Kinship care and older persons: An Islamic perspective

Abstract

This article explores issues pertinent to culturally sensitive social work and the care of older persons in Muslim communities in the context of population ageing. In particular, it examines kinship care in Islam and its incorporation into institutional social work services as part of multicultural practice with older Muslim clients. The aim of the article is to assess the nature of kinship care systems as informal support networks among Muslim communities and their role in supporting the well-being of older persons in the family. These networks play a pivotal role in Muslim family life and need to be considered in social work policies and practice so that service provision can be consistent with the lived realities of Muslim clients in their diverse environments.

Keywords

Islam Islamic social work kinship care multicultural Muslim older persons

Introduction

Changing world demographics and resultant circumstances affecting the lives of older persons are expected to impact the social work profession in greater intensity in the future. Increased longevity due to improved health care and living standards together with declines in birth rates are leading to population ageing and increased numbers of older persons in society (Hokenstad and Roberts, 2011; Martin et al., 2012). Between 1990 and 2012, life expectancy at age 60 years increased globally from 16.6 to 18.5 years and 19.7 to 21.5 years for men and women, respectively (World Health Statistics, 2014: 44). Likewise, the number and proportion of older persons across populations are increasing worldwide (World Health Organization, 2013: 42), and according to the United Nations (2013: 18), by 2047, persons aged 60 years and above will surpass children under 15 years old. These trends are set to continue and are affecting both the developed and developing countries, but more so the developing countries where population ageing is exceeding rates in the developed world (Darkwa, 2006: 967).

The rising percentages of older persons in society hold implications for the future that would require new perspectives in planning and service delivery to safeguard their needs of older persons and to secure levels of active ageing to them. (Lubben and Damron-Rodriguez, 2006; Mendes, 2013; Tinker, 2002). Interventions in health care, welfare services, policy, pensions and social security, and caregiving would need to be prioritised accordingly (Rowland, 2009; United Nations, 2013). In social work, gerontological social work practice and education will have to be expanded as older persons will form a significant client base for welfare agencies in an ageing society (Kirst-Ashman, 2013; Wilson, 2006). According to Crampton (2011), to be effective, such services would need to challenge demographic data and policies that promote ageist views of more older persons in society as a future societal burden. Instead, a holistic understanding of ageing in which the lives of older persons are evaluated within their broader individual, family and communal environments and designing corresponding intenventions would be more suitable. Gerontological social work would also have to be culturally sensitive to meet the needs of older persons in their diverse communities (Browne and Mokuau, 2008; Trask et al., 2009).

The challenge of population ageing and demand for gerontological social work is pertinent to Muslim communities. In the Muslim world, population ageing is predicted to occur at one of the highest rates; growth estimates of older persons are projected at 200 per cent–400 per cent over the next 25 years (Lubben and Damron-Rodriguez, 2006: 939). The fact that Muslim communities are largely located in less developed countries where the impact of population ageing is more intense and commonly occurs with severe socio-economic conditions (Zimmer and Das, 2014) reinforces this need. Moreover, on the recently developed Global Age Watch Index, which measures the social and economic well-being of older persons in different countries based on income, health, capability and the presence of an enabling environment, Muslim countries ranked low on this scale (HelpAge International, 2015). The 2015 Global Age Watch Index assessed 96 countries, representing 91 per cent of the global population of persons aged 60 years and above. Twelve Muslim majority countries were included in this assessment. Six ranked below 85 with Afghanistan ranked the lowest at 96 (HelpAge International, 2015: 4–5).

This article examines the care of Muslim older persons in the above context with reference to kinship care in Islam and its practice among Muslim communities. The aim is to identify the nature of kinship care systems as informal support networks in Muslim communities and their role in supporting the well-being of older persons and to explore their incorporation into social work to support culturally sensitive services for older Muslim clients. The Islamic ideal of the care of older persons based on the main religious texts in Islam, the Qurʾān (Abdel Haleem, 2005), the collected narrations of the words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad (hadith) and Islamic law (sharīʿah) is outlined at first. An overview of challenges facing Muslims communities in the care of older persons that make it difficult adhere fully to the Islamic ideal follows. The article concludes with identifying culturally sensitive principles of care for social work with older Muslim clients relevant to Muslim majority environments as well as Western or secular societies where Muslims live as minorities to respond to population ageing.

Within the context of this article, older people are defined as those aged 60 years and above. This is consistent with the United Nations age indicators for older persons (Rowland, 2009: 38), although as Rowland indicates the threshold for defining older persons varies. It is a socially constructed indicator for secular policy purposes rather than a uniform marker to define older persons. Sixty years is similarly accepted here as a policy and legally relevant age indicator rather than a definitive marker for older persons. The article also does not assume Muslims to be a homogenous group. The global geographical area of the Muslim population is expansive. Muslim communities are culturally, ethnically and ideologically diverse as defined by their specific social and national environments. Each has its own identity and cultural particularities, and religious allegiances may be to the different schools of Islamic thought within the two main Sunni and Shiite denominations of Islam, with religious practices ranging from conservative to progressive expressions of Islam. Notwithstanding this diversity, Muslims share a common identity as adherents of Islam and its religious texts. This common identity is the point of departure for considering culturally sensitive care services for older Muslim persons.

Islam and the care of older persons

Kinship care systems are multifaceted family and social ties that integrate biological, cultural, ideological and social dynamics. At a basic level, they are relationships based on descent and marriage and usually involve rights and obligations within a kinship group (Stone, 2010: 5). In Islam, kinship care is the foundation upon which relations with older persons are defined. Older persons are among designated vulnerable groups in Islam and their care is an Islamic imperative fundamental to Muslim religious and ethical behaviour. The principles for this engagement are sacralised in the Qurʾān, the hadith and Islamic law (sharīʿah) and provide the framework for the behaviours that are necessary in relation to older persons (Abu Sway, 2014; Atighetchi, 2014; Moody, 1990; Sapp, 2008). This interaction is emphasised in the context of the family and defined by extended, intergenerational and kinship networks. Prominence is given to the parent–child relationship in which both parties are assigned complementary duties and responsibilities and kinship family rights based on reciprocity and filial support are reinforced (Abd al ‘ati, 1995: 263). Although located in the family, this interaction is also a moral compass for engaging with older persons generally.

The Qurʾān expresses the relationship of mutual kinship care through various injunctions. Chapter 17 verses 23–24, which is considered primary in this regard, states,

Your Lord has commanded that you should worship none but Him, and that you be kind to your parents. If either or both of them reach old age with you, say no word that shows impatience with them, and do not be harsh with them but speak to them respectfully.

This injunction is followed by the command that adult children show humility towards their parents and invoke God’s blessing on them in an acknowledgement of the reciprocal care between them by declaring, ‘Lord, have mercy on them, just as they cared for me when I was little’ (Abdel Haleem, 2005: 176). A number of other Qurʾānic verses including chapter 6 verse 151, chapter 31 verse 14, chapter 46 verse 15, chapter 4 verse 36 and chapter 29 verse 8 reinforce the message of being dutiful and good towards parents, in which commands for their kind treatment are emphasised repeatedly.

The recorded traditions of the Prophet Muhammad (hadith), which reflect his counsel and practices in a spectrum of matters, reinforce this parent–child affiliation elevating it as an act of worship linked directly to Allah. Narrations such as ‘The Lord’s pleasure is in the parent’s pleasure; and the Lord’s anger is in the parent’s anger’ (Jami’ at-Tirmidhi, Vol. 4, Book 1, Hadith 1899, n.d.); ‘the best of the deeds or deed is the (observance of) prayer at its proper time and kindness to the parents’ (Sahih Muslim, Book 1, Hadith 155, n.d.) and a narration in which the disregard for a parent is identified as one of the major sins in Islam (Sahih Bukhari, Vol. 8, Book 74, Hadith 290, n.d.) are part of the extensive prophetic narratives prioritising the care of parents. Narrations about older persons in general urge Muslims further to revere and honour the older person and, as a sign of respect, to give preference to them in matters of religious leadership and social etiquette.

The sharīʿah (Islamic Law) offers additional guidelines for the care of older persons. These are based on three principal Islamic rights accorded to parents – ihsan, deference and support and maintenance (Abd al ‘ati, 1995: 205). According to Abd al ‘ati (1995), ihsan refers to ethical and morally sound actions; in relation to older persons, it translates into displaying patience and gratitude towards parents and includes praying for them and honouring their commitments when they are unable to do so for themselves. Tied to ihsan are the rights of parents to obedience and deference from their children. Furthermore, children have to, according to their means, ensure the support and maintenance of their parents, which includes providing for their daily living requirements and general material needs to secure a comfortable life for them when they are old (Abd al ‘ati, 1995). Islamic inheritance laws also assign parents and thereafter grandparents among principal beneficiaries of their children’s property and the rights of parents extend beyond their death when children are encouraged to pray for their departed souls and to undertake charitable acts in their honour (Elsaman and Arafa, 2012: 16–18).

In its religious context then, Islam places a high premium on the rights of parents and their care within and by the family. This is a directive linked with true worship and is considered second only to the worship of God, and it is one which spiritually incurs rewards in this life and beyond in the hereafter (Abd al ‘ati, 1995; Chamberlayne, 1968). Gratitude to parents is equated with obedience to God (Al-Heeti, 2007), while conversely reproach from a parent is considered equivalent to a reproach from God (Atighetchi, 2014). In this context, Abu Sway (2014) has described Islam as adopting a ‘zero-tolerance theology’ towards the ill-treatment of parents or older persons (p. 99). Despite this austere nature, Islam does make provision to forgo these principles especially in matters of faith. Where dissent or the risk of compromising one’s Islamic principles because of undue parental demands may emerge, accountability to God would supersede the rights of parents. Even so, the principles of care and kindness towards parents stand; those confronted with such circumstances remain religiously, morally and legally obliged to honour their parents and to care for them regardless of the parents’ religious affiliations or undue demands (Abd al ‘ati, 1995; Said, 1989).

The Islamic perspective on the intergenerational family network as a divinely favoured care arrangement distinguishes it from global policies’ frameworks designed to promote the well-being of older persons. The United Nations Principles for Older Persons (Resolution 46/91 of 16 December 1991) and the Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing (United Nations, 2002), for example, provide inclusive principles to respond to the needs of older persons that go beyond a specifically religious focus. Leading international organisations advocating for the rights of older persons such as HelpAge International (n.d.), the Global Alliance for the Rights of Older People (n.d.) and, in an Arab regional context, the Centre for Studies on Ageing (n.d.) are likewise broad in their directives. In social work, The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) and the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) provide inclusive guidelines for the profession to promote the well-being of older persons individually and in the family.

Although the Islamic perspective is limited in scope in relation to the above policy frameworks, a definitive link exists between them in a mutual emphasis on the role of the family in the care of older persons. All acknowledge the role of family care in promoting the well-being of older persons and recognise the intergenerational care of older persons as a critical response to population ageing. In presenting core principles for governments to apply in responding to the needs of older persons, the United Nations Principles for Older Persons (1991) advises, ‘older persons should benefit from family and community care and protection in accordance with each society’s system of cultural values’. Its objectives also support the development of formal and informal support systems to assist families to be able to take care of older persons in the family (Tinker, 2002: 732). The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing (United Nations, 2002) is unequivocal in its support for intergenerational care, having ‘recognition of the crucial importance of families, intergenerational interdependence, solidarity and reciprocity for social development’, as an underlying theme of its goals and objectives. International organisations for older persons share these principles, and in social work, the NASW (2010: 6) and IFSW (2012) endorse the rights of older persons and their care in the family based on the strength-based and person-in-environment perspectives in social work.

Universal policy frameworks on older persons provide crucial guidelines for social welfare service delivery with older clients. In Islam, kinship care based on religious and moral principles provide the guidelines to engage with older persons. Social work with older persons in Muslim communities should ideally merge these systems to ensure culturally sensitive intervention with clients. Understanding the Islamic framework of the care of older persons can advance social work outcomes with Muslim clients. To develop this intervention framework further, it is important to understand the nature of the informal kinship support networks in Muslim family life and the emerging challenges to its ongoing functioning in the long-term.

Kinship care and Muslim communities

Kinship arrangements embracing extended or intergenerational households are features of Muslim family life emanating from and reinforced by the Islamic moral code. They occur in localised variants in the Muslim world extending across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, and in Western or secular countries where Muslims live as minorities. Within these informal kinship networks, family members support each other in different areas of their functioning. This includes assisting in childcare, facilitating marriage arrangements or mediating in family conflicts (Carolan et al., 2000; Sibai and Yamout, 2012). These helping networks are central to the care and well-being of older persons within the family who are not viewed only as recipients of care but also as resourceful family members who support other family members and, as a result, maintain a meaningful role throughout their lifespan (Al-Faruqi, 1978). Customarily, the Muslim older person is an authoritative figure in the family (and often more so older men given the patriarchal nature of Muslim communities) and a source of wisdom whose role serves to bond and guide family members by imparting their knowledge and experience across the generations (Al-Dhafiri, 2014; Atighetchi, 2014). Milligan (2009: 45) affirms that in traditional family arrangements based on kinship care systems, the family is a major source of security for older persons, but older persons in this environment also undertake caregiving roles making them active social actors in civil society.

Family arrangements in which the older person has a central role are prevalent in Muslim communities and their involvement in household and family decision-making has been linked to greater life satisfaction (Nagi and Kaur, 1999). In this respect, the role of older persons in Muslim communities resonates with Wiles and Jayasinha’s (2013: 93) notion of ‘care for place’. They identify older persons as active contributors to their communities through participating in community and socially engaged roles, including social nurturing. In Muslim communities, though, such care for place is expressed in family-centred nurturing.

Despite their value, kinship support networks in Muslim communities are weakening, bringing new challenges to the position and care of older persons. The decline in co-existence and gaps in intergenerational family structures are affecting older persons in Muslim majority countries, including Bangladesh (Nazrul Islam and Nath, 2012), Brunei (Cleary and Maricar, 2000), Egypt (Sinunu et al., 2009), Indonesia (Kreager and Schröder-Butterfill, 2007), Kuwait (Shah et al., 2011), Malaysia (Abdul Majid et al., 2013), Pakistan (Hafeez and Rafique, 2013) and Turkey (Aytaç, 1998) among others. Population ageing, poor socio-economic conditions and changing values are driving forces in this change diminishing extended family networks so that older persons have less care options with fewer children or relatives present for support (Aytaç, 1998; Kreager and Schröder-Butterfill, 2007). Urbanisation and migrant labour as well as the pursuit of education and employment by Muslim women who have traditionally been the primary home carers are other factors influencing traditional kinship care arrangements (Abdul Majid et al., 2013; Cleary and Maricar, 2000; Sinunu et al., 2009). In Muslim communities exposed to rapid modernisation and development, changing values associated with individualism and family privacy are also fragmenting Muslim family co-residence, shifting preferences to independent rather than shared living but maintaining close family ties (Aytaç, 1998; Shah et al., 2011).

In Western societies such as Canada and the United States where Muslims live as minorities, differing perceptions about intergenerational relations influence extended family and care relationships. The values of Muslim immigrants differ from those of their children, who internalise the values of the secular society in which they live, leading to dissonance in how the roles and responsibilities of family members are assumed (Ajrouch and Fakhoury, 2013; Lagacé et al., 2012). In Britain, similarly, the interaction between Islamic and Western values creates tension and affects the traditional patterns of intergenerational care in Muslim families. Family networks are modified as the parents of immigrants may still be in their country of origin and the traditional model of intergenerational care for younger generations to observe and follow is absent (Zokaei and Phillips, 2000).

Technology is also leading to the devaluing of older persons as sources of traditional knowledge and values for younger generations. The ready availability of information is diminishing this role within the family and even more so in Islamic communities undergoing modernisation (Atighetchi, 2014). As Milligan (2009: 47) indicates, in informal care environments, shifts in traditional family structures, changing cultural values, modernisation and urbanisation affect family care hierarchies and the ability of older persons to command respect and care. Such factors are converging in Muslim communities weakening the kinship structures within families and challenging the capabilities of Muslims to fulfil the Islamic moral code that underlies family relationships.

In general, in the context of population ageing, women face greater vulnerability. Mortality rates are higher for men, and with a longer life expectancy, the need for care associated with ailing health and disability is elevated for older women (Carr and Bodnar-Deren, 2009; United Nations, 2013). The disproportionate ratio of women to men in later life means older women are also more likely to be widowed, be alone and experience financial difficulties while older men would be married and have assistance when needed (Tinker, 2002). This marital status gap is striking in Muslim majority countries with much higher percentages of older men than older women being married (United Nations, 2013: 38), and older men being more inclined to remarry after the loss of a spouse (Olmsted, 2005). Gender-based discrimination that excludes women from education and the workplace and confines them to unpaid domestic caregiving roles also creates hardship for women in later life due to limited accumulated income and pensions (Carr and Bodnar-Deren, 2009; Tinker, 2002) to sustain a good quality of life.

Cultural expectations and patriarchal norms disadvantage women further. Patriarchy impacts women’s progress and access to resources and negatively affects their well-being. In Muslim communal life, as the Arab world illustrates, family and kinship relations are subsumed in deep-rooted patriarchal arrangements where men enjoy much more privilege and power in society (Joseph, 1996). Olmsted (2005: 54), reflecting on the Palestinian case, notes that the patriarchal basis of kinship living has benefits for older women as they attain more authority in the family and in their communities as they age and have economic support from family. However, in the absence of male kin or the inability of male kin to provide for family members together with changing social circumstances that are undermining intergenerational living, the already vulnerable position of older women escalates and exposes older persons to poverty and neglect.

For older Muslim persons, the breakdown of kinship networks increases their vulnerability. Family support is central to their well-being and its absence can increase isolation and loneliness (Afaridi et al., 2014), destitution (Hossain, 2013) and involuntary institutional care with associated psychological distress including death anxiety and depression (Azaiza et al., 2010; El Kady and Ibrahim, 2013; Hafeez and Rafique, 2013). Women, persons who are economically weak or less educated, childless older persons or those whose children are absent, unmarried and widowed persons and older persons with chronic illness requiring intensive care are at greater risk (Azaiza et al., 2010; Hossain, 2013; Kreager and Schröder-Butterfill, 2007).

Kinship care is a sound option for older persons and Islam is emphatic in this regard. However, for many older Muslim persons, the security of ageing within and being supported by the family may not actualise or be practically possible under the shifting circumstances of population ageing and contemporary societal realities. New compromises in the care of Muslim older persons are needed therefore to deal with this change while upholding the dignity and well-being of older persons.

Social work with older Muslim clients: Principles for care

Providing religious and culturally sensitive intervention to diverse communities increases the efficacy of welfare service delivery and is an essential part of multicultural social work (Abdullah, 2014; Hodge, 2005). In the context of social work with older Muslim persons, culturally sensitive intervention that is mindful of the Islamic dimensions of Muslim family life and the Islamic principles on the care of older persons would be necessary. In social work and in other helping professions, the role of Islam in providing appropriate services to Muslim clients has been verified (Al-Shahri, 2002; El-Amin and Nadir, 2014; Kennedy et al., 2010; Lawrence and Rozmus, 2001; Sauerheber et al., 2014). Practitioners are encouraged to familiarise themselves with the religious and cultural needs of Muslim clients and gain insight into the Islamic doctrines and the family, gender and social arrangements in Muslim communities which influence the helping relationship and to consider these factors in their interventions.

The same principles apply in working with Muslim older persons. Awareness of the five pillars of Islam and the Islamic principles of faith is a prerequisite to initiating effective interventions. The declaration of monotheism and affirming the prophetic role of the Prophet Muhammad (shahada), the five daily prayers (salah), fasting during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan (sawm), giving alms to the poor (zakat) and pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) are integral to the Muslim psyche. The six beliefs that constitute the basis of faith – belief in God; belief in the prophets of God as identified in Judaism, Christianity and Islam; belief in the angels of God; belief in the divine texts of God, which include the Torah, the Psalms and the Gospel; belief in the day of judgement and belief in divine destiny – underpin the pillars of Islam (Koenig and Al Shohaib, 2014: 28–33). Together, the pillars of Islam as compulsory ritual practice and the principles of faith as a spiritual belief system constitute the guiding essence of Muslim daily life.

Knowledge of the Islamic doctrines of faith and practice is vital in working with Muslim older persons. It has been found that spirituality, religiosity and participating in religious activities correlate positively with the personal, social, health and psychological well-being of older Muslim persons (Abolfathi Momtaz et al., 2012; Al-Kandari, 2011; Morioka-Douglas et al., 2004; Rahimi et al., 2013). The daily prayers have also been linked with improved cognitive functioning among older persons since it requires concentration and combines elements of physical exercise (Bai et al., 2012). In the face of the difficulties associated with the decline in age, religion is further, a comfort for the older person and a motivation to continue despite adverse experiences. Affliction is seen as the will of God to be courageously endured; it is a test and a trail for which trust in God offers a resolution and spiritual purification (Koenig and Al Shohaib, 2014: 47). The practice of the tenets of Islam is one way towards attaining this state of being.

Assessing the intergenerational family relations among Muslim families within their specific environments and how these relate to the functioning of the older person would be essential ensuing actions for the social work practitioner. Islamic principles of kinship care are fundamental to Muslim family life; they are significant in how Muslims understand the care of older persons and influence caregiving behaviour. As indicated, the demands of social demographic transitions, population ageing, modernisation and socio-economic changes are presenting challenges to the intergenerational and extended family networks in Muslim communities. However, they remain functional and intrinsic to Muslim family life in different forms. These informal kinship networks should be drawn upon to support Muslim older persons in need of care. In fact, the Islamic basis of kinship care requires that priority be given to accessing, utilising and, where necessary, restoring or building the family networks that are a part of the older person’s life. Like the experience of an engaged religious and spiritual life, kinship networks offer important support systems that enhance the well-being of older persons. A key aspect of this process, however, would have to be, as Joseph (1996: 19) has observed of interventions in male-dominated cultures such as Muslim communities, that practitioners be alert to how patriarchal relations permeate the fabric of the society at different levels and to ensure that interventions in no way support patriarchy or reinforce male privilege.

Proposed interventions for the care of older Muslim persons

Social workers can draw on family networks to provide integrated services to older Muslim clients. Modern shifts towards care in the home or ageing in place (Milligan, 2009: 7) make such intervention feasible. To strengthen this service, supplementary welfare resources would need to be allocated to support the caregivers of older persons in informal family care arrangements. The extension of care networks to community levels in which social and communal support systems are established for older persons is another suitable response to support the needs of older persons, even more so for those who have limited immediate or extended family available to assist them. Communal networks are opportunities to connect socially and reduce isolation and loneliness among older persons (Al-Dhafiri, 2014; Al-Kandari, 2011). In Muslim communities, mosques could be used as access points for providing such services. Collaboration with religious and local leaders, in general, to provide activities spanning a range of religious, social, educational and day care programmes for older persons, as well as using the skills and experience of older persons to serve others in their communities could add to effective social work interventions for Muslim older clients.

Population ageing in Muslim communities also brings to the fore the sensitive issue of the residential and institutional care of older persons. Because of the Islamic emphasis on care within the family, the institutional care of older persons is stigmatised. Muslims, including older persons themselves, are reluctant to support residential and institutional care facilities (Abdul Majid et al., 2013; Lagacé et al., 2012). Where these exist, they remain a taboo. Those opting for institutional care for older relatives risk feelings of guilt and shame and the social pressure associated with the religious and cultural contexts of Muslim communities that view the institutional care of older persons negatively (Al-Heeti, 2007; Khan and Ahmad, 2014). The growing residential and institutional care of Muslim older persons is a reality, however. Such facilities exist across Muslim communities, and although it may be viewed as a violation of sacred duty by family members of older persons who are admitted to them, they are utilised nonetheless and provide a useful service for Muslim older persons in need (Al-Dhafiri, 2014; Elsaman and Arafa, 2012).

In Muslim communities, changed perceptions of residential and institutional care would be necessary as part of the future planning for the care of older persons. Social workers could facilitate such belief and attitudinal changes. Expanding the options of care through residential living arrangements where home care is not possible or to bolster those that already exist through additional welfare support and resource allocation is a further consideration for social work intervention. Kuwait offers an example where adequate social welfare support for older persons in residential care has served to enrich the lives of residents without compromising the religious and cultural values of Islamic kinship care. A study by Al-Dhafiri (2014) of 43 older persons in residential care found that the provision of comprehensive social welfare services increased the quality of life of the participants. These older persons were exposed to improved standards of care, leisure activities and socialising which were not possible in their homes. By maintaining family contact and support, in addition, their sense of meaning in life also improved. The study concluded that the participants, overall, held positive views of residential care because of the quality of care and the services available to them. It noted, as well, the need to support residential care facilities for older persons as an accepted part of welfare services delivery. Kuwait as an oil-rich country offers a model of residential care for Muslim older persons which may not be possible in under-resourced environments, but this example does illustrate that appropriate residential care can qualitatively improve the lives of older persons in Muslim communities.

In institutional settings for older persons in secular environments, accommodating the practices of Islam would support the well-being of older Muslim clients (Khan and Ahmad, 2014). Providing appropriate facilities to engage in religious activities and considering dietary needs would be essential. Familiarity with the religious and cultural conventions of Muslim communities related to the separation of the sexes and the preferences for caregiving by persons of the same sex would further need to be part of this service. Accessing kinship support networks to facilitate and maintain regular family contact would increase appropriate intervention yet more. By integrating the informal family and caregiving resources of Muslim communities into their interventions, social work practitioners can ensure culturally sensitive care for older Muslim clients. Essentially, merging Islamic principles and the cultural and family dimensions of Muslim life in professional social work can facilitate multicultural practice with older Muslim older clients to respond to population ageing in their diverse environments.

Conclusion

In multicultural social work, it is important to understand the religious and cultural dimensions of the lives of clients, as they influence the outcomes of intervention processes. Intergenerational and extended family networks are central to Muslim family life and need to be considered in social work practice with older Muslim clients for service provision to be consistent with the lived experiences of Muslim clients. Understanding Islamic doctrines and the Islamic perspective on kinship care and its practice in different Muslim communities would allow for appropriate service delivery to older Muslim clients as vulnerable groups and support their well-being. It accommodates alternative worldviews that can support inclusive multicultural social work and reinforce the efforts of the social work profession to deal with the impact of population ageing in the long-term.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Author biography

Somaya Abdullah is a doctoral candidate in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Johannesburg and a senior lecturer in the Department of Social Development at the University of Cape Town.

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