicate three necessary conditions for high reform intensity: external problem pressure is necessary for policy integration and administrative coordination in employment policy; either the strength or weakness of the reference party can take the role of necessary conditions depending on the policy field; low politicization of bureaucracy is necessary, especially for administrative coordination in environmental policy. [R, abr.]
72.257 TRUBOWITZ, Peter ; WATANABE, Kohei —
Few concepts figure more prominently in the study of international politics than threat. Yet scholars do not agree on how to identify and measure threats or systematically incorporate leaders’ perceptions of threat into their models. In this research note, we introduce a text-based strategy and method for identifying and measuring elite assessments of international threat from publicly available sources. Using semisupervised machine learning models, we show how text sourced from newspaper articles can be parsed to discern arguments that distinguish threatening from non-threatening states, and to measure and track variation in the intensity of foreign threats over time. To demonstrate proof of concept, we use news summaries from The New York Times from 1861 to 2017 to create a geopolitical threat index (GTI) for the United States. [R, abr.]
72.258 TSCHANTRET, Joshua —
Democracy is one of the most consistent predictors of terrorism. Yet we know little about why there is an apparent relationship between terrorism and democracy. I argue that previous democratic breakdown is a significant predictor of terrorism. While democratic civil liberties increase the opportunity to carry out terrorist attacks, they do not explain why groups are motivated to use terrorism rather than legal means for implementing change. Democratic breakdown, however, creates grievances that motivate terrorism by excluding groups with full rights of participation from the political process. Such grievances, which persist over long periods of time, will lead to high levels of terrorism once the regime redemocratizes, since the motivation for political violence is combined with the opportunities provided by democratic civil liberties. Cross-national statistical evidence from 1970 to 2007 lends strong support for this argument. [R, abr.]
72.259 VALENTIM, Vicente ; RUIPÉREZ NÚÑEZ, Ana ; DINAS, Elias —
Regression discontinuity (RD) designs have become increasingly popular in political science, due to their ability to showcase causal effects under weak assumptions. This paper provides an intuition-based guide for the use of the RD in applied research. After an intuitive explanation of how the method works, we provide a checklist that can help researchers understand the main robustness checks they should run, and a quick introduction to software implementing the design. We also provide a list of classic designs and examples of their application in political science. We hope this article can constitute a stepping stone from which researchers interested in RD can jump to more advanced literature; and which makes researchers not interested in implementing RDs better consumers of research employing this design. [R] [See Abstr. 72 66]
72.260 VAN OERS, Ricky —
Between 2003 and 2008, Germany and the Netherlands have replaced informal interviews with local officials by formalised language and knowledge of society tests (‘citizenship tests’) to determine whether longterm resident immigrants have sufficiently integrated to become citizens. In this contribution, the questions of why the citizenship tests were introduced and of which effects these tests have produced in Germany and the Netherlands will be answered. By doing so, the author aims to contribute to answering the question of whether language and cultural requirements can be considered liberal, which, as has been claimed, remains an unresolved issue relating to civic integration policies. Scholars disagree on whether citizenship tests can be justified in the liberal model for citizenship. Liberal minimalists oppose the introduction of requirements barring permanent residents from full-fledged citizenship. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Naturalization policies, citizenship regimes, and the regulation of belonging in anxious societies”, introduced by Leah BASSEL, et al. See also Abstr. 72.498, 499, 701, 917, 963]
72.261 VAN RIET, Ad —
This article extends the literature on the varieties of capitalism within the Economic and Monetary Union of Europe with an analysis of the financial drivers of fiscal policies in creditor and debtor countries from the euro crisis up to the coronavirus pandemic, with an application to Germany and Italy. Market perceptions of sovereign creditworthiness, as grounded in national political economies, cause a persistent segmentation of the euro area capital market between peer countries regarded as safe or risky. As a consequence, cross-border capital flows have an asymmetric effect on the public and private finances of creditor and debtor countries, adding to the asymmetric impact from their economic growth models. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1382]
72.262 VLACIC, Patrick; ŠTROMAJER, Jernej —
The advancement of technology and digitization has enabled the development of online platforms that represent the basis of the emerging sharing economy. Critics of the sharing economy argue that these online platforms do not serve the interests of their users, but mainly the interests of their owners and investors. That is why they propose fostering the development of an alternative to the currently predominant business model within the sharing economy, in the form of online platform cooperativism. The Uber global corporation and local taxi cooperatives are presented as model examples. [R, abr.]
72.263 VOGEL, Rick ; WERKMEISTER, Laura —
While scholarship on public leadership has recently gained momentum in public administration, it is unclear how researchers should account for the “public” in public leadership. We shed new light on this issue by introducing the approach of Implicit Leadership Theories (ILTs) to the field of public administration. This socio-cognitive approach suggests that people’s everyday, rather than scholarly, theories about the characteristics of leaders provide important explanations of how they respond to leadership situations. We investigate whether people hold Implicit Public Leadership Theories (IPLTs) and explore how these images of public leaders contrast with generic ILTs. We extract these taxonomies from data gathered in a survey experiment in Germany (N = 1,072). Results show that IPLTs have overlaps with generic ILTs but are unique in terms of rule abidance and innovation-orientation. In contrast, charismatic aspects of leadership only figure in generic ILTs. [R, abr.]
72.264 VRIES, Bouke DE —
A significant proportion of states grants constitutional recognition to a single religion, leaving various other religions within society constitutionally unrecognized. Many philosophers believe that this is problematic even when such recognition is (almost) wholly symbolic. The four most common and prima facie plausible objections to what I call ‘monorecognition’ are that it alienates citizens who do not adhere to the constitutionally recognized religion; that it symbolically subordinates these individuals; that it reinforces oppressive social hierarchies; and that it violates principles of justificatory neutrality. This article shows that none of these objections establish that mono-recognition is wrong within contemporary societies — nor even merely pro tanto wrong. However, it goes on to propose a novel argument that does suggest that this type of religious establishment is pro tanto wrong within most societies, if not all. [R, abr.]
72.265 WALBY, Sylvia —
This article develops the concept of society to meet the challenge of cross-border and global processes. Global processes have made visible the inadequacy of interpreting the concept of society as if it were a nation-state, since there is a lack of congruence of institutional domains (economy, polity, civil society, violence) and regimes of inequality (class, gender, ethnicity). The article engages with two strands of intellectual heritage in sociological analysis of society as a macro concept: the differentiation of institutions and the relations of inequality. The concepts of society and societalisation are developed by hybridising these two approaches rather than selecting only one or the other. To achieve this, the concept of system is developed by drawing on complexity science. [R, abr.]
72.266 WALKER, Lee Demetrius ; MARTINEZ, Melissa ; PACE, Christopher —
Building on research that applies the policy deference model to high court decision-making during external war, we propose that conflict intensity, political government’s preference on liberalization, and the gender of appellant impact the manner in which courts follow policy deference during internal war in transitioning countries. Contextually, we argue that shifts in women’s roles and gender relations during internal conflict in transitioning societies condition the manner in which civilian courts make decisions on civil and political rights cases. During external war in advanced democracies, policy deference infers that courts will rule more conservatively on civil and political rights cases. Using habeas corpus cases as a representation of civil and political rights’ protection from El Salvador’s civil war period (1980-1992) and two measures of conflict intensity, our findings indicate that the court’s decision-making process deviates from conventional expectations derived from the policy deference model in three ways. [R, abr.]
72.267 WALLIS, Victor —
Ecosocialist technology is technology guided by universal human need and by concern for the health of the natural environment. It contrasts with capitalist technology, which is driven above all by the imperatives of costreduction and profit-maximization within a market whose contours are shaped by the owners or state agents of capital. The contrast between ecosocialist and capitalist technology appears across all sectors of production and services. Following a theoretical overview, we examine the sectors of transport, housing, and food production and reflect on the newest technologies of communication, surveillance, and artificial intelligence. I argue that devices and infrastructures that would transform the conditions of life should in all cases be subject, at the planning stage, to full disclosure, informed public debate, and democratic resolution. [R]
72.268 WALTER, Barbara F. ; HOWARD, Lise Morje ; FORTNA, V. Page —
Numerous empirical studies have examined the role of third-party peacekeeping in reducing violence around the world. Their results reveal an extraordinary relationship between peacekeepers and peace, notwithstanding a number of well-known problems. This review article summarizes the results of past empirical research to move the debate beyond the question of whether peacekeeping works to the more pressing questions of how, when and why it works. [It] reveals the limitations of the current quantitative research in order to identify areas in which scholars can make big, new contributions to the field. The final goal is to propose a new research agenda that is heavily evaluative — one that informs policy makers about the specific practices, mission compositions, and mandates that work, and identifies the local, regional, and international conditions that amplify or diminish peacekeeping’s effectiveness. [R, abr.]
72.269 WARNER, Michael —
“Cyber war” has become redundant term. Conflict today always has a cyber dimension, with actors on one or both sides either conducting cyberspace operations or using cyber means against their adversaries. Offensive operations in and through cyberspace are now becoming routine. This routinization, however, does not make offensive cyberspace operations insignificant, still less benign. In recent years it has become possible to cause strategic effects using cyber means both in combat and in competitions below the threshold of armed conflict. [R]
72.270 WEAVER, Timothy P. R. —
Since the 1970s, the neoliberal worldview has become reflected increasingly in the policy ideas and institutional innovations advanced by both major parties in the US. This is most obvious in the realm of economic and social policy, but especially evident at the subnational level, particularly in the city. I argue that neoliberalism, as an ideology, a set of policy prescriptions, and institutional designs, is conceptually distinct from liberalism, especially in its “New Deal” form, social democracy, and from conservatism. Moreover, it is having a developmental effect — neoliberal ideas and institutions have proved durable. This article argues that an urban lens most strikingly reveals the presence of a neoliberal political order that has also made its mark on national political institutions, particularly in the American political economy. [R]
72.271 WEISHAUPT, J. Timo —
Most observers point to the importance of short-time work (Kurzarbeit) as one of the key explanations for Germany’s stellar employment performance during the economic downturn in 2008-2009. In this paper, I reveal previously unidentified causal mechanisms that have led to the widespread application of Kurzarbeit: the Christian Democrats’ embrace of the Social Market Economy, the formation of an ‘informal’ neocorporatist alliance, the well-functioning communication channels within the public employment service and social partner organisations, and the ‘watch dog’ role of firm-level metal labour unions. This paper also reflects on the state of Germany’s coordinated market economy despite the neoliberal discourse at European level, its labour market responses to the Corona pandemic of 2020, and the possible lessons for the Italian case. [R] [See Abstr. 72.1382]
72.272 WHITE, Ben —
This article turns a sceptical eye I’m policy studies of youth aspirations and specifically the reported aspirations of the world’s rural youth for mobility from farming to non-farming, and rural to non-rural futures. Four large-scale multi-country studies on young people’s aspirations are reviewed, and compared with the findings of more detailed, in-depth, local studies. Aspirations, it is argued, are viewed (and researched) much too simplistically in the policy world. Examples from many parts of the world suggest a need for caution about prevailing narratives that “rural youth today are not interested in farming futures”. They underline the importance of the life -course and generational perspective on young people’s aspirations and their mobility out of, and perhaps later back into, farming. [R]
72.273 WILLIAMS, Martin J. —
There is a broad consensus that state capacity is central to economic and institutional development. But while the concept originated as a tool for macro-historical and comparative analysis, its success has led the term ‘capacity’ to become a default metaphor for discussing the quality of government bureaucracies. This paper discusses the limitations to conceiving of narrower questions of bureaucratic performance and policy implementation through the lens of the broad, aggregate concept of capacity. Whereas capacity refers to bureaucracies’ hypothetical potential, this usually differs from their actual actions due to internal information and incentive problems created by bureaucracies’ collective nature, and the constraints and uncertainty imposed by their multiple political principals. [R, abr.]
72.274 WILLIS, Christopher P. —
What explains the variation in sexual violence perpetrated by statesecurity forces? Prior research has suggested sexual violence is an explicit strategy of violence. More recent work has suggested sexual violence in certain contexts acts as a tolerated practice. I argue that the type of regime institutions influences the perpetration of sexual violence by deterring behavior of individuals and providing pathways to accountability. Authoritarian regimes in general have weaker institutional accountability compared to democracies. Institutions in personalist regimes in particular are geared toward preservation of personal power, rather than accountability for the regime. Regimes with higher accountability will experience lower sexual violence, while those with lower accountability experience higher perpetration. Moreover, the gendered nature of regime institutions influences perpetration of sexual violence where masculine institutions predominate. I test these predictions using cross-national data on the incidence of sexual violence, during both peace and conflict. [R, abr.]
72.275 WOLF, Eva Elizabeth Anne ; VAN DOOREN, Wouter —
This article investigates the relationship between policy conflict and trusterosion. It concludes that in a context of trust-erosion, practices to deal with conflict may backfire and lead to further conflict escalation. The article draws on an in-depth analysis of 32 interviews with key actors in the conflict over a contested multibillion-euro highway project in Antwerp (Belgium). It concludes that while all actors draw on the policy repertoire of “managing public support” to explain the conflict, their perspectives of what it means for a policy to have public support differ. Practices to “manage public support” that made sense from one perspective, contributed to the erosion of trust from those holding a different perspective, thus further escalating the conflict. Practices intended to end conflict proved to be fatal remedies. [R] [See Abstr. 72.825]
72.276 YAMAMURA, Eijii ; ISHIDA, Ryo —
In Japan, the disclosure ordinance has been drastically enacted during the 1999-2010. Using an originally constructed panel dataset consisting of approximately 1700 local governments for 1999-2010, we empirically examined the influence of information disclosure ordinances on the income of chief executives in local Japanese governments. Furthermore, we also investigated how the effect of the ordinance changes with time. Our key finding was that the income of such local government officials decreased after implementing the ordinances; that income also declined with time. Hence, information disclosure about local government reduced the income of top officials, which increased with time. [R, abr.]
72.277 YANG Wenhui ; SHEN Xiaoxiao —
Do social welfare benefits enhance political legitimacy in nondemocracies? Conventional wisdom treats material interest as being the central mechanism underpinning widespread political attitudes, but social welfare is not always effective in garnering political support in nondemocracies. Using a regression discontinuity design, we find that even though receiving social welfare benefits has significantly improved individuals’ well-being, their political support in different levels of government have not significantly grown. We demonstrate that the null effect of social welfare on political support can be partially explained by individuals’ exposure to political violence before. Social welfare benefits yield a backsliding effect on local government support when individuals were exposed to high revolutionary intensity. [R]
72.278 ZABDYR-JAMROZ, Michał —
The Polish healthcare system suffers from a growing deficit of nurses, whose population is ageing at an alarming rate. This deficit is correlated with the relatively low social, economic and political position of this female-associated profession. A looming crisis requires comprehensive, sustainable and long-term solutions, which could be achieved with deliberative governance, an approach that re-evaluates the dominant models of health policy-making and the way they process legitimate selfinterests. This paper examines some of the challenges to the inclusion of nurses’ self-interests into public deliberation and policy-making. It is based on an analysis of the 2016 nurses’ strike at the Children’s Memorial Health Institute in Warsaw. The example will lead me to some political theory considerations that support the recent rehabilitation of selfinterests within deliberative democratic theory as well as a systemic appreciation of the role of strikes. [R, abr.]
72.279 ZAMORA VARGAS, Daniel —
From its very inception, neoliberalism has been a reluctant companion to democracy. Economists such as Friedrich von Hayek and Ludwig von Mises, for example, viewed with anxiety the achievement of universal suffrage and were convinced that market mechanisms had to be protected from popular involvement. However, neoliberalism was not only a program aimed at “undoing” the demos but also a way to invest it with new meaning, to “redo the demos.” [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See also Abstr. 72. 9, 137, 168, 193, 329]
72.280 ZENG Yuleng —
Trade-conflict studies have shown that economic dependence can promote peace by costly signaling resolve. However, with higher economic integration, targets also become more vulnerable to coercion and potential challengers are incentivized to bluff. In return, target states may resist more, raising the question of whether trade still promotes peace. I theorize that bluffing does not stoke conflict in this context because the bargaining environment allows states to inform and coerce simultaneously: the factor that renders a threat less credible also restrains states from further escalation. I test this theory’s implications with a structural estimation method and find supporting results. [R]
72.281 ZMERLI, Sonja —
Based on the latest European Values Study released in 2018, this study investigates the characteristics that French citizens ascribe to democracies to be essential. So far, little is known about democratic notions in a comparative perspective and even less about their origins and political consequences. To fill this research gap, this study adopts an exploratory research design where notions of democracy are, at first, inspected as dependent variables and, subsequently, scrutinized as determinants of political attitudes and participation. The empirical evidence reveals the deviating effects that different types of democratic notions exert on political attitudes and action and underscores the impact of personality traits and political ideology. [R] [See Abstr. 72.1236]
72.282
China’s strategic culture has mostly been understood from the competing prisms of Confucianism and Realpolitik traditions. However, there is a need to go beyond this binary approach to explore the more nuanced civilisational basis of China’s strategic thinking. It is in this context that the role of Daoism becomes significant in understanding China’s behavioural patterns. The Daoist strategic tradition has been found to be a highly cogent system based on five key pillars — strategic rationalism, strategic aloofness, strategic optimisation, strategic restraint and strategic flexibility. These aspects have been found reflected in various key instances of China’s strategic practice, demonstrating its relevance for understanding China’s strategic culture. [R]
72.283
Introduction by Sébastien LORION and Stéphanie LAGOUTTE, “What are Governmental Human Rights Focal Points?”, pp. 80-94. Articles by Sébastien LORION, “Inside the Human Rights Ministry of Burkina Faso: How professionalised civil servants shape governmental human rights focal points”, pp.95-118; Colin CAUGHEY, “Government human rights focal points: Lessons learned from focal points under the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities”, pp. 119-139; Matthieu NIEDERHAUSER, “Governmental human rights focal points in federal contexts: The implementation of the Istanbul Convention in Switzerland as a case study”, pp.140-160; Martin MENNECKE, “Never again? The role of the global network of R2P focal points in preventing atrocity crimes”, pp.161-181.