Abstract
This study examines the opinions and attitudes of social work students towards issues of social justice. In the scope of the study, participants listed socio-economic status and political views as two factors that have the greatest bearing on ‘being subjected to injustice’ and stated that social workers should adopt an attitude of passive resistance against injustice. The students were found to believe that it is necessary for the state to play specific roles related to social welfare rights and to underline the political dimension of justice.
Introduction
Social work embodies the ideal of ‘promotion of economic and social justice’; this however faces great criticism on the premise of the breadth of the definitions of the term ‘justice’ and the definitions social workers take as basis in their practice (Banerjee, 2005; Caputo, 2002; Wakefield, 1998). Justice is a very controversial concept and has many complex dimensions, such as ‘for whom it is shaped’ and ‘which criteria should be considered when defining it’. In this framework, three different groups of theories explaining the concept of justice address the issue in the scope of the following factors: the first group in the scope of the notions of deserving or merit (expounded by Reamer, 2006; Scanlon, 1988); the second group in the scope of rights (expounded by Barry, 2001; Esping-Andersen, 1990; Nussbaum, 2000) and the third group in the scope of social contract (expounded by Hayek, 1994; Nozick, 1981; Rawls, 1971). In this context, it is expected that the present study will be able to identify opinions and attitudes of social work students towards social justice as an important issue for the social work discipline.
Social work and social justice
Within the social work discipline, social justice is addressed in different ways by liberal/utilitarian, right-based or radical approaches. All the discussions within the social work discipline and different arguments of social justice result from the tension between the concepts of ‘equity’ and ‘equality’.
The central role recently played by the utilitarian approach within moral philosophy has highlighted theological explanations based on utilitarian principles (Doytcheva, 2009; Scanlon, 1988) and affected social work practice as well. This approach suggests that social justice is addressed without paying much attention to structural limitations and interpersonal power relations. The promotion of utilitarianism (maximum benefit), however, and the idea of justice (the fairest and widest distribution of justice possible) may conflict with each other when social workers take into consideration the limitations of existing social resources (Banks, 2001). As such, utilitarianism has been projected onto social work practice as the necessity of service users to deserve the services related to the individual and to social welfare (Reamer, 2006).
Despite the disadvantages of the liberal approach, and contrary to its emphasis on freedom, philosophers such as Barry (2001), Esping-Andersen (1990) and Nussbaum (2000) suggest a justice approach which considers social groups that cannot benefit from equal rights to employment and education due to personal, interpersonal and structural limitations. This perspective offers the principle of ‘equality in income distribution’ as the main prerequisite for the promotion of social justice among the most disadvantaged social groups.
Similarly, radical egalitarian, anti-oppressive, and anti-discriminatory approaches also emphasize the relationship between welfare and justice. Therefore, these approaches give priority to the elimination of structural inequalities, protection of cultural and social interests, and realization of universal rights and social justice rather than to individual freedom and individual choices (Thompson, 1993). The multi-faceted views on the anti-oppressive approach are important in that they seek to eradicate oppression in terms of equality and social justice for all social groups (Dominelli, 2002). In this way, these approaches offer an insight into the concept of justice on the basis of equality, addressing economic, social, political and cultural dimensions (Hugman, 2008).
On the other hand, the definition of social justice based on the ethical rules of IASSW (2004), IFSW (1999) and NASW (1999), which were criticized due to their lack of political dimension, is significant in that it highlights the responsibility of social workers to promote social justice (as a professional value) in the relationships that they develop both with their colleagues and with society in general. This responsibility has five dimensions: i) challenging negative discrimination, ii) recognizing diversity, iii) the equitable distribution of resources, iv) challenging unjust policies and practice, and v) working in collaborations (cited in Solas, 2008).
In conclusion, as also stated by radical egalitarians and followers of the right-based approaches, ignorance of the social, political and structural dimensions of justice and the relationships between these dimensions poses the risk of subordination of the political nature of social justice. In this framework, social justice should be discussed by also taking into consideration the reach of political power under the unique conditions of each country, the effects of such political power on individuals, as well as the structural conditions of the related country.
Social justice and social services in Turkey
Throughout its history, Turkey has failed to establish a pervasive welfare system. Instead, it has developed a structure which is dominated by a traditional welfare system (i.e. traditional solidarity patterns based on the family, relatives, friends and neighbours). The Republic of Turkey is defined in the 1960 and 1982 Constitutions as a ‘welfare state’, and thereby with respect to the two prerequisites of a ‘welfare state’ it is expected to both deliver social welfare and to try to establish social justice (Bugra and Adar, 2007). However, it has been observed that the idea of the welfare state – enshrined in the constitution – has not been put into practice.
Until the 1980s, Turkey adopted economic policies based on import-substitution industrialization, a trade and economic policy that advocates replacing imports with domestic production. It is based on the premise that a country should attempt to reduce its foreign dependency through the local production of industrialized products (Brian, 2004). This had a profound impact upon social policies which resulted in the state undertaking an increasingly interventionist role to the extent of being deemed a ‘nanny state’. Since the 1980s, together with the policies aimed at strengthening the market economy, the concept of social justice started to be addressed, mainly in line with the liberal approach. This tendency deepened the inequalities existing in the social structure. This period was also characterized by many anti-democratic practices, ranging from the anti-democratic structure of the Political Parties Law, to the influence of the military in political and social life, to the elimination of previously gained labour rights and to human rights violations (Gungen, 2006).
With the neoliberal policies that became more prominent in the post-1990 period, a new approach was developed towards social justice, an approach which reduced state interventionism to a considerable extent and gave priority to the market economy. Ozkazanc (2000) stated that the notion of neoliberal justice broke the connection between redistribution and social inequalities.
After 1990, it has been observed that individuals developed coping strategies based on individualism, competitiveness and greater property ownership under the auspices of traditional welfare strategies based on individual social capital (expounded by Bourdieu, 1972) when faced with increasing poverty and the forced migration of the Kurdish people. In this period, it was also observed that employment opportunities decreased and that a large proportion of workers were in temporary employment in the informal sector without social security or trade union protection. Turkey has a youthful population, with 13 million aged between 15 and 24 and 19 million between the ages of 10 and 24. Current unemployment rates rest at 11.9 percent, with youth unemployment at 19.3 % it is believed that the large informal sector has a considerable impact on these figures (Turkish Statistical Institute, 2010). In light of this, having a high disposable income and expending the power thereof have become prevailing values within society. This change within society has exacerbated the social exclusion of the Kurdish and Alevi minorities and poor people (Bugra, 2008; Toprak et al., 2008).
The OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) reports are important sources of information for a better understanding of social justice in Turkey. The 2009 OECD Report on Social Protection Expenditures (OECD, 2009) included categories such as health, aging, unemployment, disease and disability benefits as well as housing and family allowances. Sweden ranked first among OECD countries, with 29.4 percent of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) devoted to social protection, and Turkey ranked 14th, with approximately 14 percent (the third lowest percentage after South Korea and Mexico). Considering the OECD average of 20.5 percent of GDP, it is easy to conclude that Turkey has allocated insufficient resources to social protection.
There are several reasons behind the below-average social expenditure ratios of the Turkish public sector in the period considered in the OECD studies. Some of these reasons can be listed as the nature of government policies, the globalization process, the ‘downsizing of states’ approach, rising individualism, adoption of new-right market mechanisms of private enterprises and the strong influence of a laissez-faire economic model (Caslin, 1993).
Since the mid-1990s, Turkey’s relations with the European Union (EU) have induced significant changes in the functioning of and policies pursued by public institutions. Changes, particularly the ones recorded in the field of social policy, are of great importance but in spite of this, there remain many problems in their implementation. In addition, bureaucratic and technical deficiencies prevent social inclusion practice, and the academic studies that have been conducted on the matter in Turkey have been too limited to begin to jettison these barriers. Traditional and cultural diktats in Turkey emphasize the resolution of problems within the family, without recourse to professional help. As result of this, in Turkey social work education was offered by just one department until the 1990s.
Social workers are generally employed in the Social Services and Child Protection Agency (SSCPA) Turkey. The main function of the SSCPA, which undertakes the biggest responsibility for social services in Turkey, was defined as child protection and institutional care; up until the 1990s there had been a focus on meeting clients’ basic needs with limited service personnel. After the 1990s, on the other hand, new services and service models were developed for different interest groups. For instance, whilst institutional care was provided for children in need of protection before the 1990s, after the 1990s, the street children phenomenon, created by neoliberalist policies and forced migration from south-eastern Anatolia to metropolitan areas, gave rise to the necessity of developing new service models such as children and youth centres, rehabilitation services, etc. Furthermore, a new service model was developed that began to shift attention away from institutionalized care to alternative services provided within the home.
Traditional services are summarized as follows in the official web-site of the Agency (http://www.shcek.gov.tr/hizmetler.aspx): 1) social services for children in need of protection, 2) social services for the elderly, 3) social services for the handicapped, 4) social assistance services. Service models and target groups have been diversified in the present period. The current target groups of these services are composed of the economically deprived, women subject to domestic violence, abused and neglected children, young offenders, the elderly, disabled people and families in marital conflict. Legally, all citizens have the right to benefit from the services given by the Agency.
Turkey’s EU accession process has provided social workers with the opportunity to work with different groups in need. In addition to the SSCPA, social workers have employment opportunities in such fields as crime, health and education. While the central government still plays a leading role in this process, local governments and NGOs have started to gain power. Although the numbers of schools providing social work education have increased, their quality is still under discussion, as the academics employed in these new departments do not have an educational background in the social work discipline. The Social Work Department at Hacettepe University is the oldest department and is the only one with undergraduate, masters and PhD programmes in social work, making the institution unique in its pioneering attitude to social work education in Turkey.
Whilst Turkey has maintained its traditional and conservative welfare regime, many changes have been implemented both in view of the EU accession process and of the articulation of neoliberal policies giving rise to changes in legislation, the social security system and delivery of social services. By force of neoliberal policies, the proportion of disadvantaged and marginalized communities in Turkey has increased and as such, new social work policy needs to emphasize social justice with more social workers. In these circumstances, the responsibility of social work to promote social justice has gained an increasing importance. Within this scope, the present study examines student opinions on social justice, taking into consideration the social, historical and political structure particular to Turkey.
Method
This study examines the opinions towards social justice amongst the students of the Department of Social Work at Hacettepe University. The study addresses the following research questions: 1) what are the variables deemed most influential by students on being subjected to injustice?; 2) what do students think about the state’s role and responsibilities in relation to income distribution and injustice?; and 3) what do students think about the methods used by social workers in the struggle against injustice? The study sample consisted of 127 students (78 fourth-semester students, 61.4%; and 49 sixth-semester students, 38.6%) who take courses which include social justice and social work content.
Attendance of the Department of Social Work of Hacettepe University is subject to a quota; the percentage of both male and female students is 50percent. Therefore, there is an equal gender distribution in the department. There is a gender bias in educational opportunities available in Turkey which necessitates the use of a gender-based quota. This may be considered as positive discrimination. An almost equal number of female and male studentsparticipated in this study (52% female, 48% male); 70.9 percent of thestudy participants were in the 19–22 age range and 29.1 percent of them in the 23+ age range. In the Turkish education system, the Student Placement Examination is carried out after high school and students who are successful in the test can start university at the ages of 18–19, which is the reason for the low mean age of the participants. Most of the students are of urban origin (82.7%) and live with their friends (70.9%) in Ankara. More than a half of the participants were living below the minimum income threshold of Turkey, which is calculated to be 527 TL (250 Euros) per month according to Turk-Is, Turkey’s biggest labour union which publishes values for minimum living standards and the hunger threshold each month (Turk-Is Bulletin, 2009).
The International Social Justice Project Survey was used to design the questionnaire form used in the present study. In order to determine beliefs and attitudes about social, economic and political justice, the original survey was administered by the International Social Justice Project group in 1991 across 13 European countries and in 1996 across six European countries (The International Social Justice Project Core Codebook, 1997). Thus, based on the original methodology, the participants of the present study were asked questions classified into the following three groups: i) the variables they deemed influential on injustice, ii) state roles (providing minimum living standards, right to employment and additional aid/assistance to disadvantaged groups), social welfare rights (education, housing, health and retirement) and iii) the methods adopted by social workers in the struggle against injustice. In this study, independent variables are sex and income level. Although we had wanted to define the independent variables of ethnic and religious background, as the researchers of this study are all lecturers in the Social Work Department we considered it unethical to pose these sensitive questions to our own students as it could lead to a sense of injustice and discrimination. For this reason, when posing questions on injustice based on the variables of age, sex, socio-economic status, political views, religious beliefs, race or ethnicity, students were not asked to give their own ethnic and religious backgrounds. All comments related to religion and ethnicities are based on our observations of Alawi and Kurdish students.
The data presented in this study were analysed using the SPSS package programme (version 11.5 for Windows) and evaluated on the basis of frequencies. In addition to this, the Chi-square test was used to determine whether the student responses varied according to sex and income. The results of the Chi-square test showed that sex was dependent on ‘being subjected to injustice’, while other variables were observed to have no such effect.
Findings
The study findings are summarized according to the following three research questions: i) the variables students found influential on injustice, ii) state roles and responsibilities related to income distribution and injustice, and iii) the methods used by social workers in the struggle against injustice.
The first question examined specific variables (age, sex, socio-economic status, political view, religious belief, race or ethnicity and being a university student) on ‘students being subjected to injustice’. The second question examined student opinions on income distribution and state roles, on the basis of students’ level of agreement with the following statements:
- Income distribution differs because people regard such differences as natural.
- The state has to provide minimum living standards for each citizen.
- The state has to provide employment opportunities for any citizen who demands it.
- Disadvantaged groups should be provided extra assistance/aid to ensure equal opportunities for everyone.
The third question addressed student opinions on the methods used by social workers in the struggle against injustice, on the basis of the activities that the students thought social workers should carry out (methods including petitioning, boycotting, protesting, demonstrating or journalism and making written applications to the competent institutions).
1. Student opinions on the variables they deem influential on injustice
This research question examined student opinions on the variables found influential by the students on injustice. Exclusion practices in Turkey can be understood when considering the context of the adoption of neoliberal policies applied during the 1980s and the military coup of 12 September 1980. In the light of these two factors, especially the latter, being seen to be politicized is still found undesirable (Table 1).
Variables deemed influential on being subjected to injustice.
Considering the fact that the poor were socially excluded and neoliberal policies were implemented in the post-1980 period in Turkey, it seems quite reasonable for students to list socio-economic status as an important reason for injustice (81.9%). Similarly, the widely held idea that ‘political opinions’ were the primary cause of individuals being subjected to injustice (83.5%) can be readily related to the depoliticization of society, particularly the youth, after the military coup of 12 September 1980. This approach has prevented the youth from adopting political views and being involved in politics on the one hand, and made them perceive politics as a threat on the other hand (Erdogan, 2003; Kepenekci, 2003; Konrad Adenauer Vakfı, 1999). Religious belief was also suggested, by more than half of the students (52.7%), to be a factor effective on being subjected to injustice. In recent studies conducted on discrimination in Turkey, most notably by Toprak et al. in 2008, it was shown that there is particular discrimination towards the Alawi sect of Islam. The predominance of the opinion that religious belief has influence on the prevalence of injustice in Turkey may be a result of the large number of Alawi students in the sample group. Alawism is one of the four recognized sects of Islam. The students’ response may be related to the perception that disclosure of Alawi identity results in social discrimination and exclusion.
Race and ethnicity, as well as religion, were thought to be two factors effective on being subjected to injustice (56.7%). Bugra (2008) in particular discusses discrimination towards Kurdish minorities. These responses may also be associated with the presence of Kurdish students in the sample group. However, further studies should be made to discover whether or not this emphasis on cultural factors in injustice perceptions results from the personal experiences of these students.
Sex was also considered by the participant students as an important variable of being subjected to injustice (63%). The emphasis made on the sex factor, particularly by the female participants (p < 0.05), highlights that there is a gender-based discrimination and that higher numbers of females are more frequently subjected to injustice than males (Tekeli, 1990). Similarly, a high number of participants suggested that ‘being a university student’ was a reason for being subjected to injustice and 53.5 percent stated that age has no bearing on being subjected to injustice. These results are very important since they show that being a university student is an influential factor on injustice and there is a negative attitude towards the politicized university students.
2. Student opinions on income distribution and the role of the state
This section discusses social justice in the scope of equal distribution of resources and the roles of the state. We adopted the state’s roles as providing minimum living standards, right to employment and additional aid/assistance to disadvantaged groups and social welfare rights (education, housing, health and retirement). Social workers fight for equal and fair distributionof the social resources according to needs. The issue of ‘distribution of resources’ leads to the question of ‘income distribution’. According to World Economic Indicators (2006), the richest social group in Turkey (approximately 7 million people who constituted 10% of the whole population) received 34.1 percent of the total income, while the poorest social group (approximately 7 million people who constituted 10% of the whole population) received only 2 percent of the total national income. Accordingly, the richest earned 17 times more than the poorest in Turkey. As a matter of fact, 89 percent of the study participants underlined the huge gap in income distribution in Turkey (Table 2).
Students’ opinions on income distribution and the role of the state.
Regarding the first two statements about income distribution, the students were observed to associate the differences in income distribution with the people’s perception that such difference is natural (67.8%). The widening of the gap in income distribution in Turkey, particularly after the 2001 and 2008 financial crises, and the social perception that this is natural, are challenging issues. In view of this situation, social workers need to change this perception in their struggle against unequal income distribution.
The social work philosophy requires cooperation with the most disadvantaged groups for guaranteeing their rights. Nearly all participants agreed with the statement ‘the state has to provide minimum living standards for each citizen’ (97.7%) and ‘the state has to provide employment opportunities for any citizen who demands so’ (98.9%), and emphasized that ‘disadvantaged groups should be provided with extra assistance/aid to ensure equal opportunities for all’ (97.3%). A previous literature study examining social policy preferences of the MSW and BSW students in the USA and Israel (Weiss et al., 2005, cited in Weiss-Gal and Gal, 2007) showed that graduating students expressed high support for policies consistent with the principles of the welfare state and emphasized government responsibility. The findings of the present study complied with the findings of the above mentioned.
In addition, most of the participating students found it unfair to have better educational (73.2%), housing (76.1%), health (81.9%) and retirement (77.2%) opportunities than the rich. On the other hand, they also found it unfair (usually: 26%; often: 16.5%; sometimes: 18.1%) to collect higher taxes from the working population living under the minimum living threshold. In Turkey, the large informal economy income gap has raised tensions between the middle classes (who pay their taxes in full but cannot benefit from high-quality public welfare facilities) and the new urban poor (who as a result of unemployment and underemployment rely on social welfare for their survival). Thus, paying higher taxes turns out to be a serious problem for the middle class. Under these conditions, while working in cooperation with the disadvantaged groups, social workers should work to broaden the state’s responsibilities about the informal economy, unfair income distribution and general citizenship rights.
3. Student opinions on the methods used by social workers in the struggle against injustice
Social workers should be able to integrate political action into their daily practice for the well-being of individuals and the society. Political knowledge and skills are the two most important tools to be used by social workers in assessment and intervention (Abromovitz, 1993; Fisher, 1995; Reisch, 1997). More than half of the participants (53.5%) believed in the possibility of change in favour of social justice. However, most of the students (85.1%) also found it difficult to decide what is ‘right or wrong’ at present. This situation results from the confusion (caused by the new political discourse which has created a chaotic atmosphere and reduced the meaning endowed to socio-political concepts) about what is really ‘fair’. This may be viewed in changing attitudes towards the poor. Before the 1980s the poorest members of society were considered to be victims of unjust economic systems, whereas after the 1980s, together with the implementation of neoliberal economic policies, the poor increasingly began to be perceived as lazy, manipulative, opportunist and dishonest as well as exploiters of the system. Despite this, the belief of social work students in the possibility of greater social justice is promising.
According to Table 3, a great majority of students thought that making written applications to competent institutions (99.2%) and writing to a newspaper (92.9%) are important methods of political engagement that may be undertaken by social workers. When considering the data presented in Table 3 it is possible to see a trend in a preference of passive resistance as a means of protest. This result may be associated with the atmosphere of fear created after the 1980 military coup. Although the participants in this study were born after the 1980 coup and have no direct experience of it, the overwhelming preference for passive resistance as a means of protest may be seen as a direct consequence of the fear of active political participation espoused by the coup, still existing today. As such, these responses may be deemed as being unlikely to change until active political participation and legal struggle methods are no longer perceived as a threat to the state. In addition to this, it should also be taken into consideration by social workers that the social work profession may be used by states as a tool in maintaining the status quo. In spite of this, 47.2 percent of the students agreed with participation to boycott, demonstrate and protest and 46.5 percent of the students supported taking part in the preparations for a boycott or actively in a boycott, demonstration or protest. These potentially risky forms of protest being considered viable may be a consequence of the legacy of the 1968 student movements and the civil disobedience movements of the 1980s.
Student opinions on the methods used by social workers in the struggle against injustice.
Discussion and conclusion
The findings of this study on students’ opinions on social justice have been presented in view of participants’ socio-political, economic and cultural backgrounds. This study has shown that students thought that socio-economic status and political views were two factors most likely to expose an individual to injustice in Turkey. This may have resulted from the adoption of neoliberal policies in the post-1980 period with the corresponding exclusion of the poor; and the culture of fear created after the military coup of 12 September 1980. Together with neoliberal policies implemented in the 1980s, the poor found themselves simultaneously both socially excluded and at the mercy of violence instigated by opposition parties. The student movements of 1968 led to a great number of university students rising to become prominent symbols of their respective political movements. With the rapid politicization of students during this period until the military coup in 1980, and the great number of student political leaders being imprisoned or killed and political movements being oppressed, created an atmosphere of fear as well as the notion that politicization had a profound impact on young people, allowing for a inter-generational transfer of a culture of fear.
Similarly, it is thought that students pointed out ‘political view’ as a reason for discrimination in the context of ‘political view against the government’. Some previous studies showed that having a political view complying with that of the government is the key to benefiting from the social facilities in Turkey (Carkoglu and Toprak, 2006): in order to benefit from employment opportunities or social benefits, individuals may develop behavioural patterns close to those of the government (such as wearing a headscarf, performing prayer, fasting, etc.), even if they were not deeply committed to those actions.
Another result of this study showed that being a university student is a significant characteristic in being subjected to injustice. This may have resulted from the fact that the nationwide culture of fear established by the 1980 military coup targeted university students.
The variables of ethnicity and religion were also stated to be factors influential on being subjected to injustice. Discussions on ethnicity- and religion-based discrimination in Turkey are centred on the Alawi sect of Islam and the Kurdish minority. Recent studies on this issue show that the Alawis are considered to be subjected to social injustice and to be deprived of equal citizenship rights (Toprak et al., 2008). Discrimination against Kurdish people, on the other hand, was explained by Bugra (2008: 220) on the grounds that ‘Poverty in Turkey increased to extremely high levels after the 2001 crisis and Kurdish forced migration, induced by the conflict atmosphere in southeast Anatolia, has turned the ethnic dimension into an important element of the new poverty picture’.
In the scope of the present study, sex was indicated as a factor influential on being subjected to injustice, particularly among female participants. Statistics show that the employment and schooling rate of girls and utilization of health facilities and social resources by women are at considerably low levels. Despite the developments achieved in recent years, Tekeli’s (1990) analysis that traditional social structures perpetuate the subordination of women is still pertinent today.
This study has shown that university students think that being poor and politicized results in being subjected to discrimination in Turkey. In the light of this thought, it should be noted that social workers should raise awareness about the different groups subjected to discrimination in society. Thereby, social work should underline anti-oppressive and anti-discriminative practice that is both ethnically and religiously sensitive. Moreover, the cultural dimension as well as social dimension of social justice should be emphasized in terms of the empowerment and advocacy functions targeted at those who are subject to discrimination. The organization of both service users and social workers, that is, their gaining power in society, is of great importance for the establishment of political justice. The social work profession in Turkey has not gained such power as yet, whereas associations of medical doctors and lawyers have. According to the most recent statistical data (Turkish Statistical Institute, 2009), 12.5 million people live under the minimum income threshold in Turkey. While working with the poor, social workers try to establish economic justice through social assistance. Yet, they should cooperate with the other professions (such as lawyers, sociologists, economists, etc.) and organizations (such as trade unions and foundations) by taking into consideration the political dimension of justice. For instance, the Association of Social Workers and other professional organizations have together established a social expenditures monitoring platform. As also stated by Banks (2001), developing the distributive justice dimension of social work is a good start towards ensuring a fair distribution of resources.
Student opinions on the state’s role (providing minimum living standards, right to employment and additional aid/assistance to disadvantaged groups) and social welfare rights (education, housing, health and retirement) complied with the concept suggested by Rawls (1971). Banerjee (2005) studied the effects of Rawls’s concept of justice – a highly popular item of the social work agenda in recent years – on the practice of social workers in the USA. Banerjee reported that Rawls’s concept ignored service users in need of long-term aid and that social workers should take this into consideration for their practice. Banerjee’s study concluded that justice concepts of theoreticians such as Barry (2001), Esping-Andersen (1990) and Nussbaum (2000), who emphasized social and political equivalence, were more comprehensive in terms of social work. The present study found, in line with this approach, that participants made assessments about the social, economic and cultural dimensions of justice but did not sufficiently underline the political dimension. This situation seems to support the criticism made by radical egalitarians about the ignorance of the political background of justice. In addition, Banks (2001) and Barker (1999) emphasized equality and rights as well as the political dimension of social justice. This emphasis is of great importance in terms of the creation of a fairer society through social work practice at social policy level (Blakemore, 1998).
The subjects discussed here are related to the role played by the social workers in the scope of macro-practice. The idea that ‘social workers should have a place within the state structure, which is against the state’ (Craig, 2002) was not accepted by the students who participated in the present study. Rather, the students tended to prefer methods of passive resistance, such as making written applications or writing to a newspaper, rather than risky and potentially dangerous methods such as protests and boycotts. This finding highlighted the weakness of the student insight into the roles of social workers in achieving justice. To criticize the state and to organize, defend and start many actions and social protests are some of the roles of social workers, which are ignored in the Turkish case. Therefore, ‘working in solidarity’, one of the dimensions emphasized by IFSW (1999) in the promotion of social justice, should be addressed in the scope of its connection with political justice. In this framework, the concept of justice should be promoted in such a way as to include all of its four dimensions, and all of these dimensions should be emphasized and concretized in all curricula. Moreover, social justice requires keeping continuously in the agenda the issue of ‘synthesis of the individual and social welfare’ (O’Brien, 2010: 16–17). For this reason, social workers should address social justice with all its dimensions in daily practice and should establish its relationship with macro-practice.
In conclusion, this study has examined the opinions of social work students on justice in Turkey. In this respect, it is a pioneering study; but it does have a number of limitations, including not being able to reveal the relationship between student characteristics such as political view and ethnic and religious background and their opinions on social justice. As such, future studies should be conducted to make a detailed analysis of all dimensions of social justice and should take into consideration the ethnic, cultural, religious background and sexual orientation of students. Moreover, the understanding of justice adopted by social workers – as well as by students – should be studied.
Footnotes
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.