Abstract
73.6858 AERTS, Elise ; MARX, Ive ; PAROLIN, Zachary —
Poverty rates among single parents vary considerably across countries, in part reflecting differences in the generosity and design of minimum income protections. We ask what the optimal ways are to target income support to single parents, if the prime objective of policy is to shelter those households from poverty. We map minimum income provisions for working and nonworking single-parent households across Europe and the United States, showing that three things matter for adequate minimum income protection. First, minimum wage levels matter, obviously for working single parents, but also for jobless ones since they effectively set the ‘glass ceiling’ for out-of-work benefits. Second, the overall generosity of the child benefit package is crucial to shelter both working and jobless single parents from poverty. Third, countries that employ a strategy of “targeting within universalism” (that is directing extra support to vulnerable groups such as single parents within the context of a universal benefit program) tend to do best. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6859 ALBERS, Thilo N. H. ; JERVEN, Morten ; SUESSE, Marvin —
What is the level of state capacity in developing countries today, and what have been its drivers over the past century? We construct a comprehensive new data set of tax and revenue collection for forty-six African polities from 1900 to 2015. Our data show that polities in Africa have been characterized by strong growth in fiscal capacity on average, but that substantial heterogeneity exists. The empirical analysis reveals that canonical state-building factors such as democratic institutions and interstate warfare have limited power to explain these divergent growth paths. On the other hand, accounting for the relationship between African polities and the international environment — through the availability of external finance and the legacy of colonialism — is key to understanding their differing investments in fiscal capacity. These insights add important nuances to established theories of state building. Not only can the availability of external finance deter investment in fiscal capacity, but it also moderates the efficacy of canonical state-building factors. [R]
73.6860 ALDALOOI, Luay Hussien —
The Shatt al-Arab River (SAR) is a transboundary river between Iraq and Iran. The bulk of it has traditionally been under Iraqi jurisdiction, yet Iran has always held significant influence. This paper applies the framework of hydro-hegemony to distinguish between two different hegemonic configurations operated over SAR. In the first period, Iran exercised coercive tactics, prompting Iraq to sign the Algeria Accord in 1975. However, after four years, the eight-year war between the two states revoked this institutional order, paving the way for a new era. During this period, which began dominantly after 2003, Iran exerted soft power. The Iranian Islamic regime manipulated ties with Iraqi elites to influence the course of Iraqi policy. Nonetheless, by helping Iraqis defeat ISIS and curbing the Kurdish issues following their referendum to separate from Iraq in 2017, Iran ensured the majority of Iraqis’ willing acquiescence. Consequently, it contained SAR on its own terms. [R]
73.6861 ALDRICH, Daniel P. —
Observers have long debated how societies should invest resources to safeguard citizens and property, especially in the face of increasing shocks and crises. This article explores how social infrastructure — the spaces and places that help build and maintain social ties and trust, allowing societies to coordinate behavior — plays an important role in our communities, especially in mitigating and recovering from shocks. An analysis of quantitative data on more than 550 neighborhoods across the three Japanese prefectures most affected by the tsunami of 11 March 2011 shows that, controlling for relevant factors, community centers, libraries, parks, and other social infrastructure measurably and cheaply reduced mortality rates among the most vulnerable population. Investing in social infrastructure projects would, based on this data, save more lives during a natural hazard than putting the same money into standard, gray infrastructure such as seawalls. Decision makers at national, regional, and local levels should expand spending on facilities such as libraries, community centers, social businesses, and public parks to increase resilience to multiple types of shocks and to further enhance the quality of life for residents. [R]
73.6862 ALEMAYEHU, Dereje —
“My Lord, you can do anything you like with bayonets, except sit on them.…” (Talleyrand, Bonaparte’s Foreign Minister). North Africa is about allowing inequalities to grow, allowing joblessness to grow. It is about a state that hasn’t actually performed, about a minority that accumulates things for itself. If you want to follow that path for the next 20 years, we’ll end up like North Africa. (Pravin Gordhan, Finance Minister of South Africa in his Budget Speech, 2011). [R]
73.6863 ALI, Ali —
This is a disaggregated study of different factors which shaped Jordan’s Syrian refugee response. It considers the response’s internal workings and how hosting a large displaced population from the Mediterranean state of Syria is distributed across different public institutions with the involvement of international actors. The argument is that an agenda intent on securing the status quo influences the response, but that it is not always coherently implemented by the many hands of the Jordanian state. The main aims are to resist the permanence of Syrians so as not to undermine the demographic balance that favours Trans-Jordanians; to secure income for hosting Syrians; and to limit the possibilities for formal Syrian economic competition with Jordanians. At the same time, and related to these aims, there are initiatives to render Syrians legible, and these legibility initiatives serve different goals depending on which hand of the state is enacting them. [R, abr.]
73.6864 ALI, Hager ; HAMMOU, Salah Ben ; POWELL, Jonathan M. —
This article investigates how armies re-entrench their power after thwarting democratic transitions. After the Sudanese military staged a coup in October 2021 and altered the transitional constitution, coup leader Abdelfattah al-Burhan announced the military’s withdrawal in July 2022 after. We argue that these constitutional changes leveraged existing institutions in the military’s favour to retain its influence over Sudanese governance. Using empirical evidence from Sudan’s previous military takeovers to evaluate the post-coup constitutional engineering, the analysis finds that military control over the electoral commission as well as decentralisation will be determining factors moving forward. The timeframe between an antidemocratic coup and subsequent elections should be examined more carefully. Entrenching military power through elections requires a policy set up in advance, usually undertaken in this period. Thus, we provide key insights into how armies incrementally consolidate their power without radically overhauling existing institutions. [R]
73.6865 ALSAADI, Salam —
Research on the international dimension of authoritarianism and democratization has focused on patron-client interaction. This article identifies a specific type of international involvement that is characterized by geopolitical competition. In "international competitive involvement," multiple rival countries intervene simultaneously and oppositely to support opposing sides during a political transition, namely the military and a faction from the civilian actors. Drawing on evidence from Egypt, Sudan, and Myanmar, I develop a theoretical framework for this type of international involvement and argue that it significantly enhances the military’s repressive capacity and hardens its negotiation position. While the military in cases of non-competitive support perceives of bargaining as a potential option, competitive involvement forecloses the bargaining option as repression becomes the most viable course of action for the military. [R]
73.6866 ANDERSON, Christopher J. —
How do democratic states induce citizens to comply with government directives during times of acute crisis? Focusing on the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in France, I argue that the tools states use to activate adherence to public health advice have predictable and variable effects on citizens’ willingness to change their routine private behaviours, both because of variation in their levels of restrictiveness but also because of differences in people’s political motivations to comply with them. Using data collected in March 2020, I show that people’s reports of changes in their behavioural routines are affected by the signals governments send, how they send them and the level of enforcement. I find that a nationally televised speech by President Macron calling for cooperative behaviour and announcing new restrictions elevated people’s willingness to comply. [R, abr.]
73.6867 ANISIN, Alexei ; MUSIL, Pelin Ayan —
Turkey has experienced a heterogeneous collection of social movements and protests. While scholars have given substantial attention to coups in this context, it remains unclear if the Turkish Armed Forces have ever defected in favour of civilian mobilization during periods of political instability. In large-N databases on defection, cases in Turkey are either disproportionately skewed towards coups or are fully absent of observations on defection during resistance campaigns. In this study, we analyse cases spanning 1959-2017 to trace patterns of defection. Through triangulating qualitative evidence from memoirs of former military officers, media reports, and interviews carried out with multi-generational political actors, our analysis reveals that three instances of defection occurred in times of mass mobilization, two of which were vertical and one horizontal. Alongside three other instances of defection that occurred during coup attempts, these results illustrate the highly dynamic nature of defection in the Turkish context through interrelated processes of mobilization, defection, and coups. [R]
73.6868 ARNDT, Christoph ; HALIKIOPOULOU, Daphne ; VRAKOPOULOS, Christos —
This article focuses on the spatial dimension of environmental protectionism. Merging regional level and European Social Survey (ESS) data, we examine attitudes towards climate change policies in 186 Western European regions comparatively. Findings from multilevel models confirm that climate policies, which concentrate costs spatially, generate resistance from individuals who incur the costs of these policies. Specifically, individuals in rural and suburban areas who fear income losses and reduced purchasing power are less supportive of climate change policies. Living in poorer regions also drives resistance to such policies. Further, the regional context conditions the effects of egalitarian attitudes. People supporting redistribution oppose climate change measures if they live in poor regions with high unemployment. Overall, we provide empirical evidence of a centre-periphery cleavage dividing Western European attitudes on environment protectionism. [R]
73.6869 ARRUDA, Gisele M. ; FILIJOVIĆ, Marko —
Climate change adaptation in the Arctic is a powerful notion based on a challenging and impermanent reality of continuous complex interactions between the natural and social structures. The geophysical and geopolitical aspects of the Arctic system and the global context are naturally interlinked, and the human aspects of societal existence are even more integrated resulting in a range of collective opportunities, risks, and responsibilities as a civilization, as Arctic citizens, and as global citizens. Our analysis indicated that there are at least three key factors that stand in the way of the implementation of the Arctic climate agenda: (1) unresolved territorial and other disputes among Arctic coastal states, (2) the intensive (re)militarisation of the region (with Russia as a central player), and (3) noticeable economic dynamism, accompanied by strategic competition between key stakeholders — including non-Arctic states, such as China. [R, abr.]
73.6870 ARSIL, Fitra ; MAULENY, Ariesy Tri ; WASTI, Ryan Muthiara —
This study described that phenomenon in the law-making process in Indonesia by displaying the data on the behaviours or issuance of laws during lame duck sessions from 1997 to 2020. Compared with that of regular sessions, laws issued during the lame duck sessions significantly looked more productive but they did not comply with the mandate of laws desiring that each bill was supposed to be discussed in three sessions at the longest. In terms of the materials regulated in Laws, many lawmakers took advantage of a lame duck session to pass any laws in favour of the state officials that often generated public rejection and had shifted its participatory role through a judicial review at the Constitutional Court. [R, abr.]
73.6871 ASHEIKH, Hoda Abdulhafizh ; DIREKLI, Mehmet —
The effectiveness of transitional justice (TJ) is measured by the achievement of its goals of justice, reconciliation, healing, and peace in countries transitioning to non-authoritarian rule. This article evaluates the TJ experience in Libya the aftermath of the Qadhafi regime, revealing contextual challenges to TJ in Libya from 2011. The findings indicate a close relationship between contextual factors (political context, type of conflict, institutional context) and the trajectory of TJ. Libya’s fragile statehood, the nature and the scale of ongoing conflicts, and interference of various regional and external actors have undermined Libya’s political transition and complicated prospects for peace and reconciliation. Within the context of political and territorial division and continued human rights violations, the study concludes that Libya’s TJ model has been inappropriate and has failed to achieve its ambitious goals. [R, abr.]
73.6873 ASOMAH, Joseph Yaw —
Whether democratic governance breeds corruption, especially in developing countries that practice democracy, is highly debatable. Using primary data from interviews and relevant secondary data from media reports and scholarly work, this article aims to address a fundamental question: Does democracy fuel corruption in Ghana’s Fourth Republic? Although 20% of participants believed that democracy breeds corruption, about 80% disagreed. The study indicates that democracy does not necessarily bring about corruption; rather, what fuels corruption is how democracy is practiced. Based on the stage/age of democracy thesis, this study does not suggest less corruption in a dictatorship compared to democracy. Instead, the study indicates that despite its democracy being over 29 years old, corruption is still prevalent because Ghana has a flawed democracy that has failed to establish and implement robust accountability mechanisms to control corruption effectively. [R, abr.]
73.6874 AYDIN, Umut —
Why and how do policymakers initially sceptical of policy innovations from abroad eventually transfer them to their own countries? Focusing on Chile’s reforms to combat business cartels in 2009 and 2016, this article answers that question. Policy diffusion and transfer literatures maintain that coercion, competition, learning or emulation could account for foreign inspirations in policymaking. However, these literatures overplay the role of coercion and emulation in policy transfer to countries in the global south, and have difficulty distinguishing between different mechanisms in empirical studies. To address these limitations, I suggest analysing three intermediate causal steps in policy transfer: first, policymakers’ motivations in initiating policy reforms, second, their reflections on how the foreign-inspired model responds to the policy problem at hand, and third, their reflections on the fit between the foreign model and domestic conditions. [R, abr.]
73.6875 BARRIENTOS, Armando —
Has social assistance expansion contributed to political inclusion in Latin America? The current literature favours a “policy exchange” approach, hypothesising that social assistance is an electoral asset exploited by governing coalitions. The findings from this literature are mixed. The article proposes an alternative approach emphasising political inclusion. In unequal societies where economic cooperation is regulated by institutions generating inequality and disadvantage, social assistance contributes to the political inclusion of disadvantaged groups. Analysis of Latin American Public Opinion Project data for 2010 to 2019 data finds support for this hypothesis. [R]
73.6876 BARTOVA, Alzbeta ; OTTO, Adeline ; VAN LANCKER, Wim —
It is well documented that national parental leave policies encourage parents’ employment. Research on parental leave, though, has generally failed to draw lessons on how leave policy affects the employment and economic well-being of single parents. We examine the extent to which parental leave policies support the employment of single mothers with children under six years old across twenty-seven European countries, showing that single mothers are more likely to work and to work longer hours if they are eligible for parental leave. For single mothers who were not working before childbirth, eligibility for generous leave benefits and longer parental leave are associated with better employment outcomes after childbirth. We argue that while parental leave sustains employment for working single mothers, it might also facilitate entry into employment for nonworking mothers. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6877 BEAUJON, Danielle —
In 1928, the French government created a bureau in Marseille to both control and help North African migrants, an organization eventually called the Bureau des Affaires Musulmanes Nord-Africaines (BAMNA). Throughout the BAMNA’s many name changes and structural reorganizations over the years, Mohamed Ben Hadj remained constant as the bureau’s only North African employee. This article traces Ben Hadj’s career within the BAMNA, using his professional trajectory to explore the mechanisms and disfunction of colonial governance in the metropole. Ben Hadj created his own role as an urban, metropolitan intermediary, leveraging his personal connections to build a sphere of influence in Marseille’s North African community. Ben Hadj’s rise to power within the BAMNA reveals the importance of this type of intermediary for understanding imperial control in the metropole. [R]
73.6878 BEAUMONT, Paul ; ROWE, Elana Wilson —
The Anthropocene has given rise to growing efforts to govern the world’s ecosystems. There is a hitch, however, ecosystems do not respect sovereign borders; hundreds traverse more three states and thus require complex international cooperation. This article critically examines the political and social consequences of the growing but understudied trend towards transboundary ecosystem cooperation. Matchmaking the new hierarchy scholarship in International Relations (IR) and political geography, the article theorises how ecosystem discourse embodies a latent spatially exclusive logic that can bind together and bound from outside unusual bedfellows in otherwise politically awkward spaces. We contend that such ‘ecosystemic politics’ can generate spatialised ‘broad hierarchies’ that cut across both Westphalian renderings of space and the latent post-colonial and/or material inequalities that have hitherto been the focus of most of the new hierarchies scholarship. We illustrate our argument by conducting a multilevel longitudinal analysis of how Caspian Sea environmental cooperation has produced a broad hierarchy demarking and sharpening the boundaries of the region, become symbolic of Caspian in-group competence and neighbourliness, and used as a rationale for future Caspianshaped cooperation. [R, abr.]
73.6879 BEGHIN, Nathalie —
This article seeks to discuss the severe economic and social impacts caused in the region by the development model in place as well as proposals for transformation advanced by different Latin American social movements. This is not a scholarly article, but rather a set of reflections gained from extensive reading and years of political activism carried out in Brazil, in the region, and worldwide. Nor is this article exhaustive; rather it consists of ideas that may contribute to the debate surrounding the right to development. [R]
73.6880 BEISER-McGRATH, Liam F. ; BERNAUER, Thomas ; PRAKASH, Aseem —
Environmental protection efforts commonly make use of two types of government interventions: command and control policies (C&C) and marketbased instruments (MBIs). While MBIs are favored for their economic efficiency, visible prices on pollution may generate political backlash. We examine whether citizens are more likely to support policies that tend to obfuscate policy costs (C&C), as opposed to MBIs, which impose visible costs. Using conjoint experiments in Beijing and New Delhi, we examine support for ‘policy bundles’, including both C&C policies and MBIs, aimed at limiting air pollution from vehicles. In both cities, increasing fuel taxes (a MBI) reduces policy support. However, pledging revenue usage from fuel taxes to subsidize electric cars or public transport eliminates this negative effect. Furthermore, individuals with a lower evaluation of their government respond more negatively to MBIs. MBIs may be economically efficient, but are politically difficult unless policy-makers can offset visible costs through additional measures. [R]
73.6881 BELDARRAIN-DURANDEGUI, Angel ; ALVES DE SOUZA FILHO, Edson —
We analyzed psychosocial influences on political life in the Basque Country according to Doise’s theory on the articulation between the individual, the interindividual, groups, and society. Political-party experiences and evaluations of system legitimacy during elections (local, regional, general, and European) were considered. Party choice was linked to atheism and without-religion among Spanish progressive voters (Podemos); Christianity to Basque conservative nationalism (PNV); Basque identity to Basque progressive nationalism (EH-Bildu); and Spanish identity to conservativism (PP). On the whole, Basque parties’ voters stressed more economy/administration and politicians’ individual traits, while Spanish party voters focused more on civil/social rights. [R]
73.6882 BHATTACHARYA, Samir —
Located in northwest Africa, Western Sahara was under Spanish occupation from 1884-1975. Some of the world’s richest fishing waters can be found in Western Sahara. It also holds one of the world’s most extensive phosphates reserves. Since 1975, Morocco has been de facto governing over 80% of the land known as the Moroccan Sahara. Polisario Front, backed by Algeria, has been fighting for the independent Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Despite an UN-mediated ceasefire in 1991 for a referendum for self-determination and the presence of Mission for the Organization of a Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to oversee the process, the referendum never took place. In December 2020, President Trump recognized Moroccan claim over Western Sahara in exchange for a normalization deal between Morocco and Israel. While President Biden’s administration now appears to support Trump’s policy tacitly, the Ukraine crisis has provided Algeria with a fresh opportunity. Algeria is Europe’s biggest gas exporter in Africa. [R, abr.]
73.6883 BIEGERT, Thomas ; BRADY, David ; HIPP, Lena —
Reform of the US welfare system in 1996 spurred claims that cuts to welfare programs effectively incentivized single mothers to find employment. It is difficult to assess the veracity of those claims, however, absent evidence of how the relationship between welfare benefits and single mother employment generalizes across countries. This study combines data from the European Union Labour Force Survey and the US Current Population Survey (1992-2015) into one of the largest samples of single mothers ever, testing the relationships between welfare generosity and single mothers’ employment and work hours. We find no consistent evidence of a negative relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment outcomes. Rather, we find tremendous cross-national heterogeneity, which does not clearly correspond to well-known institutional variations. Our findings demonstrate the limitations of single country studies and the pervasive, salient interactions between institutional contexts and social policies. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6884 BLUHM, Katharina ; KROPP, Sabine —
The introduction reassesses the role of companies as social welfare providers in Russia. Different from the mainstream, which has focused on the bilateral relations of the Russian state authorities either with civil society actors or with companies, this introductory article reconsiders the dynamics resulting from the interactions of companies with both the state authorities and NPOs. The introduction reveals how Russian companies influence the scope and nature of their involvement in social welfare provision. It summarises the four articles, which together show that social investments are part of a strategic response with which companies aim to preserve flexibility in an increasingly rigid authoritarian regime. [R] [Introduction to a symposium, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 73.6896, 6942, 6979, 7007]
73.6885 BORA, Salih Isik ; SCHRAMM, Lucas —
In recent years, both inside and outside France, scholars and policymakers have emphasized a small and declining French influence on European politics and the political direction of the EU. By contrast, in 2022, at the end of President Emmanuel Macron’s first term in office, the EU increasingly follows French preferences and ideas. We argue that this renewed French clout is due to the interplay of factors located at different levels of government: a centralized political system and careful preparation of policy objectives at the domestic level, together with a more balanced bilateral relationship with Germany and several exogenous shocks hitting the EU, enabled the French President to upload national policy priorities to the European level. [R, abr.]
73.6886 BRAUN, Daniela ; TRÜDINGER, Eva-Maria —
Although scholars have begun to study to a larger extent political trust in new democracies, this latter interest has faded away in recent times. To reinvigorate awareness of this area, thirty years after German reunification, we take stock of political trust in East and West Germany. Drawing on ESS data from 2002 to 2018 (ESS 1-9), we study empirically the convergence hypothesis in view of both the levels of political trust and the particular quality of citizens’ trust in its democratic institutions. Our findings show that we can still not speak of a convergence of the mere levels of trust in East and West Germany: East Germans do still display lower levels of trust in both representative and regulatory institutions. Regarding the quality of political trust, however, the gap between East and West is less pronounced. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6992]
73.6887 BULL, Benedicte ; HOELSCHER, Kristian —
The COVID-19 pandemic had severe impacts in Latin America, with small businesses intensely affected. Beyond its economic consequences, the pandemic also exacerbated structural flaws in some of the region’s weakly institutionalised democracies, diminishing State legitimacy and expanding that of organised criminal groups. In considering how State governance from above is challenged by non-state governance from below, this article examines a “pandemic micropolitics” as seen through the lens of support to the small business sector. We outline a framework to understand cogovernance in hybrid political orders during crises; and examine this using case studies of urban informal markets and the transport sector in El Salvador. In showing that the pandemic contributed to a renegotiation of cogovernance between the State, criminal organisations, and business associations, we contribute to understandings of the dynamics of distributive politics and the co-governance of crisis. [R, abr.]
73.6888 CALCARA, Antonio —
5G networks are at the center of geopolitical competition. How are European governments and industries reacting to 5G politicization? This article argues that government-industry interactions in the handling of politically salient issues are mediated by the country’s political system. In executivedominated countries, the government would centralize policymaking. In parliament-dominated countries, the government would delegate politically salient issues to the industry to bypass diffuse power-sharing and fragmented coalition-building. The article adds that political economy acts as an intervening variable. In public governance ecosystems, governments and industries interact through informal coordination; in private governance ecosystems, the two actors rely on formal contracting. The empirical analysis focuses on British, Dutch, French, and Italian reactions to 5G politicization, yielding favorable results to the hypotheses. [R, abr.]
73.6889 CHACKO, Priya —
Policy hybrids, which combine marketizing and liberalizing reforms with social welfare programmes and state support to boost domestic production, are fast becoming the norm globally. How are neo-liberal and national-developmentalist agendas reconciled as governing practices, and what are their national and international outcomes and implications? This article focuses on the understudied case of India, arguing that a paternalist political rationality, which melds paternalist logics in neo-liberalism and the government’s Hindutva civilizationalist politics, underpins its flagship economic policy, the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan (Self-reliant India Mission). This policy, through production-linked incentives, aims to boost Indian manufacturing. India has benefited from a global push to diversify supply chains and forge new geopolitical partnerships, such as the Quad, to undermine China’s manufacturing dominance and geopolitical assertiveness. Yet, its current approach consolidates the dominance of large firms, producing an elitist political economy, and does not address structural weaknesses through public investment in areas like research and education. This has implications for India’s development, global trade and geopolitics. These arguments are made by identifying the paternalist logics in the theories and practices of neo-liberalism, and in Hindutva civilizationalist politics; assessing the aims of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan as elaborated by government officials; and evaluating the early outcomes of production-linked incentive schemes. [R]
73.6890 CHAKRAVARTI, Sonali —
This paper argues that in normalizing the language of the critique of law enforcement during voir dire in the 2021 trial of Derek Chauvin, three important changes occurred: the first was that Black jurors were less likely to be dismissed for opinions they have long voiced, but which had been seen as the basis for legitimate dismissal, the second was that it clarified what contextual impartiality should mean for the court given widespread scrutiny of the racial discrimination within and outside of the law. Lastly, the topics covered during voir dire served to highlight precisely the types of life experiences that may be valuable for the juror’s task of phronesis, Aristotle’s term for practical wisdom, necessary for deliberation and determining the verdict. [R, abr.]
73.6891 CHAROENVATTANANUKUL, Peera —
Joseph Nye’s soft power has become popular among academics and practitioners in Thailand for decades. Despite its pervasiveness in Thai society, the soft power concept, which is predicated on the outcome-based definition of power, has been misconstrued by Thai policymakers as synonymous with the resource-based definition of power. This policy review examines key strategic blueprints of the relevant Thai state agencies and argues that they misunderstand soft power in its entirety. Mistaking soft power as cultural resources gravely affects how the Thai state agencies outline policy evaluation criteria, which neither conform to Nye’s expectations nor achieve the Thai government’s objectives. This policy review, however, discovers that “Thailand Foundation,” which is the affiliated organization of Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, appropriately designs soft power indicators that can be emulated by the other Thai state agencies to make soft power strategies work for Thailand. [R]
73.6892 CHATTERJEE, Anirban —
Russia being the largest successor state among the post-Soviet countries, its distinct civilization, unique history, and contribution to various fields has earned interest among scholars. Moreover, it was also perceived that since Russia straddles two continents, Asia and Europe, any development in Russia will either have a direct or an indirect bearing on Europe and Asia. These factors have collectively generated a great amount of scholarly interest in studying post-Soviet Russian democratization. The article focuses on the aspects of the convergence and divergence of these entities in the case of the Russian Federation. In this endeavour, the article chalks out the key components of democratization and their interplay in Russia. An attempt is made to understand the perception of democracy among Russians and whether democratic reforms in post-Soviet Russia led to any change of perception among Russians about democracy. The article also unravels the institutional dynamics in order to ascertain the Russian experience of democratization. [R, abr.]
73.6893 CHEESEMAN, Nic ; DODSWORTH, Susan —
Many civil society organizations (CSOs) are fighting for survival as governments introduce legislation to curtail their activities. This article examines how domestic civil society campaigns can persuade parliamentarians to reject ‘anti-CSO’ legislation. We employ pairwise comparisons in two regions — East Africa and Central Asia — as well as process-tracing within four cases: two successful campaigns waged by CSO coalitions against repressive legislation in Kenya and Kyrgyzstan, and two unsuccessful campaigns in Uganda and Kazakhstan. We find that traditional structural explanations — most notably the degree of international linkage and leverage and the quality of democracy — play an important role in creating greater opportunities for domestic actors, but are not determinative. CSOs also need to take advantage of the more conducive environment to defend democracy. [R, abr.]
73.6894 CHUNG Kee Hoon —
This research explores how informal and formal institutions affect economic development differently in various East Asian country groups and West. Based on previous studies, we theorize that informal and formal institutions – social trust and protection of property rights — promote economic development in West, but hinder economic development in East Asia, due to different market mechanisms. In West, informal and formal institutions promote economic development by constraining government from acting on its whim, sustaining liberal market. On the contrary, such constraints may hamper economic development in East Asia, where government plays a central role sustaining market. Using two-way fixed effects panel data analysis from 1995 to 2010, our analysis confirms our expectation for East Asia. The result is robust after analysing similar country groups — East Asia and East Asian democracies. This research makes contribution to previous studies by empirically testing different market mechanisms for development in the two regions. [R]
73.6895 COLÓN-MORERA, José Javier ; CORDERO-NIEVES, Yolanda —
In 1950, the United States granted Puerto Rico a level of internal self-government. For two decades, its economy soared. But federal, global, and internal changes marked the end of prosperity. A spiraling debt led to a default and a profound social and economic downturn that brought about a diverse set of new challenges. The article analyzes structural, fiscal, and political factors affecting autonomy and self-government in Puerto Rico. The article’s contribution is the application of a multidimensional perspective that points to three areas that must be addressed to strengthen autonomy and self-government instead of focusing solely on the political status situation. Their compounded impact gives way to intergovernmental dysfunctionalities that threaten the Island’s social, economic, and political stability. [R]
73.6896 CROTTY, Jo ; LJUBOWNIKOW, Sergej —
Against the backdrop of increasing public awareness of global environmental challenges, this paper examines the potential for collaborative environmental governance in the Russian Federation. To do so, we examine regulators’ and firms’ perceptions of, and collaborations with, environmental non-governmental organizations (eNGOs) in three Russian regions. Our findings highlight that Russian firms rarely collaborateor include eNGOs in environmentally-focused activities because they perceive them to be ineffective, invisible, or irrelevant. Russian regulators do engage with eNGOs, but not as equal partners in the form of collaborative governance arrangements; regulators reduce eNGOs to the positions of subordinates and/or assistants. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6884]
73.6897 DAVIES, Gregory ; WINCOTT, Daniel —
The Welsh Labour government occupies a unique position in UK territorial politics, favouring neither the status quo nor independence for Wales while advocating a new settlement for the whole state. This article provides a detailed examination of its policy, focusing on its position on the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Drawing from a range of documentary sources, we analyse the Welsh government’s constitutional proposals and its decision-making in the wake of the 2016 referendum on European Union membership. We argue that Welsh policy is defined by ambiguity. While it advances an alternative constitutional vision, it refrains from rejecting Westminster’s sovereignty outright. In the aftermath of the referendum, it sought to accommodate that sovereignty with its own constitutional claims through enhanced intergovernmental collaboration. In light of the Johnson administration’s centralising reforms, the strategy appears to have failed. Caught in the fractious politics of the Union, Welsh constitutional policy now faces an uncertain future. [R]
73.6898 DEBATA, Mahesh Ranjan —
This research article argues that the China’s intention and contention to maintain stronghold in Xinjiang through different policies from time to time reflects the views of Realist theory of international relations, which gives primacy to ‘national interest’ and ‘national security.’ Furthermore, the article argues that the Chinese emphasis on national security and stability in Xinjiang negates the ‘interests and aspirations’ of minority groups in Xinjiang (especially Uyghurs), which form the basis of constructive approach of international relations. While elaborating Chinese policies of assimilation of Uyghurs in Xinjiang from Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping, this article tries to examine how China’s bid to pursuing a kind of hardcore realism in preserving and protecting its interests in Xinjiang (stringent policies) has been contradicting and disregarding the essence of constructivist perspective (aims, and aspirations interests of Uyghurs). [R]
73.6899 DELCLÓS, Carlos —
Beginning in the late 1990s, Spain experienced major changes in both its population structure and housing market. Between 1998 and 2008, the country’s immigrant population increased nearly 10-fold, from half a million foreign-born residents to five million, with the share of immigrant workers jumping from 2 per cent of all working-age people to 16 per cent. During this period, immigration accounted for the vast majority of Spain’s population growth, and this was reflected in the housing market by significant increases in the construction of new dwellings. However, the situation changed dramatically after the housing crash in 2008. In the wake of the global financial crisis of 2008 and the collapse of the country’s housing bubble, a massive wave of evictions made housing precariousness and displacement salient sociopolitical issues in Spain. Through multiple regression analyses of data from the Spanish Living Conditions Survey, this study shows that households headed by non-European Union citizens were significantly more likely than those headed by Spanish citizens to experience higher levels of housing precariousness and displacement pressure, net of housing arrears and other relevant factors. [R, abr.]
73.6900 DIWAKAR, Vidya —
This study focuses on the interaction between disability, chronic poverty and gender in rural Bangladesh, relying on analysis of the Chronic Poverty and Long Term Impact Study conducted between 1997 and 2010. A series of logistic regressions investigate the relationship between disabilities and chronic poverty among women with their employment, education, assistance and household coping strategies. The results indicate that primary schooling is lower among girls compared with boys in chronically poor households, with implications for the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Even where the probability of employment for chronically poor women with disabilities is positive, these women are potentially unlikely to be engaged in work that safeguards their rights or contributes to poverty escapes. Moreover, in the face of shocks, poverty becomes stickier, in the absence of effectively targeted safety nets coupled with adverse coping strategies that prolong poverty. [R, abr.]
73.6901 ELEFTHERIADOU, Marina —
The 2015 civil war in Yemen has given rise to an assortment of local fiefdoms that contest the power and authority of the internationally recognized government. Some of them resemble proto-states and exert a variety of sovereign functions, such as providing security and services. The Houthis have the most developed proto-state, but similar entities exist in areas, which are nominally under government’s control. This article claims that the rise of parallel sovereignties across Yemen stem from the legacy of neo-patrimonialism and hybrid security and political orders dating back to Saleh rule, but their specific character and the extensive fragmentation of the anti-Houthi camp are the result of the particularities of the 2015 external intervention. [R, abr.]
73.6903 ELINOFF, Eli ; LAMB, Vanessa —
How have Thailand’s environmental politics changed across the last five decades? How have they remained the same? What role do environmental movements in Thailand play in the country’s current moment of extended military-led rule and global environmental change? This article addresses these questions by presenting a critical genealogy of Thailand’s environmental politics. It begins with a larger framing of environmental movements within the context of Thai history and then traces these struggles through to the twenty-first century. Rather than argue that environmental politics are distinct from other forms of politics, we contend that environmental struggles should be understood as unfolding within and shaping Thailand’s changing social, economic, and political landscape. Although Thailand’s environmental movements have opened new pathways towards more just politics, they have also re-entrenched old political orders and, at times, deepened political divisions. [R, abr.]
73.6904 ELSÄSSER, Lea ; FASTENRATH, Florian ; REHM, Miriam —
Recent research has mostly focused on the ‘demand side’ of electoral tax politics, showing that economic crises can increase public demands for progressive taxation in contemporary societies. Complementing this research, we focus on the political ‘supply side’, investigating the conditions under which social democratic parties take up these calls and translate them into policy. Studying wealth taxation in the course of the global financial crisis, we argue that whether parties pushed for taxing wealth crucially depended on intra-party struggles between the (office-seeking) leadership and the (policy-seeking) left wing. Only if the leadership became convinced that redistributive tax policy was electorally promising, did the social democratic parties fight for implementing wealth taxes. We evaluate this theoretical proposition in a comparative analysis of wealth tax policies in Austria, Germany and Spain in 2008-2015. [R, abr.]
73.6905 ERK, Jan —
This article addresses the problématique of giving voice to homegrown traditions of constitutionalism in individual African countries. The scholarly discussion is combined with an applied concern about whether this could instil a wider grassroots embrace of the country’s constitution, thereby consolidating constitutionalism and ensuring longevity. The investigation is carried through the lens of two sub-categories of the concept of constitutional identity: a representative one that reflects a country’s particular political, social and cultural makeup, and an aspirational one that sets goals and ideals. The challenge, in both scholarly and applied terms, is how to ensure that a constitution instils a sense of public ownership by becoming more representative of a country’s underlying makeup while also giving voice to modern aspirations to protect and promote individual human rights, and in doing so, also becoming self-sustaining as the foundational basic law guiding future generations. Attention is paid not only to the forms of constitutions but also to their function in both reaching ideals (in the positive sense of success) and staving off pitfalls (in the negative sense of success). [R, abr.]
73.6906 FAWCETT, Louise —
The consequences of the Iraq War of 2003 continue to reverberate throughout the Middle East and wider world in multiple, if still underacknowledged, ways. Though subsequent regional developments have taken centre stage — notably those surrounding the Arab Uprisings and the subsequent civil wars and interventions in Libya, Syria and Yemen — the effects of the Iraq War remain powerfully present. A watershed event, it has generated major and irreversible changes at the international and regional level. It has empowered certain states and actors, and weakened others — notably Iraq itself — but its impact on both the regional and wider global security landscape cannot be underestimated. Arguing that the events surrounding the Iraq War and its outcome constituted a ‘critical juncture’, or major inflexion point in regional order, this article examines three interdependent features of the changing regional architecture. [R, abr.]
73.6907 FELDMANN, Andreas E. ; LUNA, Juan Pablo —
Across Latin America, societies are confronting the rise of novel orders in which state officials and political authorities share power with criminal organizations. Criminal governance (i.e., the creation of rules regulating behavior by criminal entities often with the collaboration of state actors), as these arrangements have come to be known, poses significant challenges for democracy and the rule of law and often threatens peoples’ enjoyment of fundamental rights. This article reviews the literature on state-criminal relations in Latin America by critically discussing conceptual and methodological issues. In so doing, it looks at three extant literatures that have contributed to enhancing our grasp of alternative forms of governance: studies on violence, works on stateness and the rule of law, and the literature on criminal governance. This article posits that those literatures have done a commendable job in describing and conceptualizing emerging forms of governance that deviate from traditional views. However, we also argue that these bodies of work operate in silos with little integration and display methodological biases and theoretical blind spots that weaken their overall analytical power. [R, abr.]
73.6908 FELLEGI, Zuzana ; KOČÍ, Kateřina ; BENEŠOVÁ, Klára —
While female representation in the top diplomatic circles was almost nonexistent during the Czechoslovak era, the number of female diplomats in the Czech Republic has steadily increased since the fall of the state-socialist regime. Women are currently solidly represented in the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), but very few (14%) reach highest diplomatic positions. This study examines the main challenges that influence the careers of top diplomats using quantitative and qualitative data, including official statistics and documents of the Czech MFA and interviews with top diplomats and officials. The results indicate that work-family conflicts are the main challenge for all diplomats. However, women are apparently affected more disproportionately because of the existing “double burden” and a specific “concept of motherhood” vested in a deeply essentialist understanding of gender roles. These barriers have origins at the personal, institutional, and state levels that are strongly interrelated and historically and politically path dependent. [R]
73.6909 FISCHER, David —
The struggle for digital markets and influence in Internet governance provides the backdrop to fresh calls for digital sovereignty as an alternative to multi-stakeholderism. For dependent economies in the Global South facing pressure from dominant actors, digital sovereignty appears promising. China has emerged as a particularly influential advocate and model for states in the Global South where the unfulfilled ideal of traditional sovereignty in the Westphalian sense has led to a push for achieving it in the digital realm. However, current conceptualizations of digital sovereignty continue to favor dominant actors which instrumentalize them to reinforce imbalanced power relations with the Global South. Particularly the models offered by China are a misleading contribution to a theoretical debate that produces a faux sovereignty without breaking cycles of dependency. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.5789]
73.6910 FONG, Brian C. H. —
The extant literature explains autocratization either through domestically or internationally-driven explanations. This study explores the coupling of domestic and international drivers in causing autocratization in the context of Asia through a comparative analysis of Cambodia, the Philippines, Myanmar and Thailand. The comparative analysis indicates that domestic politics spearheads autocratization (that is, the role of autocratic strongmen in spearheading autocratization through executive aggrandizement or promissory coups), while international politics consolidates such autocratization (that is, the role of autocratic powers in consolidating autocratization pathway through their exporting influence). With the rising rivalry between democratic and autocratic powers, there are more pressing needs than ever to integrate domestic and international perspectives in autocratization studies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6641]
73.6911 FROMM, Deborah —
In response to high levels of car theft, insurance companies in São Paulo have developed new systems and technologies for tracking and recovering stolen vehicles. These interventions are driven by an insurance rationality that seeks to manage risk and ensure these companies’ profitability. However, this article draws on the notion of technopolitics to argue that the tracking devices and other technologies mobilized in this way also exercise their own agency. They help to mediate and reorganize the power dynamics and relations between diverse actors who operate within São Paulo’s stolen car market and vehicle recovery processes, presenting both challenges and opportunities for each as they pursue their respective aims. The notion of ‘insurance technopolitics’ emphasizes this conjunction between risk governance and the contingent, technologically mediated relationships and conflicts to which it may give rise. [R] [See Abstr. 73.5938]
73.6912 FUCHS, Sebastian ; SACK, Detlef —
The article explores the relationship between the state and organised business interests in Germany during the Covid-19 crisis of 2020. Two questions are addressed: Whether and how do employers’ associations, business interest associations and economic chambers articulate themselves in the context of the Covid-19 crisis? Does their interaction with the state follow the pattern of a dedicated ‘crisis corporatism’? The starting point is the concept of path-dependence and the revitalisation of established patterns of state-business-interaction in the crisis. The study focuses on the period between March 2020 and February 2021. The article observes a ‘corporatism without combustion engine’, which is characterised and maintained by resource dependencies, network ties and a crisis-corporatist exchange between government and organised business interests. [R, abr.]
73.6913 GAO Gengsong —
This article challenges the existing scholarship’s characterisation of Chinese liberal intellectuals as Trumpian intellectuals. By conducting a close reading of Chinese academic publications, lectures and opinions aired on social media, this article finds that besides Trump’s Chinese liberal fans, many leading Chinese liberal intellectuals harshly criticised Trump. However, they do not align themselves with American liberals in making all-out partisan criticisms of Trump and American right-wing politics. Instead, their criticisms are mostly centrist. This article argues that Chinese liberal intellectuals’ centrist criticisms of Trump reflect their Confucian, egalitarian and moderate nationalist sympathies, dimensions of their thoughts which have been ignored by existing scholarship regarding them. By exploring Chinese centrist liberal critics of Trump, this article brings to light the ideological heterogeneity within the Chinese liberal camp previously lumped together under the umbrella of “anti-authoritarianism.” [R]
73.6914 GARCÍA HOLGADO, Benjamín ; MAINWARING, Scott —
This article presents a novel argument about what enables democracies to survive when executives attempt to weaken institutional constraints. We argue that democracies erode because (1) an illiberal executive attempts to undermine democracy and (2) this executive commands a majority in the national legislature. Democracies survive if the executive is not deeply illiberal or if the opposition controls a majority of the national legislature. The empirical section presents data about executive illiberalism and the balance of power in the national legislature for thirteen Latin American presidents. We test our argument in four negative cases (episodes) in Argentina since 1983. We use primary sources including 125 original interviews to explain how two presidents who attempted to centralize power fell short of eroding democracy. [R]
73.6915 GEBRELUEL, Goitom —
Ethiopia transformed from a state on the verge of collapse at the end of the Cold War into one of the world’s fastest-developing economies and a regional power in the Horn of Africa in less than two decades. Since 2018 its economic, military and diplomatic status have, however, become significantly compromised yet again. What explains these significant fluctuations in regional power status? Drawing on policy documents and in-depth interviews with diplomatic, military and political officials from the Horn of Africa this article conducts a comparative analysis of the nature and variation of Ethiopia’s regional power status under the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 2000-2018 and the Prosperity Party (PP) in 2018–2022. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6641]
73.6916 GIRI, Keshab —
Extant research links forced marriage and sexual violence in rebel groups with their respective political projects, social control, and group cohesion. However, forced marriage and sexual violence are rare in many rebel groups, including the Maoists in Nepal who claimed to have a “progressive,” “scientific,” and “modern” framework for governing marriage and sexuality. I ask, what does a noncoercive/nonviolent rebel governance of marriage and sexuality mean for a rebel group’s political project of social control and power? What is the gendered impact of such governance? Importantly, how does it impact female combatants at the intersection of multiple oppressions? Using abductive analysis of extensive interviews with female ex-combatants and their leaders, I build a theoretical explanation about the noncoercive/nonviolent governance of marriage and sexuality that also enabled social control and political power for the Maoists. [R, abr.]
73.6917 GONZALEZ, Nathaniel J. —
Violence between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar again reached international attention in 2017 when the newly elected democratic government failed to protect Rohingya Muslims from persecution. While intergroup violence is endemic, however, there are clear and strong examples of peaceful co-existence. This article draws on interview and ethnographic evidence from a case of prevented violence in Mingalar Taung Nyunt, Yangon, in 2017, to argue that engaging with the local, complex, and dynamic process of communal violence prevention can enrich contemporary theories of communal violence. The article draws specifically on insights from the theories of political manipulation and civic engagement to argue that the most effective analysis of communal violence will focus on the power dynamics that shape local responses to escalating threat. In Mingalar Taung Nyunt, violence was prevented through the concerted effort of individuals in unique positions that provided them with the legitimacy and political power that allowed them to successfully de-escalate tensions. The article contributes to the understanding of communal violence by emphasising how the role and importance of inter-group associations, government bodies, and others is shaped by the laws and norms of the community in which violence is escalating. The article’s conclusions furthermore outline how the recent military coup in the country will destabilise local peace-keeping efforts in central Myanmar and how such institutions may be rebuilt. [R]
73.6918 GONZÁLEZ, Juan Pablo —
How do economic conditions affect trust? In this paper, I analyze the effect of natural resource shocks on social trust in Latin American regions. To deal with the endogeneity between income and trust, I use an identification strategy that relies on the exogeneity of the international prices of commodities. I show that income shocks have a positive effect on social trust, a result that is robust to a number of checks. I present evidence that points to two mechanisms: increases in life satisfaction and a reduction in crime victimization. I do not find that inequality is moderating this effect nor that extractive commodities are detrimental to social trust. These results are consistent with the decline in social trust on the continent during the last decade of sluggish growth and economic turmoil. [R]
73.6919 GORNICK, Janet C. ; MALDONADO, Laurie C. ; SHEELY, Amanda —
This conclusion engages two questions catalyzed by the articles in this volume. First, which policies are effective in reducing economic hardship among single-parent families overall and minimizing disparities across subgroups? Second, what are the prospects for related reforms in the United States? We draw four lessons from the articles in this volume and from prior research about effective policy design: (1) work-family reconciliation policies are crucial; (2) strengthening and stabilizing employment is necessary, but not sufficient; (3) it is important to support the accumulation of wealth in addition to shoring up income; and (4) policies can be designed to include and protect those single parents and their children who are especially at risk. Turning to the feasibility of policy change in the United States, we conclude that some factors — especially policy elements that encourage self-reliance, shifting public opinion, the COVID-19 crisis, and federalism itself — may enhance opportunities for policy development in support of single parents. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6920 GREEN, Donald P., et al.—
Early and forced marriage (EFM) is an increasing focus of international organizations and local non-government organizations. This study assesses the extent to which attitudes and norms related to EFM can be changed by locally tailored media campaigns. A two-hour radio drama set in rural Tanzania was presented to Tanzanian villagers as part of a placebo-controlled experiment randomized at the village level. A random sample of 1200 villagers was interviewed at baseline and invited to a presentation of the radio drama, 83% of whom attended. 95% of baseline respondents were re-interviewed two weeks later, and 97% 15 months after that. The radio drama produced sizable and statistically significant effects on attitudes and perceived norms concerning forced marriage, which was the focus of the radio drama, as well as more general attitudes about gender equality. [R, abr.]
73.6921 GURUVAYURAPPAN, Darsan —
Are anti-defection laws efficient? Many parliamentary democracies have enacted anti-defection laws to prevent frequent government collapses and political instability. Using the anti-defection law in India as a reference, I argue that the party-based anti-defection laws enacted in many Westminster-style Parliamentary democracies do not achieve their goals, yet drastically impact representative decision-making. I show how the entitlements and protections granted by anti-defection laws to political parties and legislators do not achieve the purpose of maintaining government stability and suggest two options to improve it. [R]
73.6922 GUZANSKY, Yoel ; MARSHALL, Zachary A. —
The growing usage of mercenaries and proxies by Russia, Turkey, and the Arab Gulf states in ongoing Mediterranean conflicts such as the Libyan and Syrian civil wars highlight the changing state of warfare. It is no longer just about who has the most effective artillery, navy, or fighter jets. Instead, the future of warfare consists of battles fought by mercenaries and proxies, and is now a business too as evidenced by the usage of private military companies (PMCs). While it may initially seem appealing for the United States to use mercenaries and proxies in order to protect its regional interests and influence, there are considerable risks in employing both. Instead, other avenues such as establishing regional partners, implementing security partnerships, and collaborating with allies may be more pragmatic options. Concerns should be raised regarding the evolving forms, trends, and manifestations of mercenary and proxy-related activities around the Mediterranean. These developments, we believe, have contributed to the exacerbation of the aforementioned conflicts and resulted in the Mediterranean becoming the global epicentre of mercenary and proxy warfare. How these intervening countries decide to act moving forward will determine the outcome of the ongoing Mediterranean conflicts. [R]
73.6923 HAKOVIRTA, Mia, et al.—
We provide an overview of child support policy in high-income countries, highlighting differences in institutional arrangements, the amount of child support due, and the amount of child support received. We show that the United States expects high levels of child support from nonresident parents when compared to other countries, that noncompliance is a problem across countries, and that most European countries deal with nonpayment of child support by providing guarantees of public support for children and resident parents. The guarantee schemes vary in terms of eligibility and generosity. Throughout, we find that child support policy approaches differ across countries. A key policy implication from this review is that the United States may be expecting too much child support from nonresident parents and that it could consider guaranteeing a modest amount of public support to single-parent households. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6924 HARKNESS, Susan —
I examine how single motherhood affects income in different quantiles of the distribution in twelve rich countries. Using harmonized data from the Luxembourg Income Study, I show how the distribution of income for households headed by single mothers differs from households with children that are headed by couples. I show that there is a striking variation by country in the influence of single motherhood on income at different points of the distribution. In some countries, such as the United Kingdom, single motherhood has a greater effect on income at the top of the distribution than at the bottom. In others, such as the United States, effects are largest at the bottom of the distribution. I discuss the role of employment and social policies in driving differences between countries in the income penalties associated with single motherhood across the distribution. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6925 HASSAN, Mazen, et al.—
We examine whether disagreements about the Arab Spring uprisings, in five countries that experienced protests, have transitioned into the nonpolitical sphere. To test this spillover effect, we ask two questions: (1) does interacting with fellow nationals who have opposing attitudes towards the Arab Spring generate less pro-social behaviour compared to situations where such disagreements are absent, and (2) whether the degree of affective polarization — if it exists — depends on the severity of the uprising’s outcome. We explore these questions by running two lab-in-the-field experiments — measuring fairness and interpersonal trus — with 1274 subjects from five Arab countries: Syrian refugees, Sudanese refugees, Jordanians, Tunisians and Egyptians. We find significant results on both fairness and trust among the Syrian sample — who experienced the most violent version of the events — and partly among Sudanese refugees. [R, abr.]
73.6926 HELLER, Patrick —
Given the legacies of colonialism and the inequities of the global capitalist system, consolidated democracies in the Global South were the exception prior to the third wave of democratization in the 1970s. As democratization in the Global South grew, a first generation of work by sociologists challenged mainstream political science’s preoccupation with electoral and liberal democracy and brought popular mobilization to the center of the analysis. This literature made key contributions to the debate on democratic transitions and consolidation. A more recent wave of work has focused on the democratization of democracy, examining civil society, movements, participatory democracy, transnational activism, and the wide range of political actors and forms of collective action that have emerged in a democratizing Global South. Variation across and within democracies remains high, but there have been clear cases of democratic deepening. Improving our understanding of the fabric of democratic institutions and practices, including recent cases of regression, calls for more research, especially in subnational and local contexts. [R]
73.6927 HOCHMÜLLER, Markus —
This article examines the technopolitics of prevention in postwar Guatemala. In the 2010s, experts and policymakers shifted security governance in Central America’s most populous country towards anticipation. Against the background of rising gang violence, they implemented a set of sociopolitical and techno-material measures — based on the latest crime-control technologies, new policing strategies and urban design methods — in Guatemala’s most violent municipalities. The stated goals were to reconstruct state sovereignty and to improve public security by strengthening community resilience and inducing positive behavioural change in ‘at-risk’ citizens. Zooming in on the case of Villa Nueva, the article examines the emergence and effects of Guatemala’s ‘prevention assemblage’. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.5938]
73.6928 HÖHNE, Benjamin —
Although Germany’s performance in terms of the number of infections and fatalities as well as the economic and social consequences associated with COVID-19 can be considered as satisfactory in an EU27 comparison, it raises the question of input legitimacy through democratic procedures. It draws on the basis of Jonathan White’s concept of emergency politics, using the example of Germany with its emergency regime of the Bund-Länder-Konferenz and its impact on the 16 state parliaments. It is then argued that the decision-making during the pandemic waves in 2020 and 2021 formed a framework within the federal state that largely removed the basis for parliamentary functions. Essential for the analysis is the outline of the change in the multi-level governance that the pandemic brought about through the conference of the Chancellor and the 16 state prime ministers. [R, abr.]
73.6929 HOWARD, Cosmo —
“Fair go” is one of the most pervasive and enduring expressions in Australian cultural and political discourse. While the phrase is routinely used by politicians, commentators and scholars, no one has systematically studied what a fair go originally meant to Australians. A mixed-method textual analysis of all Australian newspaper mentions of ‘fair go’ before Federation was conducted to determine the dominant values associated with the expression and the contexts in which it was used. The data show the fair go phrase mainly referred to striving for success in sporting competition, the pursuit of power in politics and civil society, and conformity to norms and rules in sport and legal matters. This historical analysis contributes knowledge about the social and political values associated with Australia’s ‘fair go tradition’ and provides a framework and methodology for further research to trace the evolution of a key component of Australian political discourse. [R]
73.6930 HUANG, Biao ; YE, Li ; WU, Jiebing —
How local governments respond to the COVID-19 pandemic has received much scholarly attention. The existing literature mainly focuses on epidemic prevention, while the contradictory policy goals of pandemic control and economic recovery are less investigated. How do local governments respond to such tasks with tension? This article approaches the question by analysing the policy divergence between central and local governments under the influence of the conflicting goals. Utilising an original dataset of policy divergence in work and production resumption policies between central and 244 municipal governments in China, this study finds that pandemic control is the priority of local governments, and the rationality-based logic rather than the capacity-based logic is followed by local leaders when formulating policy responses. [R, abr.]
73.6931 HYDE, Susan D. ; LAMB, Emily ; SAMET, Oren —
After many decades and billions of dollars spent, the effects of foreign democracy promotion interventions remain poorly understood, particularly in authoritarian contexts. Do these external interventions contribute to the building blocks of democratization and democratic consolidation under autocracy? Do these potential contributions come at the cost of bolstering autocrats’ credibility? This article presents a randomized study of a democracy promotion program undertaken by a prominent international nongovernmental organization (INGO) in rural Cambodia, in which elected parliamentarians from multiple political parties interacted with constituents. The intervention had relatively large effects on individuals’ knowledge about politics and self-reported political engagement but, crucially, did not give citizens increased confidence in Cambodia’s “democracy,” suggesting a role for democracy promotion without whitewashing the authoritarian nature of Cambodian politics. [R, abr.]
73.6932 IGLESIAS, Sol —
A national “war on drugs” under former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte killed an estimated 12,000 to 30,000 victims. Duterte used state terror tactics, generating an unprecedented level of violence within a broader process of democratic backsliding. The violence peaked early, within the first few months of his term of office, then declined and remained low for years afterwards. How do campaigns of large-scale state violence decline? This article explores the context-specific drivers of the drug war’s implementation in the Philippines. It presents findings from a model predicting violence escalation and de-escalation using a Poisson regression to estimate the weekly number of killings from 2016 to 2021. The study’s main finding is that the violence declined, and remained low throughout the rest of Duterte’s term, due to the mobilization of accountability mechanisms — particularly over corruption controversies. This study offers insights into how resistance can impede autocratization, even in weak democracies. [R]
73.6933 IHEDURU, Okechukwu C. —
‘Catholic regionalism’ in west Africa exemplifies the capacity of theological claims and theologically informed actors to influence regional governance and international affairs. It is driven by four mutually reinforcing factors: interfaith competition for policy influence and followership, shrinking domestic political space for civil society organizations (CSOs), and de-secularization/counter-secularization pressures (all of which have substantially diminished the church’s erstwhile influence); as well as Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) reforms granting ‘access’ to CSOs in regional policy. Through a strategy of ‘fateful compromise’ with regional states, the church has, more than its counterparts, developed substantial capacity to influence how regional integration organizations frame and implement policy in Africa. The empirical evidence is derived from fieldwork interviews on the activities of church leaders, namely the bishops represented by the Regional Catholic Episcopal Conference of West Africa (RECOWA); the Catholic bishops’ conferences in Ghana and Nigeria, where interfaith hegemonic competition is most intense; and ECOWAS Commission bureaucrats. [R, abr.]
73.6934 ISHAI, Ofra Ben —
Since the early 2000s, military violence has been legitimized using consumer marketing practices, particularly microtargeting. This responsive strategy invites various audiences to interpret military violence and thereby become its legitimation agents. The lethality concept recently adopted by the IDF has been central to such a strategy. Communicated in a deliberately vague manner, lethality served as an effective mechanism for legitimizing violence by allowing competing and dynamic interpretations, aligned with the values and interests of different social groups. The present study examined this mechanism by analyzing readers’ comments on lethality-related news articles, and found it to be highly effective in achieving legitimacy by marking the concept’s ethical boundaries and the sectorial interests bound up with it. Following this dialogue with the public, the military chose to highlight the relation between lethality and the relative security calm and economic prosperity achieved in Israel, marketing the IDF as the “largest startup in the country.” [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.5852]
73.6935 KHAIRALLAH, Gabriel —
As of 2019, the Lebanese state is eroding day by day, and this phenomenon continues to extend. Meanwhile, the financial crisis the country is going through is considered by the World Bank as one of the worst in the world since 1850. It is difficult to predict how the institutions peculiar to the Lebanese model will be able to deal with this persistent crisis. How did Lebanon - once called the Switzerland of the Middle East - get to this point. [R, trad.]
73.6936 KLIMOVICH, Stanislav —
This literature review unpacks the state of the art in Russian studies regarding regime dynamics and the functioning of authoritarian institutions. It covers three major fields of scientific debate in the discipline: (1) the role of structural and agency-driven factors in explaining failed democratization and complete autocratization in Russia; (2) the conceptualization of the Russian regime between electoral authoritarianism and personalist rule; (3) the development of authoritarian institutions under Vladimir Putin and the process of institutional degradation. It also outlines the promising research avenues of studying Russian authoritarianism, which can be relevant not only for the scientific community but also for the practitioners, especially in the context of the Russian war against Ukraine. [R]
73.6937 KOCH, Natalie —
Sustainability projects are being promoted around the world with a large dose of spectacle, including those in the Arabian Peninsula where governments have invested heavily in large greening projects and events. This article examines these spectacular projects in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which are typically dismissed by Western observers as mere PR and ‘greenwashing.’ Moving past this simplistic critique, I contextualize ‘sustainability spectacle’ as a broad cultural phenomenon, with deep roots in Western countries. Based on ethnographic research on sustainability events, sites, and initiatives in the UAE, I show how ‘post-oil’ greening initiatives use sustainability spectacle to promote a positive narrative about the ‘modern’ national self, and reflect the growing international imperative to be green. [R]
73.6938 KOFANOV, Dmitrii, et al.—
This article investigates the determinants and consequences of manipulating COVID-19 statistics in an authoritarian federation using the Russian case. It abandons the interpretation of the authoritarian regime as a unitary actor and acknowledges the need to account for a complex interaction of various bureaucratic and political players to understand the spread and the logic of manipulation. Our estimation strategy takes advantage of a natural experiment where the onset of the pandemic adjourned the national referendum enabling new presidential terms for Putin. To implement the rescheduled referendum, Putin needed sub-national elites to manufacture favourable COVID-19 statistics to convince the public that the pandemic was under control. While virtually all regions engaged in data manipulation, there was a substantial variation in the degree of misreporting. A third of this variation can be explained by an asynchronous schedule of regional governors’ elections, winning which depends almost exclusively on support from the federal authorities. [R]
73.6939 KOKA, Katerina ; RAPALLINI, Chiara —
We study how population aging impacts the age distribution of the voting electorate and voters’ choices over childcare subsidies. We build a computable general equilibrium framework populated by heterogeneous agents who, over the course of their life-cycle, make endogenous and agedependent fertility choices. The model is calibrated to match economic and population outcomes of the Italian economy. Child support favors young and fertile cohorts but can also impact all population subgroups through changes in prices, income taxation and population growth. A probabilistic voting model is used to measure voting outcomes over a range of childcare subsidy levels and tax policies. Our findings show that childcare subsidies have a positive impact on the total fertility rate and are welfare improving when financed with both capital and labor income taxation and in combination with lower pension contribution rates. [R, abr.]
73.6940 KRAITZMAN, Alon P. ; GENAUER, Jessica —
The literature on government popularity focuses on security and prosperity as two key factors that shape government evaluation. While a recent wave of studies explores the impact of these factors on public support in nondemocratic countries, the Arab World is one region that has received relatively little scholarly attention. Beginning with the Arab Uprisings, ongoing national crises have created myriad security challenges for governments and led to greater political instability. Since under these conditions citizens tend to be more uncertain about the political environment, it is unclear how those who are concerned about security challenges can decide whether to reward or punish the incumbent government. This study proposes that individuals may use information about the economy to make a decision concerning the security-popularity linkage.. [R]
73.6942 KROPP, Sabine ; KLIMOVICH, Stanislav ; PAPE, Ulla —
Russian companies, with their long-established tradition of social responsibility, still operate social and infrastructure projects at the regional and local levels. Adopting the framework of organisational “bricolage”, this article explores how managers combine various ideas and understandings about social responsibility, creating narratives addressed to multiple audiences, including the market, state, employees and local community. The analysis builds on 116 semi-structured interviews with company representatives and stakeholders, conducted in Russia in 2018. The empirical findings show that managers construct a bricolage of social responsibility that prioritises business interests and highlights loyalty towards the authorities; Soviet-era remnants are of minor importance. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6884]
73.6943 KRUCK, Andreas ; WEISS, Moritz —
The ‘regulatory state’ has prevailed in almost every sector of European public policy. The provision of security, however, is still widely viewed as the domain of the ‘positive state’, which rests on political authority and autonomous capacities. Challenging this presumption, we argue that expertise — as foundation of authority — and rules — as policy instruments — also shape the provision of European security by national and, in particular, supranational ‘regulatory security states’, namely the EU. We lay out a framework for mapping the uneven and contested rise of European regulatory security states; analyzing drivers and constraints of security state reforms; and grasping the implications of the regulatory security state for the effectiveness and democratic legitimacy of European security policymaking. We advance the research program on the regulatory state and contribute to an innovative understanding of who governs security in Europe’s multi-level polity, by what means, and on what legitimatory grounds. [R] [First article of a thematic issue. See also Abstr. 73.5911, 5947, 6397, 6587, 6591, 6615, 6621, 6650, 6673, 6676, 6682]
73.6944 KULZ, Christy —
This article examines the relationship between bordering practices and processes of situated intersectionality by exploring how British migrants encounter and erect borders as they move through Berlin. Through exploring how research participants conceptualise and orientate themselves towards Berlin’s city spaces and how this relates to transnational and translocal processes of classification, I interrogate how processes of racialisation and classification move across European contexts to manifest within localised spaces. The research explores how these intersections work to minimise, accentuate or transfigure one another as inequalities come into being through urban space by placing feminist intersectional approaches in conversation with border studies. By uniquely focusing on a migrant group infrequently considered in European migration literatures, and often regarded as invisible or unproblematic, we can examine how race, class and gender intersect with nationality and how racialised exclusions from European belonging function through everyday processes. [R, abr.]
73.6945 KUPIEC, Tomasz ; WOJTOWICZ, Dominika ; OLEJNICZAK, Karol —
Evaluation practice is vital for the accountability and learning of administrations implementing complex policies. This article explores the relationships between the structures of the evaluation systems and their functions. The findings are based on a comparative analysis of six national systems executing evaluation of the European Union Cohesion Policy. The study identifies three types of evaluation system structure: centralized with a single evaluation unit, decentralized with a coordinating body and decentralized without a coordinating body. These systems differ in terms of the thematic focus of evaluations and the targeted users. Decentralized systems focus on internal users of knowledge and produce mostly operational studies; their primary function is inward-oriented learning about smooth programme implementation. Centralized systems fulfil a more strategic function, recognizing the external audience and external accountability for effects. [R]
73.6946 KWANG Bin Bae —
The purpose of this study is to examine the differing effects of pay for performance on organizational commitment and job satisfaction in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors. Using data from the Korean Labor and Income Panel Study, this research found that pay for performance has a positive relationship with job satisfaction and organizational commitment in the private sector, a negative relationship with job satisfaction in the public sector, and a negative relationship with organizational commitment in the nonprofit sector. [R]
73.6947 LALLAS, Dimitris —
In this paper, I attempt to reformulate the (consumer) action and discourse, as these arise from the discourse of visitors at the biggest shopping mall in Athens. The qualitative data are derived from 20 semi-structured interviews conducted with visitors at The Mall Athens. The cultural-consumer repertoires of the participants, that is, their understanding, evaluation, and justification schemes of their consumer practices and desires, are analyzed from a constructionist point of view. The context of the ten-year-long Greek economic crisis is a promising field for the investigation of the concept, meaning, experience, and performance of consumer sovereignty. Hence, the very concept of consumer sovereignty is empirically “tested,” including its different conceptualizations and performances. In particular, two repertoires of consumer sovereignty arise, namely, the power of free hedonistic choice and the morose rational prudence, while the crisis critically mediates and raises issues of (dis)continuity for these two repertoires. [R]
73.6948 LATIF, Mehr —
Given decades of military rule and a tightly moderated national public sphere, political participation in Pakistan historically has been extremely constrained and shallow. In contrast, drawing on my ethnographic research conducted from 2013 to 2019, I present the case of the dera, a gathering place for men in villages, where surprisingly there is a measure of public debate. Such spaces have typically been ignored because they are informal and hidden within personal networks. In spite of its informality, I show how the dera has considerable influence over village life. I argue that exploring such uncivil dynamics of public life can contribute to an understanding of public participation in Pakistan more broadly, especially highlighting the exclusion of the subaltern or marginalized populations. [R, abr.]
73.6949 LEE Jong Ha ; HWANG Jinyoung —
This study empirically examines the impact of income inequality on household debt using panel data on 27 OECD countries for the period 1995-2019. Specifically, this paper uses 3 small samples consisting of 9 countries according to the size of household debt along with the whole sample consisting of 27 countries. In addition, the panel ARDL-ECM model is used to estimate the short-run and long-run impacts of income inequality on household debt. The results suggest that public policies should be implemented predictably and consistently from a long-run perspective rather than policy changes to achieve short-run performance indicators, for alleviating income inequality and stable household debt management. [R, abr.]
73.6950 LEE Youngjoon —
What are the effects of citizen grievances on autocrats’ fiscal spending? I argue that autocrats will increase fiscal spending only when grievances may jeopardize stability. I hypothesize that when Internet penetration is high, a marginal increase in labor strikes and administrative lawsuits leads to increased spending on social welfare, health, education, and housing support. Evidence from China’s 31 provinces (2006-2019) supports this hypothesis. The results are robust to instrumental variable strategies. The results may run against the expectations of the “selectorate theory” which posits that autocrats are generally disinclined to increase spending for citizens. My theory and evidence suggest that grievances will be perceived differently by autocrats according to different levels of connectivity, leading to different levels of spending. [R]
73.6951 LESCH, Matthew ; McCAMBRIDGE, Jim —
This study investigates how processes of horizontal policy transfer can unfold in the context of devolution, examining the development of legislation on minimum unit pricing (MUP) in Wales, following on from Scotland’s earlier policy decision. The study draws on a range of sources, including primary documents, media coverage, and interviews with policy participants. Our analysis identifies the importance of the specific character of Welsh political institutions, particularly the emphasis given to participation and consultation in policymaking. In the case of MUP, we document a process of policy-oriented learning, where policymakers made a concerted effort to draw on an assortment of expertise and experiences, including but not limited to the Scottish model. We also find that the Welsh public health policy community was well placed to support the framing of MUP and to address limitations in policy capacity. The findings hold implications for future studies of learning, devolution, and alcohol policy more generally. [R]
73.6952 LI Li ; JIANG Tianjiao —
Chinese scholars’ research on “Indo-Pacific Strategy” has undergone two shifts. Firstly, they began to pay limited attention to the Indo-Pacific concept and the US Indo-Pacific regional strategy in 2013. With 2017 and 2018 as the turning point, the attention to the Indo-Pacific strategy shows a significant increase. Secondly, regarding the scholars’ judgment of the Indo-Pacific strategy, since the end of 2019, they reach a consensus on their assessment of the strategy, especially on its threat to China. The two main reasons that drove the above shifts were the enrichment of the Indo-Pacific Strategy by the United States and China’s perception of India’s attitudes. China’s official responses to the strategy have shown a co-moving rhythm with scholars’ research, shifting from a more open and neutral attitude toward the concept to a critical one. Against the background of America’s continuing effort to implement the Indo-Pacific strategy, China’s policy responses can focus on three aspects: do a good job of itself, handle China-US relations peacefully and cooperatively, and break down the group politics. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6824]
73.6953 LI Yanwei ; SONG Yunpeng —
Chinese governments have already applied pilot innovations widely with the aim of resolving various wicked problems efficiently, effectively and legitimately. Through an in-depth study on a pilot healthcare innovation in Sanming city, we identify a three-stage mechanism underlying its upscaling: its success in one setting, its horizontal upscaling in other settings, and its political upscaling nationwide. Moreover, we identify five conditions combined that are important in explaining its political upscaling: the support of central government, the knowledge transfer mechanism, the pilot’s salience, the involvement of a boundary spanner, and consistent institutional frameworks. Furthermore, we propose a state-led pilot innovation upscaling model; this implies that Chinese central government plays a deterministic role in achieving the upscaling of pilot innovations. Our study helps to elucidate mechanisms underlying the upscaling of pilot innovations in the Chinese governance context. [R]
73.6954 LI Zeren ; MANION, Melanie —
We conceptualize broad purges, which extend far below top powerholders in authoritarian regimes and operate according to a logic fundamentally different from coup-proofing purges that target rivals to the supreme leader. Broad purges induce risk reduction in decision making because they grossly exacerbate uncertainty and raise the likelihood and cost of political error. Empirically, we analyze political appointment decisions before and during a massive corruption crackdown in China. We estimate purge impact on appointments of prefectural Communist Party secretaries during 2013-17. To signal to Beijing that they are not building factions, party bosses of these officials can be expected to reduce risk by biasing appointments against their own clients, with variation in bias reflecting geographic heterogeneity in purge intensity. We find a large effect of purge intensity on anti-client bias during this broad purge but not in previous smaller-scale anticorruption crackdowns. This study contributes to knowledge about purges under authoritarianism. [R]
73.6955 LIBMAN, Alexander ; DAVIDZON, Igor —
Understanding the scope and the limits of cooperation of authoritarian regimes is important to assess their ability to support each other and strengthen authoritarian rule worldwide. While there is substantial evidence of authoritarian regimes working together to ensure mutual stability, autocracies are also notoriously mistrustful of one another. Therefore, they prefer to limit the assistance from other autocracies to rhetoric, to avoid the emergence of excessive dependencies. The conditions under which authoritarian cooperation goes beyond rhetoric, and even takes such extreme forms as military interventions, are insufficiently studied. The article investigates the case of the Collective Security Treaty Organization’s (CSTO) intervention in Kazakhstan in 2022 as an example of an authoritarian regional organization sending a military mission to one of its member states. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6641]
73.6956 LIPSCY, Phillip Y. —
Why study Japan? Research on contemporary Japanese politics and foreign policy faces headwinds from the relative geopolitical decline of Japan and scholars skeptical about single-country studies. An overview of Japanese politics publications in English-language journals over the past four decades suggests the subfield remains active and robust. However, there is still room to grow. I argue that Japan is a harbinger state, which experiences many challenges before others in the international system. As such, studying Japan can inform both scholars and policymakers about the political challenges other countries are likely to confront in the future. In turn, scholarship on Japan offers a critical opportunity to develop theoretical insights, assess early empirical evidence, and offer policy lessons about emerging challenges and the political contestation surrounding them. I consider the reasons why Japan so often emerges as a harbinger across issue areas and suggest areas for ongoing scholarly attention. [R]
73.6957 LIU Ruoxuan ; FAN Bo —
The existing research identifies that cross-organizational collaboration is important in the enhancement of emergency management. However, little effort has been made to empirically examine how collaboration contributes to emergency performance. Within this field lies a theoretical controversy that institutional arrangement and dynamic capability compete with each other to enhance emergency collaboration. Numerous studies find that a contingency plan, as a form of institutional arrangement, is necessary for ensuring collaboration in a planned and legitimate manner. Conversely, research also suggests that absorptive capacity, as an important dynamic capability for organizations to adapt to changing environments, is beneficial to the improvement of emergency collaboration. The current study contributes to the understanding of the influence of collaboration on emergency performance by (1) investigating the relationship between collaboration networks and performance, and (2) examining the mediating roles of the contingency plan and absorptive capacity in this relationship. Employing structural equation modeling with data from 110 cases of emergency drills in Shanghai, results suggest that collaboration networks have a positive association with emergency performance, which is simultaneously mediated by contingency plan and absorptive capacity, and further demonstrate that absorptive capacity exerts a stronger effect than contingency plan. [R, abr.]
73.6958 LIU Weixing ; YI Hongtao —
Change agents play important roles in the diffusion of policy innovation. Scholars argue that the career paths of change agents could facilitate the diffusion of innovation through network-based mechanisms of portable innovation or policy wormholes, but have not fully distinguished between direct and indirect connections inherently important in a leadership transfer network. This study proposes an indirect portable innovation hypothesis and an indirect policy wormhole hypothesis to highlight the effects of leadership transfer networks through indirect network connections, extending the agent network diffusion (AND) model. We test the hypotheses empirically with the diffusion of local financial subsidy policies for new energy vehicles (NEVs) among cities in China from 2009 to 2016. The results confirm the effects of direct and indirect portable innovation and policy wormholes. [R]
73.6959 LUNDSTEEN, Martin —
In 2018, the then right-wing government in Denmark led by Lars Løkke Rasmussen and supported by the extreme right-wing party Danish People’s Party presented new legislation to end ‘parallel societies’ in Denmark by toughening the criminal law, enforcing Danish knowledge and nursery school assistance to toddlers, and, more importantly for this article, a series of urban interventions in ‘ghetto areas’ considered as such mainly when the proportion of immigrants and descendants from non-Western countries exceeded 50 per cent. Until recently research has focused on either the discursive elements of the ‘ghetto politics’ in Denmark or the urban interventions from an architectural or urban planning point of view. However, newfangled research deal with the entwined economic elements. In this article, I compare the different developmental plans proposed in the affected areas because of the legislation, with an aim to reach further and point at the inherent elements of urban b/ordering, that is, measures taken to attain social order and gain legitimacy by demarcating categories of people to incorporate some and exclude others through urban space. [R, abr.]
73.6960 MALMBORG, Frans ; TRONDAL, Jarle —
The purpose of this article is twofold: to theoretically assess ideational and organizational explanatory factors in the adoption of artificial intelligence policies; and to examine the extent to which the European Union has managed to facilitate a coordinated artificial intelligence policy in the Nordic countries. The study utilizes a mixed-methods approach based on systematic web searching, systematic policy document analysis and key informant semi-structured interviews. The study finds that the European Union has utilized framing-based strategies to set an agenda for a coordinated European artificial intelligence policy. Moreover, the strategy has affected member-state artificial intelligence policies to the extent that key tenets of European Union artificial intelligence discourse have penetrated Nordic public documents. However, the extent to which the Nordic countries incorporate European Union artificial intelligence policy discourse diverges at the national level. [R, abr.]
73.6961 MANGANI, Ronald —
This article conveys the critical elements of the keynote address delivered by the author at the opening session of the Second African Conference on Debt and Development (Lilongwe, Malawi). It presents four propositions to analyze and tackle the political economy of African external debt in the context of the socio-economic transformation of the continent. It claims that confronting, dismantling and reframing such political economies offer a level of difficulty that perhaps exceeds the challenges faced with respect to the attainment of political independence. The significant role of a collective African leadership in championing the evolution of an African financial architecture is emphasized. [R]
73.6962 McCONNELL, Kathryn —
Recent research suggests that public support for climate action can be increased by bundling environmental policy with social and economic programs — the Green New Deal being one of the most widely known iterations of this strategy. Yet, party cue theory suggests that public support for the policy will be shaped by the strong Democratic associations of the proposal. In a preregistered survey experiment conducted among 1,203 residents of the rural western United States, I find strong evidence that the phrase ‘the Green New Deal’ functions as a partisan cue, lowering support for a bundled climate policy among rural residents by 9.1 percentage points. This depressive effect is robust even when framing around regionspecific climate impacts is added to the survey question. [R]
73.6963 McKERRACHER, Kelty —
The survival and resurgence of Indigenous legal orders and constitutional traditions in Canada, as elsewhere, disrupt the normative hegemony of the liberal state and articulate a constitutionalism that accounts for a plurality of laws. How can state and non-state legal orders interact across vastly different normative worlds? How can their interaction address the colonial power imbalance and what role should recognition play in this relationship? This article draws on the work of Ralf Michaels on relational legal pluralism and Aaron Mills on Anishinaabe constitutionalism to explore how a legally plural society must embrace Michaels’ challenge of constitutive external recognition: the idea that legal orders mutually constitute each other through recognition without interfering with each other’s factual status as law. External recognition is consistent with strong legal pluralism and is distinct from recognition within the multicultural liberal state, a form of weak legal pluralism and continued colonialism. Mills’ discussion of treaty, rather than contract, as a foundation for shared political community assists in imagining a constitutionalism with/in Canada in which distinct legal orders can mutually constitute each other without domination. [R, abr.]
73.6964 MEDVEDEV, Ilya, et al.—
Based on the experience of previous studies, the authors use machine learning methods at two levels for evaluating predictors of instability. First, they analyze the factors that lead to instability in general; second, they focus on the factors that influence the intensity of instability. Their analysis relies on data on mass protest destabilization. The system for assessing predictors of nonviolent destabilization is modernized and a two-level model is developed for ranking the factors of instability. After that, using Shapley vectors, all predictors within the final model are estimated and quantified. The authors analyze several subsamples: the world as a whole, the World System core and periphery, and the Afrasian instability macrozone. The result shows that the division of the original database into worldsystem zones, as well as specifying the Afrasian zone as a separate entity makes sense. The results obtained through machine learning are further cross-validated with more traditional regression models. [R]
73.6965 MIKOS, Robert A. —
Interest in psychedelics is booming, heralding a possible psychedelic renaissance in the United States. But policy makers interested in expanding access to psychedelic substances would be wise to heed lessons gleaned from the past 25 years of marijuana law reforms. That experience suggests that it may prove impossible to repeal or narrow the federal ban on psychedelics in the near term, but that states provide an alternative pathway to reform. Still, to blunt the risk of a federal crackdown, policy makers may need to sacrifice certain policy goals. Furthermore, until the public warms to a broader psychedelic renaissance, policy makers may pursue narrow reforms. Policy makers will also need to address thorny questions over how psychedelics will be supplied once legalized. [R]
73.6966 MILTON-EDWARDS, Beverley —
The Gulf is increasingly recognized as one of the most dynamic and unstable regions in the international system. Within the region, the survival of small states can no longer be taken for granted and power relations are conflictual. The hegemonic ambitions of larger regional state actors draw small states into a contested orbit and emphasize the fluidity of pre-existing notions of the balance of power. This has led to forms of fragmentation. Small states can no longer sit comfortably under the shelter of regional and even external super-powers. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on small states like Kuwait and Qatar is a useful prism to examine the ways in which such small states attempt to project power and sovereignty through their diplomatic responses. Our argument, here, is that such discourse is framed as part of an ideational and material construct for state resilience within a regional and international system that is perceived as predatory. Yet pandemic politics reveals both the opportunities and limits of such approaches. [R]
73.6967 MIMICA, Nicolás ; NAVIA, Patricio D. ; OSORIO, Rodrigo —
This article assesses the effect of changes in the lawmaking process on the success of the president’s legislative agenda, distinguishing between within-term success (bills that passed during the term) and overall success (including bills that passed after the president left office). With the 2064 presidential bills introduced in seven terms (1990-2018) in Chile’s presidential system, we assess the impact of changes in lawmaking rules on within-term (59.9%) and overall success (70.6%). Changes that decrease attributions of the president and create more opportunities for executivelegislative bargaining — including concurrent elections — increase the chances of success of presidential bills. The use of presidential urgency motions, an agenda-setting tool, makes bills more likely to pass, but the issuance of many urgency motions undermines the bill’s chances to succeed. [R, abr.]
73.6968 MISRA, Amalendu —
In contemporary international society, Afghanistan may be cited as a dysfunctional entity with a litany of internal conflicts. One of these bedeviling anomalies relates to the prevalence of a culture of sexual violation of preadolescent boys by powerful male patrons. This widespread practice, colloquially known as bacha bazi, exists in an informal institutionalized form. While bacha bazi predates the current round of internal strife and war, the prevailing political chaos and conflict dynamics in the country have contributed to its persistent growth. [R]
73.6969 MOSKOWITZ, Kara —
Throughout the 1950s, colonial Kenya experimented with multiracial governance — maintaining separate racial identities and instituting group political representation — as a strategy for protecting white supremacy. Though independence negotiations in 1960 ended political multiracialism, in cultural arenas, white sports officials — and their conservative allies in the International Olympic Committee — continued drawing on multiracialist ideologies to justify their disproportionate influence as heads of Kenya’s sports organizations and as coaches. Kenyan sport during the midcentury thus reveals the unevenness and incompleteness of decolonization, as well as the specific means by which white settlers attempted to maintain power in the independent era. These efforts can be seen as part of a broader, global right-wing backlash to African nationalism. Though white Kenyans attempted to clutch onto power within the world of sport, Kenya’s independent state actors intervened, nationalizing the sports administration and sidelining white-dominated institutions. [R, abr.]
73.6970 MUKOYAMA, Naosuke —
Recent scholarship on resource politics has found that the "resource curse" is largely specific to the Persian Gulf states in which British oil interests ensured the survival of small states. However, this does not present the entire picture of the relationship between oil and sovereignty. I argue that oil was also involved in the process in which the region protected by colonial powers was divided into certain states out of many possible territorial arrangements, creating states that would otherwise not exist. Based on extensive archival research, I show that when nine Gulf sheikhdoms negotiated under Abu Dhabi’s initiative to create a federation, (1) oil production during the colonial period and (2) the protectorate system led Qatar and Bahrain to reject it and achieve sovereignty separately. [R]
73.6971 NAQVI, Natalya —
In the aftermath of recent crisis, national governments across the Global South increasingly see state ownership and control of finance as a vital public policy tool. What explains variation in state control of finance in the wake of crisis? Interventionist policies can elicit disinvestment or exit threats from private financial actors if they limit profitability. When disinvestment threats are credible, policymakers may rule out reform for fear of devastating economic consequences. I argue that the credibility of disinvestment threats is conditioned by two key variables, the resilience of the national economy to capital flight, which affects the level of damage capital flight will inflict, and global financial liquidity, which can be used to undercut domestic disinvestment threats. These arguments are developed through comparative case studies of cross-national and over-time variation in the scale and scope of public development banking in Brazil and South Africa in the wake of the 2008 crisis. [R]
73.6972 NARTOK, Esra Elif —
Scholarly debates on ‘civilization states’ now include India as a potential exemplar, in light of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) insistence on a greater Hindu culture and tradition rooted in ancient India. Most of these debates are located in politico-cultural contexts, whereas this article does something different. It examines an economic organization, the World Hindu Economic Forum (WHEF), which centres its business strategy and identity around the rhetoric of civilization. WHEF is a distinctive and understudied transnational elite platform that has organic connections with the BJP and Hindu nationalist circles around the world. Drawing on WHEF documentation and interviews with WHEF members, and employing a Gramscian approach, this article sheds light on three social aspects of utilizing the civilizational rhetoric in WHEF’s business strategy: a justification of development rooted in the past, a claim of superiority over the West, and a promise of development for the future. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6798]
73.6973 NAUDE, Bianca —
When the Omicron variant of the COVID-19 virus was identified in November 2021, western states responded by immediately imposing a travel ban on African countries in a bid to keep ‘the African virus’ out of their territories. The travel bans caused a visceral reliving among Africans of colonialera experiences of shame, humiliation and degradation. We know that actors, during times of crisis, exaggerate identity borders between ‘us’ and ‘them’, and we can understand western reactions to the discovery of Omicron against this theoretical backdrop. What is not clear, however, is why the Omicron travel ban caused such a visceral reliving of a past trauma in the African collective. Supported by a qualitative analysis of news media, this research explains how travel bans imposed by western nations caused a re-traumatization of the African collective. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6641]
73.6974 NEAFIE, Jessica —
What are the implications for emerging economies that become central to geoeconomic contestation between great powers? For Kazakhstan geoeconomic contestation is a tool for increasing importance and regional networking in the pursuit of becoming the Eurasian Land Bridge. Kazakhstan’s current multilateral approach to foreign affairs utilizes geoeconomic contestation in a unique way that benefits national interest, pushing local infrastructure and economic goals. This case study looks at the great power contestation in Kazakhstan to show the effect of geoeconomic contestation on pivot countries, where pivot countries create a relationship that is mutually beneficial rather than clientelist, dependent or exploitative. This study shows evidence supporting research on great power politics that suggests that geostrategic pivots have the agency and power to push national interests and can utilize its position to exert some control in its relationship with powerful states. [R]
73.6975 O’BRIEN, Dave ; REES, Griffith ; TAYLOR, Mark —
There are significant inequalities in the publicly funded arts sector in England, including significant spatial inequalities. If anything, the critique of spatial inequalities in this ecology do not go far enough. This article uses a unique dataset of the boards of directors of Arts Council England’s national portfolio, derived from Companies House. While a majority of national portfolio organisations do not share board members with any other organisation, the analysis demonstrates that London-based organisations are significantly more likely to share board members with other companies than organisations outside London — and that, where an organisation outside of London does share a board member with a company in another region, it is more likely to be with a company in London than all other regions put together. It further demonstrates that this effect is most pronounced where these organisations are part of the same artform. Crucially, the organisations connected to London have more than double the portfolio income of other organisations, whether they share board members or not. [R, abr.]
73.6976 ORR, Christopher J. ; FYLES, James W. —
Canadian environmental governance formally began in the 1970s with an ambitious vision critical of the status quo. Until the Justin Trudeau government from 2015, this vision had been largely eroded when compared to the transformative environmental ideas, ambition, and efforts initially put forth. Drawing on elite interviews in Canadian environmental politics and an articulation of the dominant system, we develop and demonstrate a novel explanation for Canada’s systematic failure to act more ambitiously on the environment. We argue that this failure is the result of progressive selection of Canadian environmental governance in relation to the dominant system at key selection moments. It is at those moments when the environment is least prioritized and the economy most urgently needs attention that environmental governance suffers the most. The paper concludes by emphasizing how features of the dominant political-economic system not typically thought of as environmental can have systematic environmental impacts. [R]
73.6977 PALESTINI, Stefano —
Regional international organizations (RIOs) and states are increasingly sanctioning governments, firms and individuals they consider to have violated international norms. How do different RIOs legitimize the decision to impose (or not impose) sanctions? And how do they react to the legitimation strategies of other RIOs and states? This article addresses these questions by analysing the legitimation strategies of the US and four RIOs involved in the combined sanction regimes against Venezuela between 2014 and 2019: the Organization of American States, the Union of South American Nations, the Common Market of the South and the European Union. Refining the environment-based perspective on legitimation, the article proposes that combined sanction regimes work as environments that shape the legitimation strategies of senders not only by providing templates to emulate but also by triggering processes of differentiation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6641]
73.6978 PALIWAL, Avinash ; STANILAND, Paul —
We introduce a new theory to help explain variation in strategies of external support [for transnational insurgents]. We argue that the offensive or defensive goals of state sponsors interact with their fears of escalation to shape how they support armed groups. Four strategies of state sponsorship emerge from different combinations of sponsor goals and escalation fears. We empirically investigate this argument with a unique medium-N study of Indian support and nonsupport for insurgents in South Asia. Based on fieldwork, primary sources, and specialized secondary literature, we uncover a rich landscape of links between India and armed groups in its neighborhood. We show a systematic connection between the strategies of support that India chooses with its aims in supporting rebels and its fears of escalation from doing so. [R, abr.]
73.6979 PAPE, Ulla ; KLIMOVICH, Stanislav ; BLUHM, Katharina —
The Russian state requires companies to invest in welfare provision and to conclude socio-economic cooperation agreements (SECAs) with regional administrations. Based on empirical evidence from Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, this article analyses state-business interactions at the subnational level. We show that state and business actors have formalised their resource exchange in the SECAs. Because of the agreements’ adaptive nature, both parties are able to manage their respective obligations and risks within an authoritarian and highly volatile environment. We identify four patterns of contractual relations, depending on the companies’ production capacities and their commitment to providing social investments in the region. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6884]
73.6980 PAROLIN, Zachary ; LEE, Emma K. —
Single-parent families have historically faced greater economic precarity relative to other family types in the United States. We investigate how and whether those disparities widened after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Using data on exposure to school and childcare center closures, unemployment, poverty, food hardship, and frequent worrying among single-parent families versus two-parent families throughout 2020 and 2021, we find that the challenges that single parents faced prior to the pandemic generally magnified after the arrival of COVID-19. In April 2020, one in four single parents was unemployed, and unemployment rates recovered more slowly for single parents throughout 2021, perhaps in part due to their unequal exposure to school and childcare closures. The expansion of income transfers largely buffered against potential increases in poverty and hardship, but levels of worrying among single parents continued to worsen throughout 2021. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6981 PATTENDEN, Hugh —
This article explores the ways in which the two main African nationalist opposition groups in Rhodesia portrayed Britain in their media output. It uses a variety of sources, including newspapers, magazines, radio, and television programmes to recreate the key messages of the Zimbabwe African National Union and Zimbabwe African People’s Union during the Unilateral Declaration of Independence period (1965-80). It argues that both groups recognised the importance of using propaganda for political purposes and developed an image of Britain as they believed it should be seen by the World. It further suggests, however, that this depiction of Britain was not always consistently applied, and that wider pressures can be seen at play. At times they claimed that the British were on the side of the rebellious settlers, and not to be trusted. Yet on other occasions they keenly asserted that, as the colonial power, the British Government had responsibility for Rhodesia and should be the focus of negotiations. [R, abr.]
73.6982 PAUSCHINGER, Dennis —
This article reconsiders contemporary urban security governance. Conceptually, it revisits Foucault’s governmentality lectures to comprehend how security governance is carried out in places where the use of digital security technologies co-exists with overly lethal and repressive forms of policing. The author advances his analysis by conceptualizing a triangle of security governance in which disciplinary powers of control, apparatuses of security and sovereign/necropower are at work simultaneously, complemented by a fourth dimension that takes into account what Foucault outlined in the lectures as the ‘government of things’, which is the sociotechnical relationship between the agency of humans and machines. Empirically, the article explores the technopolitical turn in urban security policies in the city of Rio de Janeiro in the wake of the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics. Using discourses that are embedded in globalized mega-event security standards and legacy claims, authorities in Rio promoted a narrative of new material and non-material security measures that were intended both to secure the World Cup and the Olympics and to help overcome permanently entrenched urban conflicts in the city. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.5938]
73.6983 PÉREZ SANDOVAL, Javier —
Assessing how democracy varies within countries is paramount to the subnational turn in comparative politics. Despite recent contributions, we still lack a comparable measure of democracy for provinces inside countries. To overcome this limitation, I present the Index of Subnational Electoral Democracy (ISED), a measure that tracks the electoral dimension of democracy across the provinces of nine Latin American countries, the United States, Canada, and India for a period of roughly 40 years, making it the largest dataset on subnational regime outcomes to date. I then use the ISED to assess the democratic trajectories of Argentinian, Brazilian, Mexican, and Indian states, revealing that: (1) Indian provinces have been, on average, more democratic than their Latin American counterparts. (2) The relative position of provincial regimes within these countries has been remarkably stable over time. (3) Most subnational units in the Americas have had “low intensity” regimes. (4) Subnational regime hybridity has been the norm rather than the exception, and that 5) for the Latin American cases under consideration, democracy and development are positively connected at the local level. [R, abr.]
73.6984 PETTER, Pandanus H. —
Peter Mair argued that political parties and society are withdrawing from each other, thus creating a ‘void’ in the heart of representation in many established democracies. However, MPs are increasing the time and resources devoted to constituency work. This article explores how MPs, as parties’ representatives, engage with constituents, and whether this work takes the disconnected form expected in a political void. Interviews with 20 Australian state legislators show MPs building policy, service, symbolic and partisan connections with citizens. Though parties no longer definitively structure representation, these findings highlight the importance of understanding party-society relationships in the constituency. [R]
73.6985 PICKEL, Susanne ; PICKEL, Gert —
Do political cultures and their main political attitudes still differ between Western and Eastern Germany 30 years after reunification? And, if so, to what extent? Using an extended concept of political support, we analyse East-West differences by drawing on different data material from representative surveys. What we show that there is no deficit of legitimacy in Eastern Germany in terms of democracy. Nevertheless, there are consistent East-West differences in terms of people’s satisfaction with democracy as it is currently practised. These differences can be explained neither by existing socio-economic and socio-structural inequalities between Eastern and Western Germany, and nor by feelings of nostalgia for socialism. Rather, they are due to a combination of feelings of disadvantage, of a lack of recognition, and corresponding narratives that can draw on objective manifestations of inequality. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6992]
73.6986 PINHEIRO-MACHADO, Rosana ; MURY SCALCO, Lucia —
This article discusses the political impacts on the poor’s subjectivity provoked by neoliberal policies such as inclusion through consumption in 21st century Brazil. From 2009 to 2014, we carried out ethnographic research with new consumers in a low-income neighbourhood — Morro da Cruz — in the city of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. We argue that consumption does not necessarily depoliticize human experience, as it is broadly assumed to have done in the scholarly literature on neoliberalism. In a society in which the poor has obtained goods through hierarchical and servile relationships, the possibility of buying things provides a micro sphere for recognition, though not in terms of classic collective action or even hidden subversion. Coupled with the momentum towards a national ‘economic emergence’, status goods became vehicles of an emergent subjectivity, which we conceptualize as ‘the right to shine’. The right to shine are subtle forms of class and racial self-worth, and individual and interpersonal empowerment that revealed interclass defiance. [R]
73.6987 PINILLA-RONCANCIO, Mónica ; GALLARDO, Mauricio —
In Latin America, approximately 70 million individuals live with a disability. Although global evidence suggests that people with disabilities are one of the poorest groups and present lower employment rates, the evidence for Latin America is still weak. This article aims to contribute to the literature by estimating and analysing the levels of employment opportunity for persons with disabilities in six countries in Latin America (Chile, Bolivia, Mexico, Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica). Using household survey data, we measure inequality of opportunities using the Paes de Barros approach and compare the probability distributions of being employed for people with disabilities according to different individual characteristics. This research makes several contributions to the literature. First, it analyses and compares the characteristics of persons with disabilities in six countries of the region. Second, it is the first paper in the region that computes and compares the levels of employment opportunities for persons with disabilities, using the Human Opportunity Index. Third, it analyses which are the main aspects contributing to the levels of employment opportunities for persons with disabilities in each of the countries. The main results of the study reveal that people with disabilities face high levels of inequality of employment opportunity compared with people without disabilities in the six countries. [R, abr.]
73.6988 PLESS, Anna ; TROMP, Paul ; HOUTMAN, Dick —
Studies on cultural divisions in Western European politics typically combine two different value divides. The first divide is moral traditionalism versus progressiveness, which pits the religious and the secular against each other on matters of procreation, family and gender roles. The second one is authoritarianism versus libertarianism, which captures the opposition between the high- and low-educated about basically secular attitudes towards matters of immigration and law and order. Since the first divide is religiously inspired and the second one is basically secular, this article systematically distinguishes between them and studies whether secularization in Western Europe affects them differently. We perform multilevel regression analysis using European Values Study data (four waves, 1981-2008) for 17 Western European countries. [R, abr.]
73.6989 PRONTERA, Andrea ; LIZZI, Renata —
The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine triggered profound changes in European energy policy. This was particularly the case for a country like Italy, highly dependent on Russian gas supplies and traditionally an energy partner of Moscow. In this article, we trace the major policy measures enacted by the Draghi government to address security-of-supply risks and foster the development of renewable energy. Moreover, we highlight a number of continuities and differences that emerged in these areas with the appointment of the new government led by Giorgia Meloni. Finally, we discuss some possible longer-term implications and risks for Italian energy policy in the wake of the innovations introduced after the invasion. These include a return of the state in energy governance, the shift of Italian foreign energy policy towards the Mediterranean and Africa as well as unsolved problems in the management of centre-periphery relations for accelerating the country’s energy transition. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6297]
73.6990 RANDOLPH, Ned —
As sea-level rise inundates the last vestiges of Louisiana’s “Working Coast” and protective wetlands, the state is embarking on controversial plans to redirect Mississippi River sediment into its degraded marshes. But in order to manipulate the Mighty Mississippi, state planners must not only marshal a proverbial army of resources, but somehow demonstrate the necessary expertise to do so. Here, I examine one such site of demonstration: the Lower Mississippi River Physical Model in Baton Rouge, La., where visitors can observe sediment diversions in action. I argue that this $18-million showpiece attempts to reinforce a particular imagined geography by the state over its landscape. Competent operation of the model dramatizes authority over the river itself, which presumably helps the State to build popular consent — in the face of entrenched resistance. [R, abr.]
73.6991 RASHI, Tsuriel ; SCHLEIFER, Ron —
The start of the twenty-first century saw many changes in the way war was being conducted. Alongside war at sea, in the air, and on land, there is now psychological warfare (referred to as psywar), which has proven to be an extremely powerful military dimension. The power of psychological warfare is a result of the revolution in information and communication in the first years of the current century: the Internet, instant global communications, smartphones, and social media. All these channels have become arenas for warfare and powerful influencers on leaders, militaries, and entire populations. Historically, democracies have been reticent about employing psychological warfare for a number of reasons, but in recent years, they have been unable to ignore its existence and have increasingly been making use of it. However, in contrast with other forms of warfare for which there are international ethical rules, there is no ethical regulation of psychological warfare. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.5852]
73.6992 REISER, Marion ; REITER, Renate —
Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the debate about the state of unification stresses in particular the persistent, returning, and even deepened East-West differences which refer to central elements and promises of representative democracy. However, it is a controversial whether and [how] this poses a challenge to the legitimacy and functioning of representative democracy in Germany. Therefore, this Special Issue focuses on the representative democracy by concentrating on its central dimensions, actors, and institutions (citizens, political parties and parliaments, and elites). The introduction outlines the three key questions which are addressed by the contributors regarding (1) to the status of unification in longitudinal and in cross-sectional perspective, (2) the causes and determinants for ongoing differences and divides between East and West, and (3) the implications for representative democracy in Germany. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue. See also Abstr. 73.6099, 6122, 6331, 6377, 6544, 6550, 6886, 6985]
73.6993 RYAN, Alexander —
This study compares affective polarization in the Nordic countries. In line with what previous comparative and single-case studies have already indicated, the results show that affective polarization has tended to be higher in Sweden and Denmark than in Norway, Iceland, and Finland. The article also tracks time trends for the association between ideological distance from parties and affective party evaluations. As expected, placing parties further from oneself on the left-right scale has been more strongly associated with party affect in Denmark and Sweden. Furthermore, the results show that there are some variations between the countries in terms of how distance from parties on other ideological dimensions than left-right placement is associated with out-party affect. [R, abr.]
73.6994 RYU Da-Jung ; KIM Taekyoon —
Despite the fact that both South Korea and China have similar past histories of being invaded and colonized by foreign powers, these two countries rarely have common acuities or shared recognition mechanisms. With this puzzling phenomenon, this study compares Korean and Chinese high school history textbooks to reveal their own national identities which are embedded and forged in the textbook discourses. It sets out to locate what Chinese and Korean governments’ national identities have echoed in history textbooks of senior high schools by investigating ‘language use,’ employing ethnomethodology to shed light on the perception gap between the two countries. The perception gap between Korea and China, which has appeared in history textbooks, becomes a potential powerhouse producing various malaises of identity-based struggles stemming from organized delusions on each other. [R]
73.6995 SADIKI, Larbi ; SALEH, Layla —
How do IR scholars ‘write’ the Arab Gulf? In attempting to address this question, the focus is twofold: first, the ‘small state’ as a construct and second, its application to the study of Gulf small states. The article tries to grapple with issues inherent in such an enterprise by providing a critical assessment of recent scholarship on the topic, with special reference to Qatar and the UAE. The problematic comes to the fore in a context of these two countries’ increasing regional and international visibility, as well as what seems to be renewed scholarly interest in small states, more generally. Specifically, this analysis primarily seeks to relativize the small state within the Arab Gulf sub-region, drawing attention to ontological and epistemological issues. In so doing, the article offers some heuristics for the writing of small states in the Arab Gulf. One suggestion put forward in the article is more scrutiny of the regional context; what is called here the ‘hydrocarbon semi-periphery’; and misgivings (conceptual and empirical) concerning, respectively, the treatment of ‘soft power,’ mediation, and intervention. [R, abr.]
73.6996 SAGUIN, Kidjie —
While many higher education systems across the world have expanded through privatisation, the Philippines is doing the opposite. Unlike similar Asian countries with private mass higher education such as Japan and South Korea, the Philippines is expanding tertiary education enrolment through “de-privatisation.” But little is known as to why and how this system transition is occurring. This article analyses the decline in private higher education enrolment as it relates to the increasing public spending for higher education and growing subsidisation of private education. It identifies policy legacies that constrain the greater participation of public higher education institutions (HEIs). The earlier effort to marketise public universities, however, turned them into demand-absorbing institutions while deregulation allowed private HEIs to increasingly cater to specific, niche demands of the market such as migrant worker education. [R, abr.]
73.6997 SARAL, Melek —
Transitional justice is universal and systematic tool of the international community in post-conflict or post-dictatorial contexts with a strong link to the human rights norms. Thus, post-conflict states from diverse regions of the globe — from Europe and Central and Latin America to Africa and Asia — apply transitional justice mechanisms hoping it would positively contribute to a peaceful transition to a democratic state based on the rule of law. This article explores the cases of two small states: Bosnia-Herzegovina and Tunisia, that put transitional justice mechanisms in place to tackle the human rights violations and to further a full democratic transition. It will illustrate the challenges faced by these two states with different political, sociocultural and legal context in applying transitional justice mechanisms. [R]
73.6998 SAWHILL, Isabel V. —
In the last 50 years, single parenthood has become more prevalent in the United States. As compared to other high-income countries, the United States does little to support single-parent families and they fare poorly as a result. This volume takes a comparative approach to extend our knowledge of the experiences of single parent families and the best approaches to support their well-being. By looking at the circumstances of single-parent families across many countries, this volume sheds light on important questions pertaining to child poverty and income inequality, the role of public assistance in supporting single-parent families, and the impact of this assistance on employment and marriage. In this article, I summarize the authors’ contributions in addressing these questions and present my own perspective on related issues, including the impact of singleparent families and cohabitation on children. I end with highlighting what researchers can learn from this volume and how US policymakers can apply these lessons. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6178]
73.6999 SCICLUNA, Nicole ; AUER, Stefan —
Law is central to what the EU is and how it works, but the mismatch between the legal and political dimensions of European integration is undermining the EU from within and limiting its ability to project its power beyond its borders. This article aims to explicate the clash between Europe as a community of law, on the one hand, and Europe as a political project, on the other, by focusing on two crises. The first is the crisis that has arisen in relation to Poland’s backsliding when it comes to democracy and the rule of law. The second crisis is the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The two crises are interlinked. An effective response to Russian aggression requires of the EU the kind of solidarity, confidence and unity of purpose that has been undercut by Poland’s rule-of-law crisis and by the inadequacy of European responses to it. Thus, both crises unsettle the EU’s constitutional settlement, revealing the political limits of legal integration. [R, abr.]
73.7000 SOSNOWSKI, Marika —
This article examines the arbitrary and oftentimes violent nature of loyalty and belonging in the case of Syria but with applicability to other authoritarian or high-surveillance contexts. It shows how the new “settlement of status” process is an extension of the governmentality of violence used by the Syrian regime to delineate loyal citizens from traitors. However, the article argues that this process is Janus-faced and actually serves to undermine the regime in the long run by destabilizing its surety around who is considered loyal and who is a potential threat. This uncertainty has the potential to sow the seeds for greater dissent and with it, act as one possible catalyst for the regime’s eventual collapse. The Syrian case offers broader insights into the various social and political permutations of a citizen’s relationship to the state. [R, abr.]
73.7001 SRIVASTAVA, Jayati —
The term ‘civilizational state’ is used by emerging powers, including India, to mark themselves as distinct from the Westphalian states. This article addresses the following questions: why does India invoke this term despite its association with illiberal states? What ideological foundations and resources inform this narrative? And how does the ‘new’ India envision its role in international politics? Using an interpretive analysis of select texts and imagery, the article delineates the intellectual roots and aesthetic resources deployed by ‘new’ India to bring forth a civilizational state narrative which has become an important tool of power projection at both domestic and international levels. It argues that the recent shift from ‘civilization’ to ‘civilizational state’ draws its intellectual roots from early Hindutva idealogues. It is based on a conflict-ridden/homogenous understanding of civilization, making it ambivalent towards an inclusive/plural civilizational narrative articulated and nurtured by the nationalists. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.6798]
73.7002 SSEREMBA, Yahya —
Intervening in the enduring debate on the origins of the African state, this article examines the processes of producing custom in the Ugandan societies of precolonial Bunyoro and colonial Toro to trace the development of despotism. The participatory nature of generating customary truth in Bunyoro before European domination reflects the diffusion of power in a manner that hindered absolute rule. On the contrary, in colonial Toro, the inclusive mechanisms for making custom gave way to customary law produced by the colonial government and its native chiefs. This monopoly to determine customary law disguised as custom constituted the heart of the despotism of Toro Native Authority. Derivatively, the Rwenzururu resistance against Toro domination equally assumed a despotic character because it organised itself along the logic of the authority it confronted. The study interrogates the resurgent literature that associates the contemporary African state with precolonial history. [R]
73.7003 STASZAK, Sarah —
The phenomenon Marc Galanter famously termed the vanishing trial has been widely explored by scholars of law and politics, particularly as the continued decrease of trials in court raises concerns about access to justice and legal recourse in the United States. But a lingering question remains: Where have trials gone? This article argues that we need to diversify the potential range of explanations for the vanishing trial by taking an interbranch perspective that brings to bear the ongoing tension between legal and other forms of dispute resolution and governance. Given that courts are but one venue in which disputes are resolved, this approach expands upon the thesis that disputes have not disappeared but rather have been diverted elsewhere. I argue that reframing the conversation in this way stands to generate a revised set of explanations for this trend that are worthy of future research. [R]
73.7004 SULLIVAN, Esther —
Manufactured homes provide a critical source of affordable housing and are the primary source of low-income homeownership in the United States. Yet manufactured housing (MH) is both socially stigmatized and spatially marginalized, which translates to significant inequalities for MH residents. The law figures centrally into how MH is perceived and how it is located, segregated, and financed differently from other housing. This review explores how the law has treated MH with legal hybridity, as personal property similar to an automobile rather than real property like other forms of housing. This core legal distinction structures an array of zoning, financing, and policy provisions that together create a gulf between the opportunities available to conventional owners and renters and those available to residents of MH. [R, abr.]
73.7005 SVALLFORS, Signe —
The Colombian peace process was internationally celebrated for its unprecedented focus on women’s experiences of war, but the everyday violence women that may face in their homes was not acknowledged. This article explores the links between exposure to local armed conflict violence and individual women’s experiences of intimate partner violence. I combine pooled nationally representative data on individual women’s experiences of intimate partner violence with information about the intensity of conflict during 2004-16. Results of fixed-effects linear probability models show that conflict was generally linked to a slightly elevated risk of women experiencing emotional, physical, and sexual violence perpetrated by their partner. [R, abr.]
73.7006 SVEINSDÓTTIR, Anna G. ; JOHNSON, McKenzie F. —
This article analyzes the permitting proceeding for the capacity expansion of the Dakota Access and Energy Transfer Crude Oil Pipelines in Illinois. Drawing on field research undertaken between 2018-2021, we examine how a grassroots-led coalition of climate activists — Save Our Illinois Land (SOIL) — navigated the Illinois Commerce Commission’s institutional context to oppose regulatory approval. We argue that SOIL mobilized procedural aspects of the regulatory process to politicize a highly path-dependent and techno-managerial administrative proceeding. SOIL did so to open political space for greater consideration of and deliberation around socioecological challenges like climate change in pipeline governance. While US focused, our findings highlight the difficulties inherent to employing institutionalized participation as a mechanism to politicize energy governance and engage in contentious energy politics. [R, abr.]
73.7007 TARASENKO, Anna —
Why do regions (non)comply or creatively comply in response to federaldriven reforms in Russia? This article studies the interplay of interests and incentives prompted by a contract between a principal and agents on the one hand, and shaped by the regional socio-economic context on the other. The analysis proved that the incapacity of the public sector to satisfy the societal demand for services in urbanised areas encouraged compliance. The creative compliance results from a need to demonstrate commitment to the reform in regions with a lack of favourable conditions. Noncompliance is adopted in ethnic republics and in relatively poor regions. [R] [See Abstr. 73.6884]
73.7008 TRAILL, Helen ; CUMBERS, Andrew —
There is increasing enthusiasm at urban and municipal scales for leading sustainability transitions, amid higher level endorsement and even expectation of such leadership. Yet this downscaling of responsibility for transition requires a greater critical focus. It raises questions of how evenly spread the capacity to lead on this is, and how it relates to the complex and differentiated multi-scalar governance structures and political landscapes within which municipal actors are situated. This article draws upon evidence from a mixed methods comparative and multi-scalar analysis across Europe exploring the different pressures and potential that exist for municipalities. Our central aim is to critically interrogate what municipalities are doing to achieve a post-carbon energy transition beyond lofty aspirations. Departing from the tendency to focus on paradigmatic success stories, our research on the different conditions affecting municipalities across the continent suggests that the focus so far on case studies and techno-social solutions is insufficient for considering the broader geographical patterns and multi-scalar tensions of transition. [R]
73.7009 TURAGA, Rama Mohana R. ; MITTAL, Harsh —
This article provides an important international empirical application of the multiple-streams framework with some theoretical additions that make a novel contribution to the existing scholarship in this field. Using a modified multiple-streams approach (MSA) that extends Kingdon’s original agenda setting model to the decision-making stage, we analyse and explain an empirical puzzle in the context of the environmental regulation of coal-fired power plants, considered central to India’s economic development. The puzzle involves both the content — a stringency comparable to those in more developed economies — and the timing — within a year of a new national government coming to power with the promise of reviving economic growth. Our findings show how a top bureaucrat exploited the agenda window opening in the problem stream to couple the three streams, resulting in the notification of draft environmental standards. [R, abr.]
73.7010 VAN DEN BOOGAARD, Vanessa ; SANTORO, Fabrizio —
Community contributions are often required as part of community-driven development programs, with contributions encouraged through matching grants. However, little remains known about the impact of matching grants or the implications of requiring community contributions — also known as informal taxation. We explore this research gap through a randomized control trial of a matching grant program in Gedo region in south-central Somalia. We find that matching grants can increase informal taxation and serve as an effective means of delivering public goods. Moreover, we find that the program strengthened local government legitimacy, despite the local government playing no direct role in the program. These findings deepen our understanding of how matching grants may contribute to community-driven development in a context of weak institutional capacity. [R, abr.]
73.7011 VAN DER HOOG, Tycho Alexander —
The call to decolonize African Studies has a profound influence on the field, with varying degrees of success. This article addresses this topic in relation to the author’s personal experiences in the publishing industry in Namibia. By describing the attempt to publish a historical book about Namibian beer with a well-known German-Namibian publishing house, the lingering power of German-Namibian settler colonialism becomes clear. This article renders visible the power structures within the Namibian book market that perpetuates a whitewashed version of Namibian history and argues that decolonizing knowledge cannot succeed without paying attention to the (private) publishing industry. [R]
73.7012 VITRANO, Chiara ; MELLQUIST, Linnea —
This paper contributes to the understanding of spatiotemporal accessibility inequalities by exploring how the current public transport (PT) provision affects the time wealth of PT users living in two peripheral neighbourhoods in Malmö. The paper investigates time-related resources and constraints that concur in defining accessibility inequalities, identifies forms of temporal disadvantage and privilege and addresses the relevance of recognizing and meeting the multiple time-related needs of (potential) PT users. Adopting a mixed-methods approach, the study integrates results from a thematic analysis of interviews and from a GIS spatiotemporal accessibility analysis of PT schedules to understand whether and how the current PT provision (1) allows users to carry out the desired or needed activities by PT in the time available to them, (2) is harmonized with their spatiotemporal access needs and (3) supports or hinders the users’ ability to control their travel time. The paper suggests that, in the observed cases, the PT provision provides unequal opportunities for faster connections and information, exposing some users to time-related transport disadvantage.. [R, abr.]
73.7013 WANG Yu —
Despite the extensive theoretical connections between defense budget growth and inflation, empirical findings based on traditional time-domain methods have been inconclusive. This study reexamines the issue from a time-frequency perspective. Applying continuous wavelet analysis to the US and Britain, it shows empirical evidence in support of positive bilateral effects in both cases. In the bivariate context, US defense budget growth promoted inflation at 2- to 4-year cycles in the 1840s and at 8- to 24-year cycles between 1825 and 1940. Conversely, inflation accelerated defense spending growth at 5- to 7-year cycles in the 1830s and at 25- to 64-year cycles between 1825 and 1940. Similarly, British defense budget growth spurred inflation at 8- to 48-year cycles between 1890 and 1940 and at 50- to 65-year cycles between 1790 and 1860. [R, abr.]
73.7014 WIJAS, Jędrzej —
The premise of the article is that the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, among others, will highlight the shortcomings in public policies in Poland. It is also assumed that public policies include actions of the authorities towards artists. The status of artists as a target group of public policy in a democratic system is diagnosed as well as the process of creating regulations for the status of a professional artist in Poland is described. The subject of a detailed analysis are the decisions of the Polish government regarding artists in the years 2020-2021. Technical, formal, and media problems of the authorities with the distribution of aid funds for artists in Poland are related to the lack of a law definition of an artist in the Polish social security system, and more broadly, in public policies. Due to the fact that the legislative work on the artist’s status has not been completed before the 5th wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, problems in managing public aid for artists in Po-land are expected to reoccur. [R]
73.7015 WINKELMANN, Thorsten ; BIRNER, Sophia Charlotte —
In the course of the energy turnaround, the German government plans to further expand wind energy, as this form of electricity generation promises the greatest potential in the medium to long term from a comparative perspective. However, there is extensive social resistance against this, which will be analyzed in this article - by evaluating different platforms such as "Windwahn", "Vernunftkraft" and "Gegenwind" — with regard to chosen forms of organization (structures and processes) and communication strategies (frames and campaigns). Nationwide, a total of 977 forms of resistance (citizens’ initiatives, clubs, associations, etc.) have been identified. In addition to the institutional constitution of these protests, the hegemonic interpretations that appear on the homepages and Facebook pages are the focus of this study. The oppositions thematize economic, health and nature conservation risks of wind turbines. [R, trad.]
73.7016 YAGHI, Abdulfattah ; ALMUTAWWA, Rashed —
This study examines the perceptions of sport regulators and executives on national sport. Mann-Whitney test and exploratory factor analyses reveal the lacking of unified interpretations of sport performance and governance between sport state regulators and sport executives. While regulators impose reform policies, sport executives perceive these policies as being jurisdictionally external, bureaucratic, and trespassing. Sport executives resist change by establishing a parallel organisational culture based on their interpretation of good governance and excellence. National sport performance is vulnerable to continuous mismatch as regulators insist on implementing reforms and sport executives seek more state funding and more institutional autonomy. [R]
73.7017 YARDIMCI, Öznur —
This article explores the role of contemporary urban redevelopment in invoking a renegotiation of citizenship. There has been a wide acknowledgement that neoliberalism is a political project involving transformations in the state-market-citizen relations. However, the scholarly emphasis on market-led principles in remaking places and people falls short of acknowledging political aspirations and struggles that intrude in processes of inclusion and exclusion at the city scale. Focussing on the case of Turkey, where neoliberal urban policies and practices have been linked to the central government’s political ambitions, the article illustrates that urban redevelopment projects help the state actors realign citizenship with the authoritarian regime. A focus on the state-led urban interventions from the perspective of bordering the ‘good citizen’ suggests that neoliberal urban redevelopment projects are mobilised by the state to promote official citizenship agendas. [R, abr.]
73.7018 ZAPATA-BARRERO, Ricard —
Within the framework of Mediterranean migration studies and as a contribution to the emerging debate on the ‘local turn’, and on multiscalar approaches of region-making from different disciplines, the main objective of this article is to analyse an empirical trend that theoretically reinforces the view that cities can shape new regional domains. This city-region interface delimits the article’s two-sided argument. On one hand, the article argues that because of the increase of trans-Mediterranean relations, cities are contributing to regional-making; and, on the other hand, that this occurs through a critical process of State disengagement from the way in which the Mediterranean is configured today. After arguing for a Braudelian view of the Mediterranean as région de villes, the article conceptualizes the category of ‘regional cities’ within current geographical and international relations literature. Drawing on three examples of external city practices (cityto-city networks, city involvement in international non-governmental organization and city bilateral diplomacy with other cities), the article empirically illustrates, as a third step, the relevant different functionalities of the city that shape region-making. [R, abr.]
73.7019 ZECH, Steven T. ; EASTIN, Joshua —
Examining militia relationships with the government and civilian populations can help scholars and policymakers better assess differences in militia form, function, and behavior. In this article, we examine the Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Units (CAFGU), a pro-government militia in the Philippines, to better understand how militia participants view insurgents, politicians, state security forces, and civilians based on their experiences serving in the group. We argue that analyzing these beliefs is critical to understanding how militias influence civilian security and the risk of political violence in conflict-contested areas, as well as the trajectory of civil conflict in states like the Philippines that rely on militias to perform core security functions. We base the analysis on surveys and interviews with CAFGU members and civilians living in the Eastern Visayas, a region of active and ongoing conflict, where insurgents and other armed militants advance their aims through acts of violence and terrorism. In doing so, we contribute to a growing literature on the role that militias play in civil war, as well as the implications that follow when states choose to arm “civilians” to aid in counterinsurgency and conflict suppression. [R]
73.7020 ZHANG, Simone ; JOHNSON, Rebecca A. —
Social provision in the United States is highly decentralized. Significant federal and state funding flows to local organizational actors, who are granted discretion over how to allocate resources to people in need. In welfare states where many programs are underfunded and decoupled from local need, how does decentralization shape who gets what? This article identifies forces that shape how local actors classify help-seekers when they ration scarce resources, focusing on the case of prioritization in the Housing Choice Voucher Program. We use network methods to represent and analyze 1,398 local prioritization policies. Our results reveal two patterns that challenge expectations from past literature. First, we observe classificatory restraint, or many organizations choosing not to draw fine distinctions between applicants to prioritize. Second, when organizations do institute priority categories, policies often advantage applicants who are formally institutionally connected to the local community. Interviews with officials, in turn, reveal how prioritization schemes reflect housing agencies’ position within a matrix of intra-organizational, inter-organizational, and vertical forces that structure the meaning and cost of classifying help-seekers. [R, abr.]
73.7021 ZUMBRUNN, Alina ; FREITAG, Markus —
There is growing concern about a political divide between urban and rural places. Against this background, we evaluate the geography of regime preferences regarding a key aspect of democratic support, e.g. attitudes towards democracy and its authoritarian alternatives. We would like to find out whether possible rural-urban differences are due to different socioeconomic situations, differing values or to the degree of political discontent of urbanites and rural dwellers. Using recent European Values Survey data from 32 European countries and over 30,000 respondents from 2017 to 2020, we show that rural residents are more supportive of authoritarian regimes than urban dwellers are. [R, abr.]
73.7022 ZUO Cai (Vera) ; WANG Zhongyuan ; ZENG Qingjie —
Despite the rapid decrease in poverty across the developing world, there have been few attempts to analyze the implication of poverty alleviation on regime legitimacy. Bridging the literature on poverty alleviation and political trust, this analysis examines the mechanisms through which povertyreduction affects trust in local elected and appointed officials. Using an original survey on the Target Poverty Alleviation campaign in China and causal mediation analyses, we find that beneficiary status is positively associated with political trust. The perception of anti-poverty governance quality, rather than economic evaluation, is the mediator through which beneficiary status affects political trust. Moreover, the intensified non-formalistic elite-mass linkage developed in the poverty alleviation campaign enhances political trust through the improvement of perception of governance quality. [R, abr.]
73.7023
Articles by Peter KIVISTO, "The meanings of the monarchy", p. 137-141; Stephen TURNER and Edward KISSI, "‘The heart has its reasons’: Elizabeth II and the post-colonial response", pp. 142-148; Bryan S. TURNER, " Monarchy and the peculiarities of the English", pp. 149-152.
73.7024
Articles by Renata LIZZI; Maria Stella RIGHETTINI; Franca MAINO and Celestina Valeria de ROMMASO; Andrea MAGARINI; Federico CUOMO and Stefania RAVAZZI; Giampiero MAZZOCCHI, Bianca MINOTTI and Davide MARINO; Greta CAGLIOTI.
73.7025
Articles by Natan SZNAIDER; Michael BRENNER; Suzie NAVOT; Dahlia SCHEINDLIN; Jenny HESTERMANN; Thomas HAURY and Klaus HOLZ; Muriel ASSEBURG.