Abstract
On 12 May 2008, a huge earthquake struck Wenchuan county in Sichuan province, China. Since that time, we have worked together with the local community, implementing an alternative model of community reconstruction. Our ‘rural–urban alliance’ is an action research project devoted to post-disaster community rebuilding, which not only restores local livelihoods but also creates sustainable economic development. This article examines the role of social workers in disaster intervention, the theoretical background of our new model and the history of the intervention itself.
Keywords
Introduction
Many countries have been forced to deal with the devastation accompanying natural disasters, which in recent years have included the tsunami in Southeast Asia 2004, the Mumbai flood in 2005 and the Japan earthquake in 2011. China has been plagued by natural disasters – earthquakes, winter storms, floods and so on. The most recent major earthquake in China was the ‘5.12’ earthquake, measuring 8.0 on the Richter scale, which occurred on 12 May 2008, in Sichuan province. It was reported that 45.6 million people were affected; of these, 15 million were evacuated from their homes and 5 million were compelled to live in temporary shelters (United States Geological Survey, 2008). After the 5.12 earthquake, the Chinese government quickly took steps to rebuild the physical infrastructure of the disaster-affected zones, but the social reconstruction of the area in terms of psychosocial recovery and community reintegration was given relatively little attention (Ku et al., 2009). Our research is an attempt to fill this gap and to propose a viable model for social reconstruction.
Social workers are the ‘professionals best prepared to deal with complex situations resulting from an emergency’ (Yanay and Benjamin, 2005: 271). A problem-centred approach is generally used in disaster-related social work interventions. It addresses the victims’ problems individually, usually by means of therapy and financial assistance. However, for those affected, this approach contributes to a sense of hopelessness. It also neglects opportunities for positive change and improvement on a wider scale (Ozerdem, 2003, 2009; Zhang et al., 2011). In post-disaster interventions, the limitations of this approach are especially apparent because it does not take into account the multi-dimensional traumatic impact (physical, economical, social, cultural and ecological) of natural disaster on people and their communities (Ozerdem, 2003). To escape the limitations of the problem-centred approach, some social work researchers and practitioners have adopted an asset- and capacity-building approach, which focuses on the strengths of local people and their communities (Chaskin, 2001; Sherraden, 1991). This new approach attempts to rebuild the social and cultural fabric of disaster-affected communities, and to ensure their sustainable development through integrated economic, social and cultural reconstruction (Green and Haines, 2001; Pyles, 2007).
Following the principles of the asset- and capacity-building approach, this research aims to
Generate indigenous approaches to disaster management and social reconstruction;
Develop a post-disaster social reconstruction model through a participatory action research (PAR) process that emphasizes cultural sensitivity, community participation and asset building;
Inform and influence the Chinese government on policies and practices relating to disaster management and social reconstruction so as to expedite future social recovery processes;
Build individual and community capacity for post-disaster social reconstruction in the affected area through the action research process.
This study represents the first time the PAR approach was employed in disaster invention on the Chinese mainland. The period of research covered 5 years – from the first assessment of the community needs and assets in a Sichuan township to the development of an asset-based community reconstruction model. In this article, we will present the action research process, paying particular attention to the role of the social worker in disaster intervention, the theoretical background of our new intervention model, our attempt to forge a rural–urban alliance and the challenges we encountered.
Literature review
Post-disaster social work interventions usually address the special needs of the affected individuals, families, organizations and communities in various stages (Zakour, 1996). Each stage has targeted priorities and tasks for social workers (Gillespie and Danso, 2010; Zhang, 2010). A review of the literature shows that most social workers tend to be involved in providing psychological support and coordinating relief efforts immediately after the disaster (Galambos, 2005; Mitchell, 1983). However, some critics argue that social workers’ efforts would be better spent fostering community organizations, collective empowerment and local participation if the goal is sustainable community reconstruction (Pyles, 2007; Zedlewski, 2006). This study describes how social workers took an unconventional approach to emergency relief and community reconstruction.
Many disaster relief and rebuilding efforts employ a problem-centred or problem-solving approach, which focuses on the negative consequence of disasters such as loss and damage. Applying this approach, intervention work focuses on the needs, shortages and disadvantages of affected people and communities, which are viewed as the root of people’s suffering (Kretzmann and McKnight, 1993; Pei et al., 2009). This approach, however, ignores the fact that, while they can cause huge devastation, disasters also provide opportunities for social change and development (Ozerdem, 2003). As the United Nations Disaster Relief Organization (UNDRO) (1992) maintains, ‘Disasters often create a political and economic atmosphere wherein extensive changes can be made more rapidly than under normal circumstances …’ (p. 202). Disasters may have positive consequences if appropriate interventions occur in the community reconstruction process. Given this possibility, an alternative paradigm based on the strengths perspective and the asset-based approach is now gaining popularity (Green and Haines, 2001; Kretzmann and McKnight, 1993; Saleebey, 2009). The strengths perspective focuses on enabling individuals and communities to articulate and realize their hopes for the future, rather than seeking to remedy the problems of the past or even the present. It emerged in the context of casework practice; its equivalent in the community development context is the asset-based approach (Kretzmann and McKnight, 1993).
The asset-based community development approach was used as the guiding framework for this action research project. It shifts the focus away from needs, and proceeds on the assumption that change must build on the capacities and assets that already exist within communities and are embedded in individuals, informal networks, civic institutions and formal institutions (Eade, 1998; Green and Haines, 2001). This approach involves the identification or ‘mapping’ of all the available assets in the community, and the mobilization of these assets in ways that strengthen their efficacy. Kretzmann and McKnight (1993) suggest various tools to identify individual and community assets: their ‘neighbourhood needs maps’, ‘community assets maps’ and ‘capacity inventories’ can be modified to reflect the local context. The usefulness of the asset-based model in post-disaster community development was recognized and its principles were put into practice in the social reconstruction process following Hurricane Katrina (Pyles, 2007; Zedlewski, 2006).
The aim of asset-based community development is to ensure the sustainable livelihood of a local community. ‘Livelihood’ refers to people’s means of securing the basic necessities of life – food, water, shelter and clothing. The goal of sustainable livelihood requires a broader approach to community development. It may involve information, cultural knowledge, social networks and legal rights, as well as tools, land and other physical resources (Knutsson, 2006; Krantz, 2001). As Chambers and Conway (1991) state,
a livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims and access) and activities required for a means of living: a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with and recover from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short and long term. (p. 6)
Our study was also informed by the existing literature on gender and disaster intervention. It has been found that, in most societies, gender inequality is heightened during and after a disaster. After recent disasters (e.g. the 2001 Cambodia flood, 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and 2008 Haiti hurricanes), a number of researchers came to a similar conclusion: almost no women participated in decision-making at the disaster sites. The women’s point of view was not taken into account, and, as a result, women were left to cope with insufficient supplies, no laundry facilities and no private areas for dressing or breast-feeding. With few female spokespersons, the differences between women’s and men’s needs were not considered. The dire effects of this neglect were poor living conditions and increased violence against women (Briceno, 2002; Cannon, 2002; Dominelli, 2006, 2014; Enarson, 1998).
Women may be subordinated in the aftermath of disasters, but that does not mean that they are passive. As Enarson (2005) notes, women play significant roles in all stages of disaster and climate risk management; they are often at the front line as responders and bring valuable resources to risk reduction and recovery. Their contributions, however, often go unrecognized. Women are rarely asked to contribute to the development of disaster risk reduction (DRR) policy or participate in decision-making processes. To correct this omission, the promotion of gender sensitivity and equality in disaster intervention has received much attention in recent years (UNISDR, UNDP, and IUCN, 2009).
Although ‘gender’ is not synonymous with ‘women’, it is a fact that women are often in a disadvantaged position in many developing countries, including China. The promotion of gender equality in disaster response draws explicit attention to the issue of women’s empowerment. The importance of listening to women and encouraging their participation was central to our action research project. Our research was guided by the following principles: community participation, capacity building, gender equality, culture- and ethnicity-sensitive practice, and the adoption of indigenous knowledge and practice.
Research methodology
Field site
H is a township in Wenchuan county, Sichuan province. Before the earthquake, H township was an important centre of heavy industry in the region, with a population of more than 12,000, of whom 6641 were native. During the 5.12 earthquake, H was the ‘centre of the epicentre’. More than 9000 persons lost their lives and 1000 were wounded. After the earthquake, there were only 2300 survivors. Almost every family lost at least one relative during the disaster. Immediately after the earthquake, the residents were moved to a temporary housing area near the original township to wait passively for government aid.
Forty-two days after the earthquake, we 1 were invited by the Guangdong provincial government to join the emergency relief effort. Guangdong province was designated the supporting partner of Wenchuan county under the Chinese government’s plan for the reconstruction. While we did not receive government funding, we did secure HK$870,529 from the General Research Fund of the University Grants Council of Hong Kong and around HK$1,000,000 from the Zeshan Foundation. Our research team included three full-time social workers who were recent graduates from colleges in Sichuan, four social work educators from the Sun Yat-sen University and the Hong Kong Polytechnic University, respectively, and three social work students in volunteer positions. None of the research team members had experience in disaster intervention before the earthquake, but the social work educators had been actively involved in a number of extended community development projects and had wide experience in applying the PAR method in rural China.
When we came to H township, we agreed that our aim was not to conduct conventional research, but to assist the local people, build the capacity of the local community and develop a disaster-intervention model that was appropriate to the Chinese cultural context and would be a useful example for social work education and for community long-term development.
Participatory action research
Our chosen method was PAR, which has been used by community workers to strengthen and support the capacity of communities to grow and change (McTaggart, 1996; Zuber-Skerritt, 1996). The primary goal of PAR is to create a more just society through transformative social change (Park, 1993; Reason and Hilary, 2008; Small, 1995; Vickers, 2005). Research is no longer seen as solely a means of creating knowledge; it is also a process of education, a development of consciousness and a call to action (Park, 1993, 1999; Reason and Hilary, 2008; Small, 1995). The fundamental principles of PAR are that first, participants (often peasant/poor/marginal people) are regarded as ‘knowers’ and their knowledges and experiences are valorized. Second, researchers temper their own ‘expert’ status, and while not dismissing their own specialist skills, do not presume to have a superior perspective. Third, the agency of participants is recognized and encouraged (participants are encouraged to recognize their own agency) and researchers and participants enter into a reciprocal relationship in the research process (Kesby, 2000: 424).
The central feature of PAR, then, is that it relies on the people themselves to engage in the research process to the greatest extent possible (Park, 1999: 143–44). Local people are full partners in the research process and are usually referred to as co-researchers (Gaventa, 1988; Park, 1999; Schruijer, 2006; Small, 1995; Streck, 2007).
Our action research took place in stages. We began by establishing trust, gaining understanding of people’s living experiences after the earthquake and assessing their needs and local assets. We then encouraged local women to form a handicraft group, providing them with psychological support and launching short-term financial assistance programmes. One year later, when the disaster relief work had reached the stage of community reconstruction, we began a second round of action research in H township. During this period, we developed a model of rural–urban alliance to support long-term sustainable economic development for the disaster-affected community.
Guided by the action research method, our research team used different skills at different stages to engage in our activities and record our process. To learn about the needs and assets of the community, we employed participant observation, in-depth interviews and asset-mapping methods. Focus groups were used mainly to facilitate group discussions, explore ideas and find strategies for action. When implementing community activities, the participants’ observations and informal feedback were recorded as field notes. Sometimes, public meetings were held to encourage participants to articulate and share their sentiments. In-depth interviews were also conducted with the local officials, community leaders and selected representatives of various age groups (children, young people, adults and senior citizens). All the members of the research team were required to keep notes and record their reflections in journals. Women from the community were also recruited and trained to help with data collection. One of the characteristics of action research is that data collection and analysis cannot be separated. We analysed data on an ongoing basis and had discussions with the women’s group at each stage to plan our actions. Our data, presented in the following section, are based primarily on our field notes and journals.
From emergency relief to long-term sustainable community reconstruction
Asset and capacity building in the emergency relief stage
The community structure of H township was completely destroyed in the 5.12 earthquake. Adopting the strength perspective, we proceeded on the basis that the local people still had capacity and assets to put into practice during the disaster response. In our role as action researchers, our first task was to listen to the voices of community residents and learn about their lives. We needed to establish a trusting relationship with local people before attempting any intervention. In the first 2 weeks, we visited the families, made friends with community members and listened patiently to their stories. These activities help social workers not only to build relationships with the community, but also to identify assets and needs. On a visit to Z village, where a group of women had lost children and close family members, we discovered that most of the women of the Qiang and Zang ethnic minorities were skilled in traditional embroidery. Before the earthquake, they had spent much of their time embroidering. Miss D, who lost two daughters in the earthquake, told us that she wanted to embroider her daughters’ drawings as a keepsake because cloth would last longer than paper. The idea of forming a women’s embroidery group suddenly presented itself.
We asked the local women whether they were willing to employ their skills to establish an embroidery group. The project would not only provide them with some income but also help to relieve their sadness. They would come together to do embroidery and support each other during this critical period. Working on the embroidery would help to shift their attention from the past to the present. The women agreed; they wanted to recover by themselves rather than depending on outside help. They also hoped the embroidery could be a source of income (Figre 1).
Women doing embroidery.
Very quickly, 10 women, ranging in age from 19 to 45, formed the first ‘H Mother’ embroidery chapter. By the end of December 2008, five chapters had been established and about 100 women had joined. Meanwhile, we searched for funding and markets for the groups and finally received support from the Young Women’s Christian Association in Chengdu, which donated 60,000 RMB to purchase several hundred pieces of the embroidery. On 12 May 2009, the first anniversary of the Sichuan earthquake, we organized a charity auction in Guangzhou and about 240,000 RMB was raised. We established the ‘H Mother development fund’: all money raised was used for women’s development.
Our intervention in the creation of the embroidery group reflects our belief that co-operation is the key to capacity-building and empowerment. At the beginning, we played the roles of organizers and facilitators, mobilizing the women to participate. The next step was to foster the women’s capacities. We helped the women to clarify common goals and to help each other improve their embroidery skills, and we provided them with a start-up loan to purchase materials and tools. These achievements were all based on the co-operation between social workers and the embroidery group. All decisions, big and small, were made collectively, and everyone was responsible. After a few months, the embroidery group had acquired a team spirit. Group leaders emerged, and there was a clear division of labour. The women found their role within the group according to their particular talents and abilities (e.g. products design, material purchasing, marketing, quality control and financial records).
Transformation from a short-term intervention to long-term development project
After the earthquake, the official large-scale reconstruction project focused on infrastructure. A school, a hospital, a government building, a water supply facility and a cultural centre were established in every earthquake-stricken rural township. New stylish housing estates were built for villagers to purchase. However, as Ting and Chen (2012) point out, this state-led growth-oriented model of reconstruction did not take the needs and concerns of local people into consideration. Government progress reports highlighted how many roads, highways, bridges, power stations, hospitals, schools and houses were built in a short period of time. The reconstruction project became a showcase of the Chinese government’s efficiency and success. The villagers, however, were unappreciative of, and even resistant to, the government intervention. Throughout the process, the villagers’ core concern – their livelihood – had not been seriously considered or addressed. Most of the new housing copied the design of urban residential estates. The houses had two or three bedrooms on the upper floor, a sitting or dining room and kitchen on the lower floor, and washrooms on both floors. However, they were built in such close proximity that the villagers had no space to raise livestock, grow vegetables or store farming tools. The location of the houses meant that the villagers faced long journeys to their fields: some had to spend 2 hours walking from their new home to their farming land.
When we returned to H township to conduct the second stage of our action research, the team determined that the most important concern for local people was their long-term livelihood. One year after the earthquake, charitable donations were sharply reduced and the government’s financial assistance was also coming to an end. The residents needed to find means to support themselves in the long run. The H Mother development fund could provide women with seed funding for new projects. We hoped to involve more community members at this stage and build their capacities for long-term livelihood development. In the summer of 2009, Lena Dominelli visited H township, and we had the opportunity to discuss long-term disaster intervention with her. Although her book Green Social Work was not published until 2012, she had already developed her views on the integration of green social work and disaster intervention. We agreed with her view that disaster social work intervention should be culturally-relevant and locality-specific; it must consider the links between the social, economic and environmental dimensions of sustainability (Dominelli, 2012).
Since 2009, we have transformed our projects from short-term disaster interventions to long-term sustainable community-development programmes. We have adopted the ‘rural–urban alliance’ as an alternative development model and endeavoured to forge connections between urban communities and disaster-affected villages. A rural–urban alliance should be mutually beneficial. Rural residents require economic support from urban communities; urban residents require the high-quality, organic food supplied by villagers. Fair trade and ecotourism profit both parties: they provide villagers with income and support for organic farming and cultural preservation, and, at the same time, they demonstrate to urban residents the benefits of green consumerism. Social workers play a critical role in forging rural–urban alliances by creating a bridge linking the two parties. In cities, social workers use the public education system to help residents understand the issues in disaster-affected communities, and to appreciate the value of food security and organic farming. In villages, they encourage producers to undertake organic farming to generate more income and protect the environment. The main objective of the model is to prompt the urban community to become a partner in the project of long-term rural development (Figure 2).
Rural–urban alliance model.
Putting a rural–urban alliance model into practice
When we returned to H township, we worked together with the residents and developed several livelihood projects – embroidery production, ecotourism and organic farming.
Embroidery production
We extended the embroidery project after our return. In interviews with old women in the villages, we discovered that there are rich cultural meanings associated with the common embroidery subjects. We collected the traditional stories about the scenes depicted in the embroidery and created a brochure. This not only helped to preserve the traditional embroidery culture, but also gave urban residents a better understanding of these products’ cultural value.
From June 2009, we helped the women in the embroidery group to improve their embroidery skills, work collectively and manage their organization. We held an embroidery workshop – a positive and co-operative environment for group members to learn from each other. We also took the members on visits to other collectives involved in similar projects to see how they worked and were organized. Through these visits, the group members acquired a broader awareness of product design and organizational management. A group of about 20 women received a loan of 50,000 RMB from the H Mother fund to build an embroidery pavilion where women could embroider together, hold meetings and participate in other collective activities. The pavilion also acts as a showcase for their work and provides outsiders with an introduction to Qiang and Zang styles. Through these activities, the group members’ communication, co-operation, knowledge, innovation and self-confidence were enhanced (Figure 3).
Women having a group meeting at a pavilion.
Ecological tourism
H township is located in a beautiful area, and its residents follow a carefully preserved traditional lifestyle. It offers a welcome respite to urbanites who wish to escape the city, relax and enjoy nature. Given the township’s rich social, ecological and cultural resources, we encouraged the original embroidery group members to consider running a guest house for visitors interested in ecotourism. Together with the group members, we visited various scenic areas and eventually drew up an ‘ecotourism assets map’, showing H township’s natural and cultural resources and community networks (Figure 4).
The map of eco-tourism.
The women started the ecotourism project in January 2010. Taking 20,000 RMB from the H Mother fund, they established an ‘H Mother’ guest house, where visitors could stay and experience the area’s ecological resources with local guides. We introduced the group to the concept of the homestay (minus in Taiwan and minshuku in Japan), so they would appreciate the difference between mass tourism and ecotourism. We provided the women with information on the operation of a family guest house and its basic requirements, and helped them to access outside resources (such as plans for building ecological toilets). Finally, we promoted the guest houses on the radio.
Some group members, however, were reluctant to participate: they relied on us to arrange the reception activities and positioned themselves as serving staff for the visitors. They had not yet arrived at the understanding that they owned the project. After lengthy group discussions and private conversations, we realized that their passivity was based on earlier events: we had played a prominent role in the previous embroidery project, and the group members followed our lead. They were simply repeating this behaviour in the context of the ecotourism project.
According to the principles of PAR, a key step in encouraging active participation is to involve the participants in the decision-making process related to project development (Pretty, 1995). We, therefore, invited the women to design ecotourism reception activities. The women worked together on the arrangement of accommodations, organization of activities and the design of tour routes. After making tentative plans, they focused on the practical means of realizing their vision. Feedback from visitors helped them to refine their original design. Our hope was that the group members would acquire a sense of ownership towards the project, build up a culture of democratic decision-making and develop their own capacities.
In addition to encouraging the women’s positive involvement, we fostered their confidence and cultural identity. Once they had paying guests, the women discussed how to make their guest house more comfortable. With our assistance, the women decorated the rooms to reflect their Tibetan legacy. In the past, they believed that they should copy the predominant Han style – ‘modern’ and ‘civilized’. As they interacted with visitors, they realized the attractions of their traditional culture. We worked together to incorporate traditional cultural elements into their daily routines, thus providing visitors with a deeper understanding of their heritage. For example, the women embroidered the curtains and bed sheets in the guest rooms, and they used traditional methods of bamboo weaving to make wastebaskets.
To sustain the development of the project, we devoted a great deal of energy to creating a market. The first step was to identify potential customers and to transform their conception of tourism. Mass tourism focuses on sightseeing and consumption. In contrast, we were promoting ecotourism, which focuses on traditional cultural heritage, environmentalism, fair trade and rural–urban co-operation. We offered information sessions in urban communities in Chengdu city, where we introduced our project site and explained the principles of ecotourism and rural–urban co-operation. We broadcast a documentary about H township, which showcased its crafts and produce, and explored other channels for marketing on the Internet and public radio (Figure 5).
A tour coming to visit H township.
When tourists came to H township, their experience was unlike a usual vacation. They had close interactions with the host families, and were able to enjoy the natural environment, participate in traditional cultural activities and visit farms. They were encouraged to join their hosts working in the field, cooking meals and making handicrafts. In the process, the farmers had the opportunity to impart their traditional culture and wisdom. Activities were designed to encourage city dwellers to question the consequences of mainstream economic development and consumerism. During their stay, the visitors learned to appreciate the beauties of nature and the simple life, and some grew disillusioned with mass tourism. They gained a greater awareness of social, cultural and environmental issues.
Organic farming and the fair trade project
We also encouraged the rural and urban participants to work together on an organic farming and fair trade project. When tourists came to H township, they found that the produce was grown according to traditional methods, without any fertilizer and pesticide. Given that the integrity of food is a subject of critical concern in urban China, the purity of the produce in H township was highly appreciated. We realized that fair trade would be a good basis for a mutually beneficial relationship between farmers and urban consumers. Bypassing the middleman, the farmers could sell their organic products directly to consumers, who would acquire unadulterated food for a reasonable price.
The first step in the development of the organic farming project was to assess the agricultural resources. We asked the local farmers to teach us about the breeding and planting of species in H township and about local modes of production. We discovered that the farmers were a fund of indigenous knowledge and local wisdom. Detailed field notes were taken and converted into an ‘agricultural assets map’ of the village, which helped us to discover more possibilities for organic farming (Figure 6).
Agricultural assets map.
We encouraged the villagers to protect their traditional ecological farming methods and engage in an organic farming project. About 10 farmers who were interested in eco-farming were organized into groups that would take a traditional approach to breeding livestock and growing produce. The ecological vegetable group members grew heritage varieties of tomatoes, sweet corn, peppers and soy beans. The poultry group decided that no chemical fodder would be used. We worked together with the farmers to draw up the production plans, and provided them with market information and customer feedback.
We have promoted H township’s organic food since 2009. In order to encourage city dwellers’ support, we needed to raise awareness of green agricultural methods. We regularly organized rural–urban exchange activities, such as food-tasting festivals and farmers’ markets. Through these activities, the urban consumers learned about ecological production and rural life, and the farmers gained a better understanding of their customers’ concerns about diet and the use of chemicals. Through such interactions, they forged a more trusting relationship. City dwellers began to visit H township in order to buy produce directly from the farmers; some asked to be provided with a delivery service for their orders.
After discussions with the farmers and consumers, we came up with a plan to open a fair trade shop, which would serve as a shopping, marketing and educational centre. In September 2010, we opened a shop in Chengdu, and invited the women from H township to introduce their embroidery and agricultural products, tell their life stories and explain their traditional culture. The fair trade shop gave us a platform to showcase our ideas, connect producers with consumers and generally promote the mutually beneficial relationship of the farmers and the consumers.
Discussion
Our form of disaster intervention is diametrically opposed to that of the government. After the 5.12 earthquake, the Chinese government promised ‘the future will be better’. They set out ‘an overarching post-earthquake reconstruction plan stating that the economic livelihood of the earthquake-stricken communities should be restored to a level that would vastly exceed the pre-earthquake level’ (Ting and Chen, 2012), but the local people considered the government bu kaopu (‘not reliable’ (p. 9)). All the reconstruction was dominated by the principle of ‘development’, with an emphasis on speed, efficiency and economic growth. The Chinese government compressed the original 3-year plan into 2 years and made the reconstruction project part of the country’s overall economic-development goal. The post-earthquake reconstruction became an opportunity for the Chinese government to stimulate economic growth and achieve a high gross domestic product (GDP) after the 2009 financial crisis. By responding to the salient problems of the people of H township, we endeavoured to rebuild a sustainable rural livelihood for economic recovery, promote mutually beneficial rural–urban relations, conserve the culture and protect the environment.
The rural–urban alliance model overturns the traditional disaster-relief dynamic where the affected people are identified as needy, problematic and deficient, and the outside helpers diagnose the problems, assess the needs and provide the resources. This dynamic ignores the capacities of the local people, lowers their self-confidence, renders them dependent on external resources and leads to unsustainable development. In contrast, the rural–urban alliance dispenses with the inequitable helping relationship and benefits both the affected people and the outside helpers economically, socially, culturally and environmentally. Through rural–urban co-operative activities, the residents of H township developed their capacity to generate income rather than relying on government assistance. They also realized the value of their agricultural resources and traditional culture. Their interactions with urban residents increased their self-confidence and social capital. Some family friendships have developed, with city dwellers opening their doors and providing key support to their rural counterparts.
Still, social workers face challenges when they promote sustainable community development. The mainstream rebuilding agenda in post-earthquake Sichuan was designed to generate high returns in a short time. The residents of H township had similarly high economic expectations of the projects launched by the social workers. Our projects, however, did not focus on short-term economic benefit; instead, they were designed to promote long-term development on a number of fronts – cultural, ecological, social and economic. Some community participants were disappointed when our projects did not meet their high economic expectations. To gain community members’ appreciation of sustainable community development is still a long-term undertaking.
Conclusion
Following the principles of PAR, we regarded the women of H township as research partners rather than research subjects. While empowerment and asset building were the goals of our project, we also saw our work as a transformative process that would expose the women to new knowledge and opportunities, allow them to see previously unknown alternatives and inspire strategies for action. The experience of the researchers was similarly transformative: our work with our co-investigators encouraged us to become effective reflexive practitioners.
This study shows that social workers can apply asset- and capacity-building approaches to emergency relief and community reconstruction, and thus transform their role from resource providers to capacity builders. In H township, the social workers adopted the roles of organizer, facilitator and capacity builder in order to mobilize the community to help itself.
The study also demonstrates that social workers should not issue orders or insist on their professional superiority. They should build the capacities of community members, rather than do everything for them. Social workers in disaster-affected communities must encourage residents to participate in projects and make collective decisions. There are limits to the effects of intervention, and social workers are not experts in all fields. For example, in H township, the social workers were hampered by their lack of marketing experience. Although several small urban networks were established among the local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the H township residents, they were not enough to sustain the farmers’ livelihood. Transportation costs were too high for small-scale trading. In order to address these issues, the social workers invited marketing professionals to join the team as consultants. This case study shows that social workers cannot effect community action single-handedly. Still, as capacity builders, they can create opportunities for input from other sources and facilitate co-operation.
The findings of this study have implications for government policy and post-disaster reconstruction. The success of the rural–urban alliance should prompt governments to abandon the current reconstruction model and adopt the principles of green social work practice, which supports environmental protection and sustainable communities. When the officials in J county (near H township) observed the results of our efforts, they decided to abandon their original plan to attract mass tourism. Instead, they enlisted us to build a base of operations for rural social work in December 2012. The base serves as a guest house, office, training centre, community centre and practicum facility. J county government officials and the social workers worked together to develop a practice model for post-disaster social work in rural China. We have not made rapid progress, we have faced many difficulties and we are occasionally disheartened. However, we believe that if social workers can stay rooted in the community and walk together with the local people and government representatives, there is a strong probability that sustainable community development will be achieved.
Footnotes
Funding
The authors gratefully acknowledge the GRF (project code: PolyU 5491/09H) of the University Grants Council of Hong Kong and Zeshan Foundation in support of this research project.