Abstract
The study explores the perspectives of asylum seekers from Darfur with regard to four stages of their journey: before leaving Sudan, their journey to Israel, living in Israel, and future plans. Group interviews were conducted with male participants. During the first stage, themes included the urgent need to run for their life and the transition from family life to being alone. During the second stage, themes included experiencing extreme conditions and intense emotions. The third stage included experiencing positive and negative experiences. The fourth stage included keeping hope alive under uncertainty. Implications for social work practice are suggested.
Darfuri asylum seekers living in Israel: An overview
There are almost 13,000 Sudanese asylum seekers registered by the Israeli Population, Immigration and Borders Authority (PIBA); the majority of them are from Darfur (PIBA, 2014), and they are mostly men (Nathan, 2010). Since 2003, when the war in Darfur erupted, more than 300,000 Darfuris have been killed, 2 million citizens have been displaced, and 350,000 asylum seekers have crossed the borders in search of international protection. The acts of violence in Darfur included killing, rape, and the burning of villages, committed by the Sudanese government and para-military groups (De Waal et al., 2014; Meffert and Marmar, 2008). Many have fled to Egypt, with prospects of resettlement through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). However, conditions of hardship in Egypt (Gerver, 2013; Human Rights Watch, 2008; Hury, 2015; Khawaja et al., 2008) have led many to flee to Israel, assuming that a democratic country would respect international law and provide them with protection (Lawrence, 2011). In line with the ‘Entry into Israeli Law’ (Israeli Law, passed 2014), the initial few hundred Sudanese who crossed the border were arrested without judicial review and placed under administrative detention in military barracks. In 2006 their custody was prolonged under the Anti-Infiltration Law, a legislation from 1954 allowing the indefinite detention of those crossing the border illegally, thus excluding them from the international asylum regime and equating their status to ‘illegal infiltrators’ (a term used in the 1950s for Palestinians crossing into Israeli territories) (Yaron et al., 2013). After a successful petition to Israel’s Supreme High Court, asylum seekers were released and allowed to stay in Israel (Kalir, 2015). They were thus provided with temporary group protection, guarding them from deportation but denying them the possibility to receive refugee status and the rights associated with legal residency. In January 2008, the government of Israel decided to grant, on humanitarian grounds, 600 temporary residence (A5) visas to Darfuri refugees (only 490 Darfuris eventually gained this status). Since the group of those recognized as refugees is so small, this article focuses on asylum seekers – who constitute the majority of the Darfuris in Israel – namely, Darfuris holding a temporary visa (A2-5 A) that protects them only from deportation (African Refugee Development Center (ARDC), 2015; Human Rights Watch, 2008; Kalir, 2015).
It should be noted that Israel does not have official policies about questions such as who is defined as a refugee or an asylum seeker and what the rights and obligations of these people are. Instead of defining a clear policy, the Israeli government takes a series of ad hoc decisions regarding the faith of refugees and asylum seekers (Yaron et al., 2013). Some scholars argue that the main reason for a lack of official law regarding asylum issues is the fear that the recognition of African refugees will affect the claims of Palestinian refugees for territory, compensation, and the right of return (Yaron et al., 2013).
Many of the Darfuris initially settled in Eilat, the southernmost city in Israel, where employment was available in the hotel industry (Amit and Shecter, 2014; Nathan, 2012). With the saturation of available work in Eilat, many Darfuris made their way to Tel Aviv, in the center of Israel, establishing their lives in the southern neighborhoods where accommodation was cheaper and humanitarian assistance was available via non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (ASSAF –Aid Organization for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Israel, 2015; Yudelson, 2015). However, anti-migrant sentiments, responding to the economic pressures made by asylum seekers on local Israeli residents in the poor neighborhoods of Tel Aviv, led to xenophobic violence against asylum seekers and to a continuous policy of de-legitimization intended to deter further asylum seekers from arriving in Israel (Duman, 2014). These measures included geographical restrictions on all asylum seekers (annulled in 2009), blocking access of asylum seekers to Refugee Status Determination (RSD), issuing visas that prohibit employment, forced return to Egypt, and the adoption of the new anti-infiltration law in 2012 (Kalir, 2015). The anti-infiltration law allowed authorities to hold asylum seekers in detention centers without a trial. This law has been heavily opposed by many NGOs and social activists who appealed to the Israeli high court. Indeed, the high court overturned this law in 2013, ruling that detaining asylum seekers in prison contradicts their right to freedom. In response, the authorities built an ‘open’ detention center (Holot) in which asylum seekers could be placed (Kalir, 2015). In practice, it enabled forced detention of asylum seekers in Holot – located in an isolated area in the south of Israel – and led 1687 Sudanese to leave Israel in 2013 (PIBA, 2014).
The NGOs in Israel were against this solution as well, claiming that it is inhumane and presents asylum seekers with the difficult choice of either sitting in a detention center or returning to their unsafe countries (Lis and Lior, 2013). This act was also followed by strong opposition of the Holot’s residents and was fiercely debated in the Israeli media (Lior, 2014a). On 22 September 2014, the Israeli Supreme Court declared the anti-infiltration law to be inhuman and stated that Holot must be closed in 90 days and its residents released (Lior, 2014b). However, despite this declaration, asylum seekers are still summoned to this center. Moreover, currently (April 2015), Israel’s immigration authorities have started informing asylum seekers at Holot that they will be deported from Israel to an unnamed African country (Lior, 2015). Thus, the Darfuri asylum seekers in Israel continue to suffer from an insecure future, discrimination, unresolved legal status, and lack of civil rights and services (Duman, 2014; Kalir, 2015).
NGOs and social workers in the service of asylum seekers in Israel
Asylum seekers from Darfur and other countries in Africa living in Israel need various forms of legal and emotional support, including legal status, medical services, housing, education, and psychological support. Social workers could be at the front of fighting for their rights and providing psychological and social assistance. However, official social services by social workers who work at the Israeli welfare agencies are extremely limited and are usually provided only in extreme cases of child abuse and neglect or extreme cases of violence against women in the family. Only in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem are there limited services given by social workers and supported by the municipality: MESILA in Tel Aviv and Hotline for asylum seekers in Jerusalem. Asylum seekers are usually not treated in official social welfare agencies due to government policy stating that they are not entitled to social services and a lack of financial resources to do so (Korin-Langer and Nadan, 2012; Ruppin Academic Center’s Institute for Immigration and Social Integration, and ASSAF, 2014).
Social activism in social work in Israel – including political work for human rights, a struggle against anti-oppression policies, social benefits for employees, and social equality – has been part of the profession since the 1960s with the emergence of the ‘Black Panthers’ fighting for social equality and anti-racism and anti-discrimination society, up until today, faced with the struggle against poverty and inequality in Israel (Kaufman and Amos, 2012). However, social workers and the social work profession are rarely engaged in the social justice struggle for the rights and legal status of asylum seekers and refugees in Israel. While there is a strong tradition in the social work profession for multi-cultural education and practice, it is mainly addressed toward Israeli citizens while excluding African asylum seekers and refugees (Korin-Langer and Nadan, 2012). Unfortunately, in most cases social workers obey the government policies not to serve this population and are busy with over-crowded Israeli clientele with little in the way of financial resources.
Israeli NGOs try to meet some of the social and psychological needs of asylum seekers and refugees in Israel. The main NGOs that are currently active and attempt to narrow the gap between urgent needs and available services are ASSAF, Doctors for Human Rights, The Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, CIMI: Center for International Migration and Integration, HIAS: A Jewish international NGO to support refugees, and ARDC (Ruppin and ASSAF, 2014). The volunteers and the social practitioners (including social workers) in these organizations are engaged in political activism to fight for human rights and basic human conditions for refugees and asylum seekers, as well providing basic needs including medical assistance, legal counseling, and psychological help. However, it is clear that these services do not meet the needs and urgent necessities of the asylum seekers’ population.
Psychosocial aspects of asylum seekers from Darfur
A recent study on asylum seekers living in Israel was conducted prior to the opening of Holot. The results of that study suggest that asylum seekers in Israel suffer from severe past and present psychosocial difficulties (Slonim-Nevo, Regev & Millo, 2015; Slonim-Nevo & Regev, 2016). The following findings refer to this study.
Pre-migration traumas
The traumatic experiences in the country of origin mentioned by approximately three-quarters of the respondents included loss of personal property, lack of shelter and food, being in a combat situation, and being separated from family. Exposure to slavery, imprisonment, and physical assault and torture were also cited by more than half of the respondents. The extent of war-related traumatic exposure in this study is consistent with that previously reported among Darfuri asylum seekers (Badri et al., 2012) and among other populations of displaced refugees (Bhui et al., 2003; Tang and Fox, 2001). Women demonstrated fewer overall traumatic events but were at greater risk of experiencing sexual violence. This pattern is consistent with prior research of gender differences in reports of traumatic events (Tolin and Foa, 2006).
Living conditions and mental state in Israel
In all, 30 percent of the participants met Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), with a higher proportion for women (55%) than for men (26%). In addition, post-migration stressors were mentioned by the majority of respondents. For example, most respondents had problems obtaining access to healthcare services. Compared to men, women had worse outcomes on most of the psychological measures, including higher levels of perceived discrimination, worse psychological distress, a higher prevalence of PTSD, poorer family functioning, higher levels of culture shock, and elevated hostile emotions. The finding regarding PTSD is consistent with previous research suggesting sex-related differences in vulnerability to PTSD (Tolin and Foa, 2006).
The results of this first study demonstrate high frequencies of pre-migration traumatic exposure and serious post-migration living difficulties. Thus, in this study we aimed to further understand, using in-depth interviews, the experience of the Darfuri asylum seekers from their perspectives. While in the quantitative study we used standardized measures that follow the DSM and other psychological conventions, in this study we focus on the asylum seekers’ own narratives and understandings (Schweitzer et al., 2007). Narratives, according to narrative theory, are tools that enable the participants not only to describe their own experiences, but also to provide their own meanings and understanding of these experiences (Spector-Mersel, 2010). Labov (1982) relates to narrative as a distinct discursive unit in which events are organized in a sequence with beginning, middle, and end. Here, while not using the entire method of narrative analysis of Labov (1982), we utilized his ideas to give voice to the participants’ own evaluations of their narratives.
Indeed, other qualitative studies provide stories and narratives of refugees and asylum seekers. These stories describe experiences of trauma, anguish, discrimination, violence, and fears, as well as strategies for coping and for surviving harsh conditions (Bixler, 2005; Deng et al., 2005; Khawaja et al., 2008; Puvimanasinghe et al., 2015; Schweitzer et al., 2007; Tempany, 2009). In this study, we specifically wish to learn about the participants’ lives in Sudan, what made them flee their country, their journey, their life in Israel, and their plans for the future. These themes are in accordance with the four stages of refugees’ and asylum seekers’ experiences as described in the literature (Agger, 2007). These stages are described next.
The four stages in the experience of asylum seekers
Researchers who document the experience of asylum seekers and refugees often divide the stages of migration into two periods: pre-migration and post-migration (Arévalo et al., 2015; Mölsä et al., 2014; Schweitzer et al., 2006, 2011). Others claim that research should also focus on the transit stage – an important and often traumatic period – in the lives of refugees (George, 2012; Khawaja et al., 2008; Milner and Khawaja, 2010; Schweitzer et al., 2007). Finally, there are those who divide the post-migration period into two separate stages: temporary settlement or request for asylum, and resettlement or return to country of origin – namely, four stages of migration (Agger, 2007). Following is a description of those four stages.
First stage
The period before the war: This is often an extended period that is characterized by economic difficulties, social problems, physical violence, political oppression, extreme physical and emotional suffering, and anger due to the need to leave home. Refugees report long periods of hiding and escaping from armed forces before reaching the decision to leave. The main motivation to escape is the fear of being attacked, raped, tortured, and the fear of ethnic cleansing (Agger, 2007; George, 2012; Khawaja et al., 2008; Schweitzer et al., 2006).
Second stage
The escape or the transit period: This stage involves the experience of leaving home, and often family and friends, with the dangers to face of a journey to find asylum. Many experience dangers on their escape route (Agger, 2007; George, 2012; Khawaja et al., 2008; Nakash et al., 2015; Schweitzer et al., 2007). Women report sexual attacks, and there are reports of torture as well (Clinton-Davis and Fassil, 1992).
Third stage
Temporary settlement or request for asylum: This is the stage of extended stay in official camps, refugee centers, or on the streets in the countries of refuge. In these places, it is impossible to expect a normal way of life. Although asylum seekers feel protected from the threats that they faced in their own country, the system of asking for help and requesting legal recognition, and the attempt at the unification of families in the country of refuge, often leads to extreme anxiety. Many experience the influences of this stage for numerous years (Schweitzer et al., 2006). They report fears of being expelled, and often the host countries do, in fact, expel them (George, 2012; Quiroga, 2004). As George (2012: 430) writes, ‘Refugees’ lives remain in limbo until their legal challenges are sorted out … They are simultaneously required to pass through the asylum-seeking process, which is intensely re-traumatizing’.
During this period they also suffer from social isolation, racism, unemployment, severe worries about their families, language difficulties, and psychological problems related to their past experiences, including PTSD, anxiety, and depression (Schweitzer et al., 2006, 2007, 2011).
Fourth stage
Resettlement or return to country of origin: Asylum seekers often struggle with uncertainty and find it difficult to give credence to their environment. Some find refuge in countries as official refugees with the right of permanent settlement, but settlement in itself creates a need to struggle against xenophobia, racism, social isolation, unemployment, and psychological problems such as depression and anxiety disorders (Khawaja et al., 2008; Mölsä et al., 2014). Combined with the challenges of looking after basic needs, there is also a struggle for self-identity and in attempting to create a meaningful life (Cambridge and Williams, 2004; Khawaja et al., 2008).
The study question
What are the participants’ perspectives with regard to their experience in the four stages described above: their lives in Sudan and their reasons for fleeing their country, their journey, their lives in Israel, and their plans for the future?
Little is known about the experiences of Darfuri asylum seekers in general, and in Israel in particular. Furthermore, the available literature on this group is mainly based on quantitative studies. Thus, it is important to understand their experiences, in Darfur, via the journey, during life in the new country, as well as their plans for the future. The qualitative methodology enables the participants to express their own voices and offer their own perspectives and knowledge. The findings may also be used by policy-makers and social practitioners who wish to assist these people to overcome past traumas and find a secure and legal place in Israel.
Methods
Sample
The sample was recruited with the assistance of a community worker who is highly recognized by the Darfuri community as a person who cares for them and can secure resources and provide emotional help. This community worker was able to find participants who are willing to be interviewed and was present during the interviews to help us build up trust and provide emotional support if needed. This community worker had explained in detail the scope of the study, the structure of the interview, and the topics that would be included. She emphasized that participation was voluntary and that they may choose to leave the interview at any moment, if they wished to do so, or avoid answering topics that were not suitable for them.
The selection criteria were as follows: people who came from Darfur, had been in Israel for at least three years, were over the age of 18, were able to speak either Hebrew or English, and resided in Holot. Since no research to date had included the Holot’s residents, and since it is important to document the experiences of living in this detention center, we offered only people from Holot the opportunity to join the study.
The sample includes eight male asylum seekers from Darfur who resided, at the time of the interviews, in the Holot detention center. All participants were single, between 27 and 38 years old, and had been in Israel for 4–6 years. The policy at that time was that only single men were ordered to Holot; thus our sample included only single men. Table 1 describes the basic characteristics of the participants.
Characteristics of participants.
Data collection
In-depth, semi-structured group interviews were conducted in Hebrew and English according to the participant’s preference and his level of language fluency, led by the authors in an open space outside Holot or in a private room in Ben-Gurion University. The authors facilitated all group interviews together. We asked four open questions related to each stage and allowed the participants to tell their story during each stage. For example, we asked, ‘Please tell us about your life in Darfur before escaping the country’. This structure enabled the participants to share their stories in an open manner and choose which topics to emphasize and elaborate on. Topics of discussion included the reasons for departure; experiences during the journey; the experience in Israel; relations with Israelis and within the Israeli society; relations with relatives and other refugees; community engagement and support; the assistance of NGOs; relations with authorities; access to services; subjective emotions including fears, hopes, and emotional state; subjective perspectives about factors contributing to adaptation and deterioration in their condition; and attitudes and perspectives regarding their future in general and regarding Sudan in particular. The participants received a gift certificate by way of appreciation for their efforts and time.
Data analysis
Data were transcribed and analyzed using qualitative methods. In particular, we combined yhe constant comparisons strategy (Hallberg, 2006; Kolb, 2012) and thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) to detect patterns of behavior, strategies, and resources associated with the participants’ experiences. In addition, while not using the entire method of narrative analysis of Labov (1982), following others (e.g. Adams, 2015) we utilized his ideas to give voice to the participants’ own evaluations of their narratives.
In thematic analysis, the emphasis is on the content of a text, on what is said rather than on how it is said (Riessman, 2003). We followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six stages of thematic analysis: (1) we read the entire data in a holistic manner in order to be familiar with it and get initial ideas about its content and form; (2) we marked interesting ideas or codes in the entire data set in a systematic manner, and used the words of the interviewees to identify these codes; (3) we identified main themes that emerged from our initial list of codes and gathered all extracts relevant to each identified theme; (4) we reviewed the identified themes, and examined each theme and ensured its relevance to the research question and to the entire data set; (5) we refined the themes, that is, conducting ongoing analysis to each of the theme, making sure that it was relevant to our study and loyal to the data; (6) finally, while writing the article we selected the most appropriate extract examples that were relevant to the research question and literature.
Throughout the six stages we utilized the constant comparisons strategy. This involved combining thematic analysis with a simultaneous comparison of all observed cases (Kolb, 2012); that is, at every stage of the data analysis, we constantly compared each part of the data with all other parts of the data to explore variations, similarities, and differences in the data set (Hallberg, 2006). Constant comparison was originally defined as part of grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). In this study, similarly to other researchers (Braun and Clarke, 2006), we did not fully apply the whole method of grounded theory and rather used specifically the strategy of constant comparison to strengthen our thematic analysis of the data.
Labov’s narrative analysis (Labov, 1982; Riessman, 2003) defines six basic components of a narrative structure (abstract, orientation, complicating actions, evaluation, resolution, and coda). The evaluation component is considered to be the soul of the narrative. Here, the speaker steps back from the told experience and remarks on meaning and emotions that are related to the narrative (Riessman, 2003). Using this aspect of the methodology, we tried to examine how the participants themselves understand and interpret their own experiences – their own meanings and emotions related to their narratives.
Validity and trustworthiness
To strengthen the trustworthiness of the study we used our experience in working with the Darfuri asylum seekers in Israel, thus analyzing the texts from wide perspectives due to prolonged engagement with the community. In addition, during the pilot study we interviewed two refugees in order to examine our ability to interview, receive credible information, and test dependability. Finally, throughout the data collection process and the data analyses, both researchers and the community worker – who was present during data collection – had reflected on the processes, findings, implications, and interpretations of the data. These communications enabled us to view the texts from various perspectives and base our interpretations on mutual discussions and rich experiences (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).
Ethical considerations and protecting the participants
Ethical approval for the project was provided by the relevant local research ethics committee in Ben-Gurion University. As noted, the sample was recruited with the help of a community worker who is well known in the Darfuri community. She explained the nature of the study and offered to join the project on a completely voluntary basis. An information sheet was provided and a consent form completed to ensure informed consent. Due to personal exposures of participants to emotionally sensitive issues, the potential of harming the participants was high (Padgett, 1998). Therefore, we took the following extensive steps to protect the participants: (1) we ensured that the participant could not be identified in any published information; (2) all recordings were kept in a locked office with no access to anyone but the researchers; (3) a signed consent form was obtained from each participant; and (4) we had pre-planned counseling services in case of strong emotional reactions to the interview. However, none of the participants reported distress; on the contrary, they reported that the experience was positive and encouraging.
Following Peled and Leichtentritt (2002), we believe that ethical consideration should go beyond prevention of harm and include research-related benefits for participants and their community. Hence, based on the participants’ request at the end of data collection, we created an academic framework that offered courses to 100 asylum seekers residing in the Holot. Specifically, 100 asylum seekers arrived at the university and selected two academic courses, taught by volunteers from the academic staff of the university. Thus, taking part in this study led to a community project that was highly valued by the residents of Holot.
Findings
First stage: The period before the war
Theme 1.1: Running for their life
A common theme in this stage, as described by the participants, was the urgent need to run and save their life in the face of extreme violence. They reported traumatic conditions in Sudan that were inflicted upon them by two sources: members of the Janjaweed (a militia that operates in Darfur) and representatives of the Sudanese government. The attacks by the Janjaweed included all forms of ethnic cleansing and genocide; to name but a few: burning of villages, killing the population, robbing all property that is necessary for survival (such as animals and food), kidnapping, and murder. The attacks by representatives of the Sudanese government were also horrifying. They reported forced draft into the army, arrests, torture, ethnic discriminations, killing, and kidnapping. These attacks forced the participants to flee their homes, search for protection within and outside Sudan, and be left with no home or security. The stories about the Janjaweed and the government are intertwined and are expressed in a combined manner.
Jalal provides his story:
They burnt the village and killed everyone on the way. We heard shooting from the nearby village so we escaped to the river. Before burning, they looted everything. The houses are made of straw, so they burned everything. My father was in the school, he was a teacher, and they arrived to the school to kill everyone. My mother, my sisters, my brother and I escaped and crossed to Chad in the evening. […] When we came back, we found out that two of my friends were killed in the attack. We escaped to the mountain and hid in the river.
While Jalal and other participants describe similar events, Hadi gives his own evaluation of the events:
We suffered from persecution, harassments, ethnic cleansing, hard emotions. If I had stayed there – I would have not survived. Most of my friends of my age who stayed there were killed. I don’t think anyone survived, especially at my age. They were forced to be drafted to the army and fight, there were no options. Other persons are missing, arrested, killed by torture, and died in the camps. In the refugee camps there is no security or protection, especially for the young people.
In this component of the narrative, Hadi defines the violence as ‘ethnic cleansing’. Thus, he evaluates the government’s actions not just as random violent events, but as political aggression with a political aim: eliminating the Darfuri people. Hadi’s evaluations of the participants’ options – escape or die – construct the participants’ actions as a run for their lives.
Theme 1.2: From united family to lonely individuals
An identified pattern is manifested: first, the whole family tries to escape as a group, but then each family member remains on his own, losing contact with the rest of the family.
Juda tells, ‘My village was attacked again. I run to a different direction to Katz and my siblings and my mother to a different direction. I never saw them since then’.
Muhammad reports,
… After 17 days I got to my village and found out it was burned. I found out my family was hiding in the valley behind the grass. […] The Janjaweed and troops found us in the grass, 300 people were killed in one day. We all ran away, when it became dark, I stopped and went back. I found out that my mother was dead. Two brothers went to another village. I didn’t find my father.
While the participants did not specifically provide their own interpretation of the separation from their families, they repeatedly mentioned their families in their narratives. They described attempts to know what happened to family members, how they lost them, when and how they were able to contact them, and how they worried about them. These references led us to conclude that the shift from being a part of the family to individual survival created a pain and suffering on its own.
For example, Nasser elaborates,
They burnt our village in August 2003 and the family diverted to all directions. I had no way to be in contact with them, no phone. Only when people moved from city to city – I discovered what happened to them. Only when I knew what happened to them I could think about tomorrow. The first time that I could talk to them was after 12 years. Mama said: we miss you but we can continue. At least you are in a place where we can see you. One day if you come back, we will not able to see you. This will be harder. We miss you so much.
Second stage: The escape and the journey to Israel
Theme 2.1: Experiencing extreme conditions during the journey
Participants repeatedly described experiencing extreme conditions during their escape journey – both in Libya and in Egypt – including hunger and thirst, being shot at, extremely cold weather, people wounded or killed around them, or being robbed.
Jinan talks about the people who were killed or wounded by the Egyptian soldiers: ‘… We stopped running and waited for the rest of the group – but three were killed, two were captured by the Egyptian and were taken back, and one woman was shot in her chest’.
Hadi explained how he was treated by those who were supposed to help him in Egypt:
They sent us to a neighborhood in Cairo. Three days in a very crowded place, we were locked for three days and had to pay for food. We ran out of money, we lost weight and we felt weak. They took us to another place – a room full of water and flies, you cannot sleep there, the first time I was in extreme cold weather. One woman started to cry, they put a pistol to her head so she would stop crying. She said they could shoot her because she is dead already.
Theme 2.2: Constant demands for bribes
Throughout the stories a common pattern is manifested: ongoing forceful demands for payments and bribes from different sources – public officials in different countries, criminal gangs who offer to help but were likely to run with their money, or Bedouin-Arab guides. If they wanted to survive, they must pay.
Nassar narrates,
I was nine years in Libya and I understood. They constantly made us feel fear. All the time being arrested and you have to pay […] we were in the control of someone else. Two-three days, once a day he gave us food and then he asked for money. We collected and gave him money. He left and never came back.
Hadi describes,
I used my money to pay corrupted people in the government for different forms, like a letter that he did national service, a passport and a visa to Egypt. I didn’t care where to go, just wanted to be safe. I paid officers who took me to Halfa, from where I took a boat to Egypt, on January 2010.
These quotes manifest two separate interpretations of the use of money in order to survive. In the first example, Nassar emphasizes the feeling of helplessness and a lack of control. The money is forcefully taken from fearful people, running for their lives. In contrast, Hadi is describing himself as an active actor who uses money to reach his goals and overcome barriers. Both Hadi and Nassar used money to survive, but offer different interpretations of the situation.
Theme 2.3: Trial and error in attempting to find security
It seems that the participants were unable to plan their escape in advance, but rather tried to find a safe place, changing their actions and directions according to current information and conditions. They collected information on the way, moved back to Sudan and then fleed again, being constantly on the run.
Jinan says,
Other friends went to Italy from Libya, I tried three times and failed – the boat was broken. If the boat that had picked us up went to Italy, we were lucky to get to Italy. But instead the boat that had picked us up went back to Libya – as happened all those three times.
Omar describes his attempts to reach safety:
I was one month in Egypt. I wanted to get to Kenya, but managed to get to Egypt. I rested for a while. I arrived with six other from Sudans to Cairo and I lived there for a while. One dinner we talked about where to go. The man told me terrible stories of people who were killed and kidnapped from Darfur in Egypt. I didn’t know where to go. I was told ‘you have only chance in Rwanda or Israel’. So we decided to go to Israel.
While the participants did not specifically describe the personal skills and traits that are crucial in order to find a safe place in an uninviting world, from their repeated stories it appears that survivors ought to be determined, flexible, active, and resilient in order to face fluctuating circumstances and conditions.
Theme 2.4: Intense emotions
The participants express intense emotions during their journeys including anger, fear, and anxiety.
Hadi says,
The experience with the Bedouins was not human. It is like selling yourself to someone without knowing what will be your future or your fate […] I asked myself: why everywhere I go I am escorted by suffering and torments?
Jalal asserts,
In Libya it is very difficult to all Darfuris. I was there for 4 years. A the end I was very angry because the police takes your money all the time, arrests people, hits them, I did not want to stay there anymore.
Nasser says,
They told us to go to the border ‘whoever comes back I will kill him’. When they scare you from the back you are not afraid from the front […] There is an option that you will die and say bye-bye to life, or succeed and live in a different country. We talked about it and I say okay, what this life worth anyway.
In all three examples, the speakers had stepped back from the harsh experience and remarked on the existential aspects of their narratives. They provided their own philosophical conclusions to their whole escaping experiences and at the same time tried to find practical solutions: Jalal asked, ‘why everywhere I go I am escorted by suffering and torments?’ – an existential question about life and suffering. He tried to understand his pain in the context of life in general, in the context of the state of the world. Nasser, in a way in answering him, says, ‘I say okay, what this life worth anyway’. Here, he claimed that they have nothing to lose – their condition is so harsh that they can take a chance and risk their lives. Finally, Jalal looks at the whole situation in Libya, not just his own, and concluded that one had to leave that place.
Third stage: Life in Israel
The participants arrive at a strange place, confused and fearful. However, the initial encounter with the Israeli soldiers was mostly reassuring: the soldiers did not attack them as they feared would happen, but rather offered them food and medical care. As Jalal said, ‘When we crossed the border to Israel, the Army found us and said to us “welcome”’. Yet all participants were jailed for at least one month before being released into Israel. In the jail they were interviewed by representatives of the United Nations and by Israeli officials and underwent medical examinations.
Upon leaving the jail they received very little explanation or assistance regarding life in Israel. They were usually directed toward the central bus station in Tel Aviv. Near the central bus station there is a public park called Levinsky Park in which asylum seekers gather, and it is now known as the place of asylum seekers. In this park they stayed for a few nights outdoors and then either came across other asylum seekers who took them to their homes and helped them find a job or they met employers who offered them daily jobs or even more stable employment.
Juda provides a common example, shared by many who were released from jail:
We were dropped in Levinsky Park. When we got to the park, we found a lot of people in the park. We ask where people go and they laughed and said this is the place, there is nowhere to go. The first night we didn’t have blankets and it was very cold. The next day, they said there is food. The next day, we heard about a shelter where Sudanese live but there were so many people that there was no room for us. After three days, I met someone I knew and he said ‘maybe join me to go to Jerusalem’. I went with him.
Recovering from the initial shock of crossing the border, being in jail, and moving into civil society, the participants started a long period of adjustment in which they tried to learn the language, finding work, making friends, and prompting their education. This period, before being summoned to Holot, is characterized by long hours of working in various places in Israel, mainly in hotels, restaurants, supermarkets, construction sites, or factories. At the beginning, the refugees moved to where the jobs were, sharing crowded housing with other asylum seekers and attempting to save money. Later, some of them were motivated to continue with their studies and thus looked for jobs near educational institutions.
Theme 3.1: Positive experiences – working, studying, and building social networks
The narratives about life in Israel, prior to the Holot’s period, include both positive and negative perceptions. On the positive side, some described honest employers who paid them on time and even raised their salary and status at work. They met volunteers from various NGOs and regular Israeli citizens who became their friends and offered assistance. They took part in social activities and political activism, and some continued their studies. Most importantly, they repeatedly emphasized the constant help and support from their fellow Darfuri friends and acquaintances.
Nasser discloses,
… After more than a year, I met a chef who said I am a great guy and asked me to help him. He said ‘you will become a great chef’ and he made me a sous-chef. Two months later he promoted me again. […] In 2010, I moved to hotel D with this chef, he wanted me to come with him. This was the best year. Two days after my birthday, we had a wedding in Jerusalem. This was a year in which we had many trips to Akko, Jerusalem, and Eilat. We had so much fun. Then a friend from work got married and we attended the wedding.
Jinan shares his experience while participating in a community project: ‘It was great. It gave us a chance to understand Israel community and those in Israel who want to get to know about us.’
Hadi discloses,
Finally I found a job in a factory and worked there for three years. It was good, even though my visa does not include work permission, I feel lucky because I managed to find a job, and good people who became my friends.
In these three narratives the speakers talked in a vivid and joyful manner and emphasized, ‘This was the best year’, ‘We had so much fun’, ‘It was great’, and ‘I feel lucky’. Thus they specifically evaluated the opportunity to work, meet Israelis in a joint activity, and find friends as important to their happiness.
Theme 3.2: Negative experiences – abuse and vulnerability
On the negative side, the participants’ narratives included common events of abuse and discrimination. In the workplace some employers had not paid their salaries, verbally abused them, made them work extremely long hours, and took advantage of their vulnerable status. They were also subject to racism by Israeli citizens and harsh treatment by Israeli authorities.
Abbas states,
They didn’t give me a payment slip. When I asked for it, they just say ‘you don’t have any kind of documents’. Then the boss said you are the person who tells others you have some rights so I don’t want you here. He refused to give me my last month salary. I said to him ‘if you don’t give me my money I will call the police’, so he said ‘ok, call the police’.
Omar explains,
They started demonstrations against refugees. Some people were concerned about us, but others expressed hate and demonstrated against us. I felt discrimination and racism because of my color. People think that we take their place, they don’t understand our plight. I once worked as a gardener in the park. Two women spitted on me, they cursed me in Russian … They look at me in the bus with hate; no one sits near me, even when the bus is full. I stay at home when there are demonstrations. They are directed against you: ‘Sudan for Sudanese, Africans to Africa’. They think that we are all murders and criminals.
While Abbas recounted a sequence of negative events, Omar added his own understanding and evaluation of the events: he evaluated the situation as racism against people with black skin; he understood this attitude as competition concerning resources between Israeli citizens and refugees; and he realized that people do not know or understand the refugees’ plights. These evaluations form a logical and a cohesive picture in his mind about his experiences.
Theme 3.3: The Holot experience – humiliation and political activism
Although the government describes Holot as an open center with medical care, food, and adequate facilities, the participants evaluate this place to be jail. A great sense of humiliation and injustice accompanied this evaluation. They do not understand why they are treated as criminals after years in Israel, during which there were no complaints about them and they did not commit any crime. As Jalal said, ‘This place is not good, it’s jail, we are not criminals jail is for criminals’.
Although the participants feel safe in Holot, they suffer mentally and physically. They complain about insufficient food and medical care and about great boredom. They are allowed to go out, but Holot (meaning ‘sands’ in Hebrew) is in an isolated location in the Negev desert and they must sign in twice a day – a procedure that prevents them from going to urban places. To fight the boredom and the lack of any organized activities by the center’s officials, the participants themselves organized classes in Hebrew and in English, as well as sport and social activities. Occasionally, some members of Israeli NGOs come to visit, bringing food, books, medicines, and offers of support.
After a few months of trying to negotiate with the management of Holot with no success, some of the residents, together with representatives of Israeli NGOs, initiated a series of political activities to influence Israeli and international public opinion.
Omar describes his experiences:
In January 2014, I was transferred to Holot. They said it is an open camp with education and medical care and everything you need. They have taken my freedom, I cannot go far, I have no freedom and I have no basic rights: food, health, we cannot support ourselves – 3000 people are dependent on the government. There is no decent cafeteria; we cannot take care of people. At night, the doors are closed. If something happens here, there could be a disaster. I don’t know what will be the future.
Abbas describes their attempts to change their reality in Holot:
I and the rest of the men in Holot realised that what we were told was not true. We decided to do protest like not signing for three days just to put pressure on the government of Holot to give us some rights. We did it for a month but there was no reaction from the authority. So we decided to do something internationally. Then the police came and arrested all of us and send us to Saharonim [an Israeli jail that only holds asylum seekers].
In sum, the speakers opposed the government perception of Holot and provided their own definition: jail. They also viewed this experience as a violation of their basic human rights and thus took actions including political activism, negotiation with the management, and self-care.
Fourth stage: Plans and hopes for the future
Theme 4.1: Keeping hope alive under uncertainty
We asked the participants to share their thoughts and possibilities about the future. The main theme is that of uncertainty, combined with hopes and aspirations for a better life.
Abbas says,
I only have one hope for a year from now, that the court will decide to release all the prisoners from Holot to have a normal life until there is peace in our country and we can go back home. This is my only wish. […] We are waiting, we have nothing to do. We have no idea what will go on so we are totally depressed. To stay for long time and hear the same scenario and nothing has changed, people are depressed and do not believe.
Juda appears more hopeful:
I am still thinking about high court. Maybe it will be better for the people to start thinking about the future. In the past year, we try to get scholarships to study somewhere and maybe it will make you a better person to think of solving our situation at home. Mandela said education is the key to solving the problem. So I all the time try to find a scholarship.
In these two examples there are opposite evaluations: depression and uncertainty on the one hand, and hope for a better future on the other. Abbas emphasized the perception of being left with no options and no control over their future. Juda emphasized the wish to continue his higher education, as he viewed it as key to personal development and success. Both elements appear in the asylum seekers’ stories.
Discussion and conclusions
The study focuses on four stages in the lives of asylum seekers from Darfur in Israel: before leaving Sudan, the journey to Israel, living in Israel, and future plans. Throughout the stages, they experienced struggle for survival, fears, and insecurity. The first two stages – life in Darfur and the escape – are particularly traumatic and intertwined with horrifying experiences, such as kidnap and murder. In Israel, they were finally able to practice a relatively routine life. However, this period was over when they were forced to enter the Holot detention center – a place in which they feel humiliated, lacking control over their lives, bored, and desperate.
The stories reveal high hopes and desires for finding a place in the world – a safe place in which a person can receive basic human rights, study, reunite with his family, and continue with his life. Participants constantly alternated between feelings of despair and hopelessness on the one hand, and times in which they were actively working toward improving their conditions and fighting for their rights on the other. The despair is associated with traumatic events, discrimination, injustice, and the inability to plan for the future; hopes and resilience are associated with the support of family, friends, and members of local NGOs. In addition, social activism and community organization are also helpful and contribute both to practical achievement, such as influencing public opinion with respect to the refugees’ plight, and to the lifting of their spirit.
The study has a few notable limitations. First, it includes only male participants. The literature has already acknowledged gender differences in refugees’ and asylum seekers’ experiences (Milner and Khawaja, 2010; Tolin and Foa, 2006; Yako and Biswas, 2014). Thus future studies should focus on women’s experiences, plights, and hopes. Second, the participants were recruited via their connection with members of Israeli NGOs, and therefore perhaps only resourceful and active individuals were included. This may have biased the findings toward resilience rather than helplessness. Future studies should attempt to recruit more marginal asylum seekers as well. In particular, participants who speak only Arabic should also be included. In the current study only Hebrew and English speakers were included, and thus we may have included only the stronger members of the community. Including those who speak only Arabic in future studies is likely to provide richer data. Finally, as noted, data collection was performed in a group setting and thus findings may have been affected by the presence of others. Future studies should include individual interviews in addition.
Asylum seekers from Darfur in Israel need various forms of legal and emotional support during the third and fourth stages of migration: human rights including freedom and employment, medical services, housing, education, and psychological support. These urgent needs generate a strong challenge for the social work profession in Israel. Social workers could be at the forefront of fighting for their rights and providing psychological and social assistance. Unfortunately, currently they are rarely engaged in these activities (Korin-Langer and Nadan, 2012; Ruppin and ASSAF, 2014). While there is a strong tradition of social activism within the social work profession in Israel to protect marginalized social groups with no political power (Kaufman and Amos, 2012), asylum seekers and refugees are usually excluded. We believe that social workers in Israel should continue to aim for a professional practice that is committed to anti-racism and anti-discriminatory values.
First, and most importantly, they should participate, together with Israeli NGOs, to change current government’s policies regarding asylum seekers and refugees in Israel. Immigration laws should define who is entitled to asylum in the country, what the civil rights and duties of refugees are, how they can support themselves financially, who will care for their health – all questions that are not currently addressed in an organized and legal manner. Without well-established immigration laws, the conditions of the refugees and asylum seekers change from month to month and they cannot take care of their daily lives and plan their future.
Second, social workers should strive to include asylum seekers and refugees in the welfare agencies and for them to be entitled to services such as counseling, psychiatric help, physical and emotional rehabilitation, family and child assistance, day care, and education. Social workers should not only provide these services, but also work hand-in-hand with NGOs and social activists to fight against discriminating and oppressing Israeli current official policies (Ife, 2012; Kaufman and Amos, 2012).
Third, until political change regarding the status and rights of asylum seekers and refugees in Israel occurs, social workers should work together with Israeli NGOs in order to provide this vulnerable population with both social and mental support. They should connect asylum seekers with local NGOs and social welfare agencies who could provide information, legal assistance, health care, child care, housing, and employment. This is particularly important as these people arrive in the new country confused and afraid.
Finally, social workers and other social practitioners should offer professional counseling to those who have suffered traumatic events during their journey to a safe place. People who have experienced torture, murder, rape, and other horrible experiences should not be left without treatment and support (Ruppin and ASSAF, 2014). Clinical work should include the opportunity to process traumatic experiences, the ability to understand these experiences in the political and social context in which they occurred, address concern for family members, and discuss fear for the future, plans, and hopes. While assisting this vulnerable population, it is also important to acknowledge their inner and outside resources, including political activism, social support, ability to function under extreme conditions, cooperation with local NGOs, and improving their knowledge and skills. Thus, any professional help should focus on these abilities and work hand-in-hand with asylum seekers to improve their legal, social, and personal conditions (Hernández and García-Moreno, 2014).
In conclusion, asylum seekers from Darfur who live in Israel have accumulated many harsh experiences during the civil war in Darfur, their journey to a safe country, and while residing in Israel. The plight and urgent social and psychological necessities of this population generate a challenge for the social work profession: rather than ignoring these marginalized people, social workers could be at the front of the political and social struggle to provide them with a legal and decent life in Israel.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We wish to thank Shirley Regev and Moran Melkamn for their assistance in data collection, and the eight participants who shared their stories with us.
Funding
This study was supported by a grant to the first author from the Israel Science Foundation (ISF), no. 633/10.