The role of self-help groups in post-tsunami rehabilitation

Introduction

On 26 December 2004, coastal villages in Tamil Nadu, South India, were directly affected by the tsunami which resulted from a massive earthquake off the coast of Sumatra. This tragedy wrought havoc on an unprecedented scale, killing more than 250,000 people in 12 countries, displacing more than 2.1 million, and leaving destruction and a crippled coastal economy with shattered livelihoods (Rawal and Thamizoli, 2009). In Tamil Nadu alone it is estimated that 8009 people were killed, 648 communities affected and thousands of people were displaced from their homes and communities (United Nations Country Team in India, 2005). Local and national governments as well as national and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) reacted swiftly to the devastation in India by working closely with local partners to implement immediate relief and rehabilitation programs, up until that time, unparalleled by any other.

Disaster literature shows that, for the most part, disasters do not discriminate, people do. ‘Wherever they hit, pre-existing structures and social conditions determine that some members of the community will be less affected while others pay a higher price’ (Oxfam International, 2005: 1). Vulnerable groups, such as women and children, may be the most marginalized in communities, and thus the most affected by disasters, yet little attention has been paid to the ‘gendered dimensions of the disaster’ (Pittaway et al., 2007: 307) and the gendered dimensions of rehabilitation efforts. Women and men have different life experiences and skills owing to gendered identities, roles and responsibilities, and this is key to understanding gender-based differences in disaster impact, response and recovery (Ariyabandu, 2009: 6). Oxfam estimated that in Cuddalore, India, almost three times as many women as men were killed by the tsunami. In Pachaankuppam village, India, the only people to die were women (Oxfam International, 2005). The outcome of more female deaths is a reflection of gendered factors such as practices where women were not allowed to learn swimming and climbing, and where female attire restricts movement in water and women’s efforts to carry children and the elderly to safety (Ariyabandu, 2009). Kumar-Range (2001, cited in Pittaway et al., 2007) suggests that even though there are guidelines and recommendations for a gendered response to disaster situations, the outcomes in most cases are an increase in marginalization, violence and discrimination for women. Other literature confirms that people who are vulnerable prior to a disaster are particularly vulnerable and marginalized after disasters, despite reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts (Akerkar, 2007; Allen, 2007; Mathbor, 2007; Tang and Cheung, 2007).

A study funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada was undertaken by a team of researchers from Canada, India, Australia and the United States to understand the long-term social, economic and gender implications of post-tsunami reconstruction efforts in Tamil Nadu, India. An analysis of the narratives of men and women in four villages in the Nagapattinan district of Tamil Nadu identified eight key themes regarding the effectiveness of post-tsunami rehabilitation efforts. Those themes included: 1) a consistent appreciation for all forms of post-tsunami assistance; 2) a substantial change in the economic and social conditions and livelihood in the villages; 3) the continued practice of discrimination during rehabilitation based on caste and religion; 4) the promotion of human rights and social action activities as a result of rehabilitation efforts; 5) the need for long-term planning and community capacity-building as well as immediate relief in the form of food, shelter, clothing and emotional support; 6) the need for substantial infrastructure development; 7) a change in the role and status of women; and 8) the introduction of large government projects viewed as creating barriers to the economic and social recovery of the region. The focus of this article is on the change in gender relations in communities as a direct result of disaster relief work. Specifically, a strategy often utilized by humanitarian and governmental organizations and reported by affected community members as having a positive effect on the social, economic and health status of women in Tamil Nadu, was that of ‘self-help groups’ (SHG). This article explores the meaning and implementation of self-help groups in the post-tsunami South India context, and uses critical theory to understand the implications of utilizing SHGs in disaster situations. Critical theory provides the lens for understanding how the personal and political are complexly connected, and how, in this example, SHGs become a strategy to improve the economic status of women, and are at the same time linked to pre-existing gendered relations and market-led ideological approaches for poverty alleviation (Burkett, 2007). The research undertaken was not designed to specifically explore the role and effectiveness of self-help groups for women in post-tsunami India. Rather, the finding was generated from a grounded analysis of the post-tsunami change reported in the role and status of women. A goal of the research was to understand change processes in disaster situations and to identify how social workers could work to reduce vulnerabilities for women and children by understanding the gendered dimensions of rehabilitation and long-term sustainability.

Self-help groups

Self-help groups in India are widespread collective forms of action that involve an estimated 33 million women in accessing low-cost financial services as well as self-management and development activities (EDA and APMAS, 2006; NABARD, 2010). Generally, a SHG has between 10 and 20 members who voluntarily agree to save regular amounts of money which they contribute to a common fund for use in emergencies and new entrepreneurial ventures, and which is managed though a participatory democratic collective (Government of Tamil Nadu, 2008). It was estimated that there were approximately 522 new SHGs formed in the Nagapattinam District of Tamil Nadu in 2005–06 after the tsunami (Government of Tamil Nadu, 2008).

There are well known models of self-help groups for poor women in India. One, developed by the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh but utilized throughout the world, focuses primarily on the provision of small loans (microcredit) to alleviate poverty and empower women (Campbell, 2005; Kayser et al., 2010). Another, developed by the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, is more participatory and grassroots driven, often called ‘credit plus’ or ‘microfinance +’ because, in addition to microcredit and savings provision, these SHGs focus on education, skills and participation in social and political processes (EDA and APMAS, 2006; Kayser et al., 2010; Tesoriero, 2005).

Research on the effectiveness of SHGs in alleviating or eliminating poverty and in creating long-term social change for women is mixed (Kayser et al., 2010). SHGs are purported to provide many benefits for women in addressing deep-seated poverty and discrimination, and in providing opportunities for social action and community political involvement in addressing issues such as gender violence, alcoholism, the dowry system, early marriage, education for girls and clean water and facilities (EDA and APMAS, 2010). Kayser et al.’s (2010) study on the ‘psychological, social and economic well-being’ for widowed and abandoned women in Tamil Nadu SHGs provided evidence of some benefit for women, but questioned ‘the mechanism by which the program helps women’, and the difficulty for widows and abandoned women in rural areas to take advantage of microcredit (p. 22). Tesoriero’s (2005) study of SHGs in Tamil Nadu focused on the empowerment and citizenship outcomes for poorer women, rather than financial outcomes, and reported significant change in women’s participation in political processes and social action programs. He concluded that although ‘poverty alleviation goals and other millennium goals have not progressed at all satisfactorily, the use of the RUHSA (Rural Unit for Health and Social Affairs) SHGs serves to remind us that at local levels, there are transformations, changed forms, in the relations between women and men, and their identity with communities’ (p. 331). Tesoriero further concludes that SHGs may not change ‘income poverty’ but may be effective in changing ‘capability poverty’ through empowerment of women.

However, many questions remain about the sustainability of these groups, the financial management of the groups, and whether the poorest and most marginalized of women benefit. ‘Self-Help Groups in India: A Study of the Lights and Shades’ (EDA and APMAS, 2010) provides an insightful analysis of both benefits and limitations of SHGs and suggests that overall there may be more social benefits and fewer financial benefits to women.

SHGs in India almost always include the provision of credit and savings (microfinance and microcredit). Although SHGs may be created to address social and political issues and give voice to marginalized groups, the authors found no examples of SHGs in India that did not include financial intermediation. As well, it appeared that a movement that began as an empowerment movement in Tamil Nadu was often reduced to microcredit loans. It appears that social justice objectives become secondary, but one could argue that economic livelihoods and independence, and women’s status are so closely intertwined that you cannot have one without the other. Drolet (2010) traces how feminist theories and perspectives have influenced development by focusing on women’s experiences in microcredit. Burkett (2007), in reference to the globalization of microfinance, has suggested that there has been a ‘veritable explosion’ of interest in microcredit as a new anti-poverty scheme (p. 151). Burkett further comments that the self-help element of microcredit is attractive to ideological positions that focus on the engagement of individuals’ responsibility as central to development, and market-led approaches to poverty alleviation. She further notes that these approaches have received broad support from the corporate sector and financial institutions. The Indian example underscores this point as evidenced by the strong support for SHGs by the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development, Bank of India and the Asian Development Bank. In fact, the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) defines a self-help group as ‘a registered or unregistered group of micro entrepreneurs having homogenous social and economic backgrounds, voluntarily coming together to save regular small sums of money, mutually agreeing to contribute to a common fund and to meet their emergency needs on the basis of mutual help’ (NABARD, 2010).

It is interesting to note also that in India, SHGs are primarily organized at local and district levels with representative structures. Thus, SHGs have the potential to become significant sites of opposition to globalization processes that erode community strength, and to gender relations that contribute to ‘maldevelopment’ for women (Shiva, 1988). Tesoriero (2005) argues that the empowerment outcome for women in SHGs is an example of a bottom-up community development approach which challenges gender oppression and leads to transformative structural changes. Local activity of SHGs can, then, influence broader factors affecting social conditions and health of women. There is potential for a ‘scaling up’ (Uvin et al., 2000: 1409) ability of each individual SHG where, while they may be small and local, the reach of their collective influence is much wider. As such, the SHG movement serves to strengthen broad based women’s struggles to uphold their human rights and even when effectiveness of outcomes is questionable, to challenge women’s human rights violations. The literature on SHGs in India, then, presents a mixed analysis of the role in creating long-term social and economic change for women.

Findings on self-help groups

This study found that there had been a change in gender relations in communities as a direct result of disaster relief work. Although there were differences in the amount of change noted, often depending on the gender of the respondents, all communities reported a change for women in employment options, independence, banking, family decision-making, and a voice at public meetings.

Before tsunami, there was no equal dignity given for men and women. There was a tradition followed in the village that men had to rule the family and women had to take care of the children but after the tsunami the situation has been changed; everyone in the village were getting equal salary and the trend is changing slowly among the people. This happens due to invention of self-help groups. Women were becoming more aware of the rights and the importance of education. They are not making any discrimination among their children (male and female) in providing education. One of the important trends that have changed is: women used to eat after the men finish their food in any of the public meetings or in marriages but now they are not seeing all these things. They simply go in front of us and having their food. So there was a lot of improvement among women and they expect equal dignity from others. (Male community leader)

As a result of post-tsunami recovery efforts there was a significant increase in the number of SHGs, which received international humanitarian support and assistance. However, it is unclear if the women in focus groups were members of SHGs prior to the tsunami. Microcredit loans were repaid by women with interest.

Before tsunami we have four SHGs that was started by Ramco organization but they did not provide any assistance to us… . After tsunami, Help Age India is the organization started 117 groups through which they have Rs 1,000,000 to each group as loan assistance and we the group share it among ourselves. At the beginning of every month we have to repay the money with interest. So this was the greatest help that we had during tsunami. (Women’s focus group)

According to the men interviewed, men and women were treated equally in the villages due to the post-tsunami interventions.

There was an extraordinary change in the lives of women; (i.e.) women in the villages never had an accessibility to operate in the bank and most of the women never knew how the cheque look like but now people are having accessibility to the resources. Now the scenario has changed because of the intervention work by the service providers. Men and women are equally treated in the villages. Before tsunami there was no equal rights for women but now the equal rights has been given to women through NGO’s intervention work such as women were taught how to claim their rights and use their own space. (Men’s focus group)

Gender-based inequities in property were also highlighted in the post-tsunami rebuilding process. The findings reported that a significant measure of social change in women’s housing ownership by having women’s names on property title.

One of the greatest challenges would be that of ownership of the land i.e. Patta is give only in the name of women but it was not the case before tsunami. Usually ownership of the house will be always with men but government refined it and it is given in favour of women. (Male community leader)

Many women attributed their increased participation and involvement in public events through SHGs.

The processes of women empowerment in the villages are initiated though the SHGs. Women are participating and contributing in the public events only after being a member in the SHG. (Women’s focus group)

After tsunami women are more assertive, … and are participating in public meetings. (Women’s focus group)

Men often reported that significant changes to women’s rights and status had occurred; women reported much less significant change. However, in both groups changes were often attributed to the work of SHGs and human rights education that accompanied rehabilitation efforts. There was some indication, however, that in less formal activities such as domestic duties and childcare, women’s roles remained unchanged in many villages. There is also some evidence that even though women were participating in more public events and had more freedom, that the attitude of men toward this change was patriarchal and demeaning (i.e. in one of the examples below, women’s behaviour was previously described as uncivilized and rude).

Aftermath of tsunami brought evident changes in the lives of women in our community, it was very hard to see women going for work other than the doing of household work but now we are able to witness most of the women are going for work and they have strong sense of feeling that they are also an equal earning member in the family to support the growth of the family. But the changes in the women are limited to some extent, but men are being supportive to the women in bringing them equal in all aspects of community. (Women’s focus group)

The role of men towards women is considerably good, there are times men will not allow women to go out of the village for any purpose but now they are sending the women anywhere without restrictions, but still there are some families restricting women to go out of the village during those time other women will explain to those families about the purpose and the benefit of going out for the trainings. Other changes in the women taken place are women are more civilized and they have learnt how to behave in the group and how to manage the situation, etc. it has been identified by the way of speech in early days women used to speak rudely but now their way of speech in so matured. (Male community leader)

Due to pre-existing gendered relations, within the same social group, women continued to be poorer and more vulnerable compared to men in the same category.

There was an abundant change that exists among women that we can see with our naked eye. Women will not come out of their houses even for any public meeting and they will not talk with the outsiders … but now due to the formation of SHG and other workshop meetings with the intervention of NGOs we are now aware of some of the issues and we are ready to face the challenges… But in some families men do not cooperate in sending us to the meetings. They dominate the family and they feel that women should not go out as it was practised by the culture… . In some families, there was no equal participation in decision-making. Men use to take decision and say that you are women and why should you need to take decision. (Women’s focus group)

Many women recognized that the needs and priorities of women and men in different stages post-tsunami were different. However, there were barriers to getting direct access to relief and recovery for women.

There exist a partial discrimination among men and women in providing the relief materials in the villages. The needs of the women are different from that of men. All the NGOs and Government perceived that women needs are only household goods so there relief measures contain only household goods were given with more financial assistance but women are not considered for financial assistance. We are feeling that only one fourth of the families in the villages have equal participation of both men and women in their activities. (Women’s focus group)

It is interesting to note that although SHGs were mentioned frequently as resulting in significant benefits for women, the transcripts revealed little in the way of reducing poverty or changing the economic status of villagers. This is in keeping with other studies that are sceptical of the benefit of SHGs in eliminating poverty for women. Equality, voice, ownership of land, training programs and access to banking are mentioned frequently in the villages. But, there were also comments that indicated that poverty has not decreased and that livelihoods and employment were still lacking and uncertain several years post-tsunami. Some villages indicated that poverty and social conditions had become even worse in their community than before the tsunami.

We feel that still we are in the same condition and there is no change in our financial condition. As soon as the tsunami struck our area we all went to the far off places away from our villages and we were out of our villages for more than five days. Since our village struck by four sides of water we were not able to escape out from that. Most of our houses have been destroyed and we do not have assets that time. We stand in the middle of the road without anything. (Men’s focus group)

It is important to consider the opinions and points of view of community leaders as valid in post-tsunami reconstruction.

We cannot say there was a change in big level in their economical aspect. (Male community leader)

Challenges with microcredit loan repayment were reported post-tsunami, which raises important considerations for women’s social status and economic position.

Though SHG people have started to save money, through their savings they have taken an internal loan with the low interest. This was the benefit of SHGs in our village. Even for the small amount of interest people are finding it difficult to repay the actual amounts with the interest. (Women’s focus group)

These findings are consistent with the ‘lights and shades’ study (EDA and APMAS, 2006) that notes that SHGs may have had more social benefits and fewer long-term financial benefits. This same study also suggests that although ‘SHGs represent an opportunity for social action and empowerment’, the extent to which this is happening is less than hoped for because of a yet very traditional patriarchal society (p. 14). The study also notes that to further the social objectives of SHGs, a strategic, persistent approach which specifically targets and addresses social injustice is required.

Critical perspective

A critical perspective in social work is not a single conception, theory or view; there are in fact many critical perspectives. Ife (2005) suggests, however, that critical social work perspectives begin with the proposition that problems experienced by individuals, groups, families and communities are not all their own fault, but are caused primarily by larger factors outside their control and sometimes even outside of their understanding (p. 4). The personal and the political are linked in that personal suffering is related to wider political and social structures (Ife, 2005). It is with this perspective in mind that the gender specific findings of this study are analysed.

Specifically, this study has revealed that victims of the tsunami reported that, due to pre-existing gendered relations, women and children were poorer and more vulnerable compared to men during different stages of the disaster and specifically in rehabilitation efforts. They also reported with some variability depending on the gender of the respondents, that women’s equality, access to resources and opportunities have changed as a result of reconstruction efforts. Self-help groups were frequently mentioned as a particular strategy utilized by governments, NGOs and INGOs to create this change. The literature reviewed indicated that the tsunami initiated a significant increase in the number of SHGs in Tamil Nadu, and that they continued to be based primarily on microfinance. One might question, however, whether the social change that results from SHGs reflects a commitment to broader social and gender liberation or is a by-product of an economic strategy. Were the articulated goals of SHGs related to seeking gender equity in social relationships, or just in terms of increasing economic benefits? The authors acknowledge, however, that change in the role and status of women and economic change is not a dichotomy and that the complex relationship between the two needs to be further explored.

Ledwith (1997) indicates that a critical approach to community development ‘begins in people’s lives in community, but reaches beyond the symptoms of injustice to the root causes by making critical connections between personal experiences and the oppressive political structures that perpetuate discrimination’ (p. 7). A critical perspective also understands that a change in personal circumstances can inform and create change in the political and structural domain. By this analysis then, the post-tsunami study suggests that as women gained access to economic tools such as microcredit, and they also gained political voice in their communities. Women in the study reported that they had engaged in social action activities with their village councils to ensure their rights were respected. Such opportunities create the impetus to challenge existing practices and structures in the community that marginalize women. Not surprisingly, women in the focus groups commented that although their voice in the community had increased in proportion to their access to banks, training and employment, their status and power at home and in their families had not changed much. Men continued to hold power in domestic matters and the bulk of work in homes and families continued to be done by women.

Although there may not be a clearly articulated political ideology underlying SHGs, the strong support they receive from corporate business and financial institutions whose primary goals are profit, suggests that the intent is not to eradicate social injustice which is largely responsible for poverty, but rather to provide an economic strategy that makes the lives of women easier, more tolerable and pleasant. One might ask what other strategies these organizations (with rich resources) are using to deal with poverty in India that does not involve a payback to them. Central to a neo-liberal framework is the assumption that it is individuals’ responsibility to become active economic citizens, or in other words, individuals must help themselves out of poverty (Burkett, 2007). The partnership between humanitarian organizations (NGOs and INGOs) and financial institutions may, in fact, be rooted in an ideology which continues to blame the disadvantaged and marginalized for their personal circumstances. Recovery planning and reconstruction projects require community involvement with a gender-sensitive approach that includes economic and social recovery efforts.

Conclusion and implications for social work practice in disasters

What is one to conclude about the post-tsunami effectiveness of SHGs in changing power relationships, and addressing the root causes of social injustice and marginalization of women? On the positive side, data from focus groups and interviews suggest that this self-help strategy has provided women with new income generation opportunities, training, access to microcredit and savings, increased status in the community, engagement in political process and community decision-making, and social action that focuses on gender-specific issues (violence, substance misuse). However, the respondents in this study do not indicate that this has reduced poverty in the tsunami ravaged area for citizens, regardless of gender. Nor does the study provide evidence that long-standing patriarchal values and attitudes have changed significantly. Instead respondents suggest that women now carry a larger workload as they must work outside the home and do all domestic chores as well. The study is limited, however, by selection of respondents, the size of sample and the use of qualitative methods in drawing firm conclusions or making generalizations to other populations.

NGOs and INGOs may have played a significant role in another way to change women’s exclusion and gender discrimination in the recovery stage. Respondents in Tamil Nadu reported often on the promotion of human rights by post-tsunami rehabilitation organizations, and this finding became another theme of the larger study. They have utilized human rights education as a major tool to challenge patriarchal practices and social relationships in regard to women and children. Activities like providing educational support to young girls’ education, supporting women’s campaigns to challenge substance misuse of men, and assisting in the establishment of women’s services such as an all-women police station in one community, are excellent practice examples of how the primary structures of oppression may be challenged. Respondents suggest that what is lacking is a long-term sustainable approach in the reconstruction phase, one that can last many years beyond the initial recovery. One might also ask: what responses are required to build capacity in the long term, and are the reported social changes sustainable beyond the recovery phase? A human rights framework is an important component of disaster risk reduction that fosters community-driven and women-led awareness programs.

Social work has an important role to play in ensuring that recovery and reconstruction efforts do not further discriminate against and marginalize already vulnerable populations. There are important lessons to be drawn from the experience of the Global South. This article has focused specifically on women in self-help groups, but one could ask the same questions of other vulnerable groups, such as children, the disabled, the racialized and the elderly. This article has also raises the question of whether one can expect fundamental social and economic change from a single strategy such as the provision of microcredit loans through SHGs or whether a wider range of holistic strategies working together must be utilized toward long-term gender equity, liberation and role change. Social work’s understanding of the connections between larger societal factors and structures and the personal experiences of individuals, families and communities, means that it is ideally positioned to work in anti-oppressive ways in disaster situations in the provision of immediate, short-term and long-term assistance but with the goal of reducing disaster risks for marginalized groups and individuals. Specific recovery and rehabilitation strategies such as the provision of microcredit loans must be scrutinized in terms of their premises and ideologies, so that in fact, efforts are directed toward creating fundamental transformational change and sustainable development.