Sex trafficking in Cyprus: An in-depth study of policy,services,and social work involvement

Abstract

Human trafficking is a major social justice issue, with sex trafficking the most documented form. It depends on vulnerable and oppressed women who are bartered as commodities in an extremely profitable global market. Given their victimization, the loss of dignity, and the complete violation of the human rights of these victims, sex trafficking has major implications for the social work profession. Using a case study approach, this article explores sex trafficking policy and its implementation in Cyprus, a country that has been named a destination country for trafficking victims. Using Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, the factors impacting policy, its implementation, and social work involvement are explored.

Keywords

Ecological model implications policy implementation sex trafficking social work

Human trafficking refers to the illegal trade of human beings. It is a major social justice issue that has emerged as one of the primary injustices facing contemporary society (Obama, 2012) and has been referred to as a global human rights issue that must be of critical concern to social work (Orme and Ross-Sheriff, 2015).

Sexual trafficking, the most documented type of human trafficking, is dependent on the exploitation of vulnerable and oppressed women who are bartered as commodities (United Nations (UN), 2000) and are threatened by force, deception, and fraud and sold for the purposes of sexual exploitation (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), 2014). Estimates are that 53 percent of all trafficked persons are sexually trafficked, with the proportion even higher, 66 percent, in Europe and Central Asia (UNODC, 2014). The vast majority of victims, 98 percent, are women and girls (Hepburn and Simon, 2013; United Nations General Assembly, 2006). Both the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (UNCEDAW) and the UN General Assembly identify sex trafficking as a form of gender-based violence and a gross violation of fundamental rights (UNCEDAW, 1992; United Nations General Assembly, 2006).

Contributing to the flagrancy of the problem is the fact that sex trafficking is an extremely profitable global industry. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), US$55 billion was generated through sexual trafficking in 2012, with annual profits per victim estimated at US$21,800 (ILO, 2014). As victims can be re-trafficked several times, profits are further increased (Kara, 2010).

Many factors such as poverty, unemployment, economic and/or political instability, government corruption, lack of awareness of exploitation, domestic abuse, or family problems, place women at risk of victimization (Bryant-Davis et al., 2009: 70). Poor women seeking a better future outside of their own country are particularly vulnerable to exploitation. Organized criminal groups, a lack of adequate legislation, and political will, with limited commitment by immigration or law enforcement, build on and exacerbate this vulnerability (Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe (OSCE), 2005).

As a result of the physical violence, abuse, and long-term emotional and often health problems they have experienced, victims have multiple needs (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2011; Decker et al., 2007; Macy and Johns, 2011). The trauma and deprivations they have experienced necessitate skilled sensitive psychological counseling and support. In addition, victims are also in need of shelter, legal counseling, finances, medical care, and safety planning, often requiring immediate emergency assistance (National Human Trafficking Resource Center, 2015).

Given the multiple factors contributing to trafficking and its broad impact, combating it necessitates the involvement of many systems. At the macro-level, these include policies to combat it as well as economic conditions that foster it and cultural attitudes that tend to ignore it. The meso-level involves agencies and services of many disciplines that can effectively implement policies and support victims, while the micro-level necessitates sensitive and responsive victim assessments and care (Hardy et al., 2013).

This article reviews the sex trafficking situation, policies, and their implementation in Cyprus, a European country that has been classified a destination country for trafficked persons (European Commission, 2015). As trafficking is both a social justice and human rights issue with victims in urgent need of a wide range of supports, it clearly falls into the social work context where social workers can apply both their macro- and micro-perspectives. Consequently, the article pays close attention to the response of social work in dealing with sex trafficking. Although both trafficking for labor and sex occurs in Cyprus, the majority of those trafficked are women for sexual exploitation (GRETA, 2015). It is on this group of victims that this article focuses.

Cyprus is the only European country placed for 3 years – 2011, 2012, and 2014 – on the Tier 2 Watch List of the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) of the US Department of State (2014) which measures annually how governments are combating human trafficking. A Tier 2 Watch List placement means that a country has a significant number of victims and that it does not fully comply with minimum standards in dealing with trafficking although it is making efforts.

In 2015, the country was taken off of the Watch List and given a Tier 2 ranking (U.S. Department of State, 2015a). Accordingly, the country had maintained its efforts at prevention and victim protection, increased its work in protecting victims, strengthened its law enforcement, and increased its investigations of suspected traffickers.

Although fewer victims were identified in 2015 than in 2014, the 2016 TIP Report gave Cyprus a Tier 1 rating 2 (U.S. Department of State, 2016). The higher ranking recognized the country’s stronger efforts to train responders and prosecute traffickers even though many were convicted under non-trafficking statutes, resulting in lenient sentences. Among the recommendations of the 2016 Report were the needs to provide victims with more adequate psychological support services and to formalize the roles of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the referral network. The findings are important as they validate the efforts being made while also indicating critical areas requiring further attention.

Background

Cyprus

Cyprus is a Mediterranean island divided between Turkish Cypriots in the north and Greek Cypriots in the south. The country has been under the rule of the Assyrians, Phoenicians, Persians, Arabs, Venetians, and from 1944 to 1960, the British. With independence in 1960, a constitution was created that offered a complex system of power to be shared between the Turkish and Greek populations. Friction developed between the two, and in 1963, the UN Peacekeeping Force established a buffer zone between the two sectors.

The hostility resulted in armed conflict in 1974 after a failed coup d’état supported by Athens and led by Cypriot officers (Mallinson, 2005). Turkish troops invaded the northern part of the island and the population resettled with Greeks in the north moving to the south (Mallinson, 2005). Since then Cyprus has remained divided into the Republic of Cyprus in the South, composing two-thirds of the island, and the independent Turkish sector of Northern Cyprus. In May 2004, the Republic joined the European Union (EU). Only Turkey formally recognizes the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), with the UN forces maintaining a buffer zone between the two sides (US Department of State, 2015a).

Trafficking in Cyprus

The geographical position of Cyprus – south of Turkey and close to Syria, Greece, and Egypt – places it in a key position for the transit of women for sexual trafficking (European Commission, 2015). Victims of sexual trafficking are primarily young women from countries of the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, India, the Philippines, Morocco, and Vietnam (US Department of State, 2015). Most enter Cyprus with an employment agent believing they will be doing domestic or cabaret work. This agent, who is often the trafficker, usually takes the women’s papers and documents and uses threats and violence to maintain them as sex workers (GRETA, 2015). Frequently, these traffickers are women from the same country as the victim. This similarity enables them to build relationships with the women they recruit. These relationships also act as a deterrent to the victims seeking prosecution as the traffickers are able to make the women feel responsible for their situations.

Paid sex has been a source of revenue in Cyrus for years, and prostitution is legal (Constantinou, 2013). Research indicates that countries with legalized prostitution also have large flows of sex trafficking victims (Cho et al., 2013), with the relationship most pronounced in those countries lacking strong anti-trafficking measures (Marinova and James, 2012). Indeed, purchasers of sexual services do not distinguish between women who are trafficking victims and those who are prostitutes.

Tourism is a major source of revenue for the country, and the sex industry contributes to tourism as many travel to Cyprus to engage in sexual activity. However, comparative data on the proportion of tourists to nationals involved as customers are lacking. Moreover, according to Constantinou (2013), due to the economic situation of the country and the profits provided by the sex industry, the government, although wanting to adhere to European anti-trafficking legislation, remains ambivalent in dealing with it.

Trafficking and corruption are closely linked criminal activities (UNODC, 2011). Corruption is particularly flagrant in Cyprus with Cypriots more likely (56%) than other Europeans to report they have been personally affected by various modes of corruption (Transparency International, 2011). Within the realm of trafficking, this corruption involves pay-offs to those responsible for implementing anti-trafficking measures including police, judges, and ministers (Transparency International, 2011). Without strong measures that address and sanction corruption, policies and initiatives to combat trafficking are seriously compromised.

Development of anti-trafficking policy

In 2003, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights criticized Cyprus for its lenient ‘artiste’ visa policy that enabled young women to easily enter the country from Eastern Europe. The Report found the proportion entering under these visas was out of proportion to the island’s population and called for preventive control measures (Commissioner for Human Rights, 2004). Approximately 4000 permits were issued each year, with many of the women entering as ‘artistes’ actually being trafficked.

One of those trafficked was Oxana Rantseva who was brought into Cyprus as an artiste from Russia and worked as a prostitute under the control of her trafficker. She escaped but was found by her employer who took her to the police to be extradited. Although she was not legally in Cyprus, she had a work permit, and the police returned her to the employer. While trying to escape again, she fell from a balcony and died. The police did not investigate her death or the possibility that she was trafficked.

Ms Rantseva’s father pursued the case, and in 2006, it was heard by the European Court of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The outcome was the decision that Cyprus had violated articles of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and had violated the victim’s liberty by the police returning her to her employer (European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) Blog, 2010). Cypriot authorities were obligated to increase awareness of trafficking; to strengthen administrative measures, policies, and laws; and to increase training of law enforcement and other officials. The case has been called a landmark judgment as the Court clarified the state’s obligations to implement measures to prevent and protect people from human trafficking (Human Rights Law Center, 2010).

Anti-trafficking legislation

Subsequent to the outcome of the Rantseva case, Cyprus began strengthening its trafficking legislation. The anti-trafficking law 87(1) adopted in 2007 replaced the Trafficking in Human Beings and Sexual Exploitation of Children Law of 2000 and was formulated to better implement the UN and Council of Europe protocols on trafficking in persons (International Conference of the Red Cross, 2013). The 2007 Law has two sections associated with trafficking. The first penalizes the exploitation or sale of vital organs, and the second section clearly prohibits any involvement in any form of human trafficking for sexual exploitation, slavery, or servitude. Article 16 of the Law strengthens this by affirming that the consent of the victim does not constitute ‘defense for the defendant’.

Artiste visas were terminated in 2008 with the new policy requiring employers to apply for work permits that must be reviewed by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security. Unfortunately, it is not clear that abolishing the visas made a significant impact as victims have simply been moved to bars and massage parlors under work visas rather than performing through artiste visas (EU Business, 2010).

The anti-trafficking law, 60(1) of 2014, classifies trafficking as a penal offense with punishment of up to 10 years of imprisonment for trafficking an adult and 20 years for trafficking a child. The law expanded the anti-trafficking police unit to include two psychologists, a criminologist, and a social worker. Free legal representation was to be available to victims as well as sufficient resources for living, physical, psychological, and social rehabilitation. The law requires that victims be informed of their rights and the role of government in assisting them. The legislation also includes prosecuting the customers of trafficked persons with the contingency that they knew the person was being trafficked.

National action plans to combat trafficking

The first National Action Plan for the Coordination of Actions to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings was passed in 2001 and was replaced by the National Action Plan against Trafficking of Human Beings (2010–2012). The new Plan aimed to provide a comprehensive framework to deal with human trafficking that included greater coordination of services, including both government and NGO agencies with the establishment of the Multidisciplinary Coordinating Group based in the Ministry of the Interior. In addition to increasing coordination, the intent was to increase prevention and public awareness of trafficking, identify and recognize victims, suppress and prosecute traffickers, collect statistical data on trafficking, educate and train government officials and victims, and increase international cooperation (Republic of Cyprus, 2013).

An amended National Action Plan against Trafficking of Human Beings 2013–2015 (Republic of Cyprus, 2014a) expanded the previous plan to include prevention, victim identification, protection, assistance, suppression, prosecution, data, training, international cooperation, and evaluation. It also further details actions to be taken by the Multidisciplinary Coordinating Group including developing information campaign, international trainings, and hosting international experts.

In 2015, Cyprus signed the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, an indicator of the country’s commitment to combat trafficking. On signing the Convention, the President of Cyprus remarked that the country was combating trafficking in human beings while focusing on the protection of the victims (Cyprus Mail, 2015).

Social work in Cyprus

As trafficking is both a social justice and human rights issue with victims in urgent need of a wide range of supports, it clearly falls into the social work context. Advocating for policies and services and assisting victims are critical roles for social workers in combating human trafficking.

Three private universities offer 4-year undergraduate training in social work as well as various postgraduate degrees. The Ministry of Education evaluates all degrees. Licensure to practice is under the auspices of the Cypriot Association of Social Workers, an affiliate of the International Federation of Social Workers. The majority of social work graduates are employed in the public sector with in-service training, and development is the responsibility of the Ministry of Labour, Welfare, and Social Insurance.

The issue of continual professional development and training for social workers is critical but is not routinely available in Cyprus. Consequently, in many spheres, workers are isolated and unable to appreciate the processes of interventions, the roles of other agencies, or even their specific duties (Spaneas, 2011a). These shortcomings limit their ability to plan, direct, and manage social systems or be involved in complex inter-agency relationships.

The Director of Social Welfare Services is the ‘Guardian of Victims of Trafficking and Exploitation’ (Ministry of Social Welfare Services, 2014). This role involves assuring that victims have protection and support, temporary shelter, care, and psychiatric support until they have recovered from their experience. However, without continual professional development and trainings, the ability of social workers to effectively work with victims or with other agencies serving them is questionable.

Methodology

Conceptual framework

The conceptual framework for the study was based on Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The model highlights the interrelationships and reciprocity between individuals and the systems – micro, meso, and macro – in which they act. The individual exerts an influence on the environment, while the environment can influence the individual with changes in each potentially impacting policy and programs.

Case study approach

A combined case study approach was used to understand the development and implementation of policies to deal with sex trafficking in Cyprus. Using this approach, key individuals directly involved in policy and services were interviewed and their experiences were recorded. The case study design is able to provide an important in-depth perspective of an issue (Stake, 1995) and can provide details and a richness of information not easily available in quantitative methods as it focuses on the realities of those directly involved (Merriam, 2009). The research employed a narrative inquiry approach that focuses on having the informants share their stories and perceptions within their own contexts, offering insight into their experiences (Riessman and Quinney, 2005).

Purposive sampling was used to identify the respondents based on their positions and roles in dealing with sex trafficking in Cyprus. High-ranking government officials in the three departments most responsible for anti-trafficking policy and its implementation, Ministry of Social Welfare, Ministry of the Interior, and the Police Office for the Prevention and Combating of Human Trafficking Police, were interviewed. Interviews were also conducted with administrators of four NGOs providing direct services to victims. Each was a member of the Coordinating Group and thus involved in victim services and policy. In addition, representatives from the UN Office on Refugees and the US Embassy, both concerned with trafficking policy, were interviewed.

Semi-structured personal interviews were used as the primary mode of data collection in order to learn individual perspectives on anti-trafficking policy and services. The interview questions clustered around the roles of each program in combating sex trafficking, their services, interactions with other agencies, issues impacting the effectiveness of policies and services, and recommendations for strengthening policies and programs. In order to protect the confidentiality of these officials, names are not given. The interviews were supplemented with government reports and other documents on sex trafficking in Cyprus.

The author arranged for and conducted all of the interviews in English, a language spoken by most professionals and government personnel in Cyprus, with government documents usually available in both Greek and English. At the time of the project, the author was living and teaching in Cyprus and had access to those in government as well as NGOs and service agencies working directly with victims. The narratives provided by these officials offer important insight into understanding Cyprus’ responses to sex trafficking as well as the individual perspectives of those responsible for policy and its implementation. Direct quotes are given in the narratives to further reflect the concerns and views of each respondent. Using an inductive analysis approach (Sarantakos, 2005), the data were categorized and assembled into larger thematic groups, which, in this research, were categorized as micro-, meso-, and macro-systems.

Data analysis

Inductive analysis based on the Strauss and Corbin (1998) model for understanding qualitative data was used to interpret the findings from the interviews. The primary purpose of this approach is to permit themes to emerge from the data rather than test hypotheses as in deductive analysis. Thus, the primary analytic approach was theme-based content analysis (Creswell, 2007) based on the constant comparative method with codes developed for the data. Further coding and themes were identified with ATLAS.ti7 (Muhr and Friese, 2014). The themes, along with examples from the participants’ interviews, are presented here. As a means of assuring the trustworthiness of the data, copies of the report were made available to the respondents, who as stakeholders were asked for their reviews and comments (Thomas, 2006).

Results

Ministry of Social Welfare

The official from the Ministry of Social Welfare, a social worker, underscored the point that Welfare is intended to be the first point of contact for sex trafficking victims. However, in actuality, the initial contact is usually the police, who then refer them to Welfare for information on rights and services.

The legislation calls on social workers in the Ministry to provide case management; information and services such as arranging medical care, translation, and housing assistance; and financial benefits to victims. However, as reported by the interviewee, budget cuts have made it difficult to fulfill these roles.

Staff are also responsible for child abuse, domestic violence, benefits, and probation, making trafficking victims only one of their responsibilities, and there is no mandate that trafficking victims are given priority over other cases. Workers tend to give precedence to other cases, which are easier to reach, take less time, and are more responsive to social work interventions.

With only minimal staff education or training on the needs of victims, the counseling and support that victims need for developing trust are not routinely provided. Large caseloads, staff shortages, and declining resources further impede victim assistance.

The respondent felt that NGOs should play stronger roles in victim support: ‘Victims distrust the government so NGOs should have a bigger role in providing for their needs and government should complement their roles’. But she noted, ‘their roles are limited as NGO staff is primarily volunteers who have little or no training in working with victims’ psychological needs’. A lack of coordination among these agencies further impacted the Ministry’s work as it impeded referrals. Consequently, ‘Social workers are unsure about where to send women or who would be responsible for case management’.

To resolve the situation, the interviewee recommended more training of NGO staff so that they could play more substantial roles in direct services. Accordingly, ‘this would enable the Ministry to assume responsibility for service coordination and support rather provide direct services. A means for sharing information among agencies would further reduce gaps in services’. As the Ministry is involved in policy-making and assuring that trafficking legislation and procedures are followed, this ability to focus more on service coordination would strengthen policy implementation.

Finally, the respondent felt that attitudes toward trafficking had to be changed for progress to occur: ‘Trafficking is not perceived as a problem or a priority, and within the culture, there is a feeling that nothing can ever change’. This sense of hopelessness, which she sees as stemming from Cyprus’ long history of foreign occupation, economic crises, and religious attitudes that emphasize rewards in heaven, has contributed to persons’ acceptance of the status quo and a lack of willingness to protest or become involved. Accordingly, ‘ these attitudes impact policy and further prevent trafficking from being treated as a priority’.

Police Office for the Prevention and Combating of Human Trafficking

The Police Office for the Prevention and Combating of Human Trafficking was established in 2003 with three staff and has increased to 14 officers and social workers. The Office collects and analyzes data on trafficking in Cyprus, investigates cases, and helps to locate and identify victims who are then referred to the Ministry of Social Welfare for assistance. The police receive specialized training in working with trafficking victims offered by the Cyprus Police Academy.

Once identified, the police arrange for a shelter for the victim. It usually takes five or more interviews within the shelter with both staff and police before a victim feels secure enough to discuss her experience. During this time, victims receive psychological assessments and support from a psychologist who is permitted to testify in court.

The official described the police role as helping victims to develop trust in the system and protecting them from their traffickers as well as arresting traffickers. According to the interviewee, ‘trust is vital, as without it, victims will not testify against the traffickers’. Due to brainwashing by the traffickers, many are made to feel that they are to blame for their situations, increasing their reluctance to take action:

Victims who have paid traffickers to assist them in emigrating are vulnerable to feeling responsible for their situations. An increase in female traffickers from the same countries of origin as the victims has created a new barrier to testifying as these women are able to assert intense psychological control over the victims.

The abolition of the artiste visa made it more difficult for the police to find and identify victims. Whereas previously they had been primarily in clubs and bars, they are now likely to be kept in private apartments and massage parlors and are harder to locate. ‘Moreover, traffickers are bringing more victims into Cyprus on three-month tourist visas enabling them to come back several times. This legal and intermittent entry makes it difficult to monitor trafficking’.

Recent changes in legislation permit the police to prosecute clients if they knew that the woman was being trafficked. As noted by the respondent,

This change may have limited impact as customers can easily deny knowing that they were involved with a trafficking victim. However, traffickers can also be charged with pimping or illegal residence. The aim is to get a conviction on the most serious charge possible.

The lack of coordination and cooperation among agencies, both government and NGOs, was reported as a barrier to the effectiveness of the police as it impeded. As stated by the official, ‘Without a dedicated government office responsible for trafficking victims, it is difficult to have an effective system. Although Welfare is intended to be the Guardian of Victims of Trafficking, social workers are not always available to help a victim’. Consequently, ‘the police must search for an accessible NGO to provide immediate assistance’. Problems are compounded by a lack of information about the roles of other agencies and the public’s misinformation about the role of the police in trafficking.

According to the official, attitudes continued to impact responses to sex trafficking and prevent it from being perceived as a problem: ‘Traditional patriarchal attitudes with regard to gender and xenophobic attitudes resulting from years of isolation and occupation impact both the public’s and the government’s responses to trafficking’.

In addition, she mirrored the comments of the official from Welfare with regard to the publics’ non-confrontational attitudes: ‘There is also a lethargy in the country and a sense that nothing ever changes, people tend not to confront or be involved’. As an example, ‘When the government did the haircut in 2013 (closed the second largest bank and placed a deposit levy on all uninsured deposits), rather than a large demonstration, there were only a few scattered protests’.

Finally, the official stated that ‘Cyprus, being a small country, could serve as a model for dealing with sexual trafficking’. However, it was hampered by a lack of coordination and understanding among agencies as well as misinformation about the role of the police. The primary recommendations for increasing police effectiveness were to improve coordination among agencies, increase resources, and establish a uniform referral mechanism for victims as well as a dedicated hotline that they could use. It was equally important to assure that both the media and the public understood the work that the police were doing and the limitations they continued to face.

Ministry of the interior

The Ministry of the Interior is the national coordinator of programs combating human trafficking. In 2008, the Ministry formed the Multidisciplinary Coordinating Group, composed of representatives from 11 government agencies, a women’s rights organization, union of municipalities, and four NGOs that provide services to victims. The coordinating group is charged with monitoring the implementation of the anti-trafficking law. It is also responsible for setting policies, advising, evaluating, reporting, proposing solutions, and providing a platform for the exchange of information. The Group meets every 3 months or at least three times a year and may also be called in an emergency.

According to the respondent who was responsible for policy implementation, a lack of collaboration among agencies remained a major obstacle: ‘Collaboration has increased among the members of the coordinating group but this does not impact those outside of the group’. She found this frustrating as information that could facilitate collaboration was often lacking. ‘The lack of a comprehensive information system means that NGO’s are often uninformed about policy and service changes’. Consequently, direct services often contacted her regarding victim needs and benefits rather than the Ministry of Social Welfare who had overall responsibility for victims. ‘As social workers in Social Welfare are not routinely addressing the rights or benefits of victims, she found herself assuming their duties even to the point of contacting banks about victim payments’.

Moreover, ‘sex trafficking is not just a Cypriot problem, it is a European problem. There must be greater public awareness of it and its impact’. The official felt that it was critical to strengthen ties and cooperation among the European member states, the main trafficking sources, beginning with educating potential victims. Among her recommendations for strengthening the role of the Ministry was the appointment of an independent evaluator who could detail gaps in policies and services and make informed suggestions for improving coordination and effectiveness.

NGOs

NGOs play major roles in the area of sexual trafficking, mainly through advocacy, developing public awareness, and offering direct services to victims. Trafficking policies incorporate the NGOs for essential support and rehabilitation of victims, and agencies are provided with translation support if needed.

KISA (Action for Equality, Support, and Antiracism), established in 1998, is primarily an advocacy organization active in working toward the elimination of labor and sexual trafficking. The agency is a member of the Multidisciplinary Coordinating Group of the Ministry of the Interior and has been involved in both policy development and its implementation. The KISA official was negative about the government’s response to trafficking, believing that it was primarily acting in response to outside influences such as the EU, United States, and the UN.

As stated by the KISA official,

The government’s concern about trafficking is due primarily to international pressure, it is really not perceived as a pressing issue. Society, in general, remains ignorant of sexual trafficking and thus, there is little real incentive for the government to treat it as a priority.

Moreover, ‘as long as the government relies on the NGOs to care for and support victims, it is failing in its responsibility as a stakeholder’. The government does not see victims as the center of their work, and consequently, victims do not feel secure or have trust in the government. ‘Many victims assume that they will be deported and that the government will not protect them making unwilling to prosecute’.

Among the recommendations for strengthening anti-trafficking measures were the establishment of specific trafficking courts and training of prosecuting lawyers. ‘A careful evaluation of the present system is essential to highlight its deficiencies including identifying the many ways that victims enter the country’. Finally, the respondent felt that Cypriot prejudices further impacted anti-trafficking measures: ‘Nothing can be done until racist attitudes that contribute to trafficking are changed’.

Stop Trafficking, established in 2008, advocates for services and increasing public awareness and provides counseling, a shelter that can accommodate 15 persons, and case management. The interviewee, one of the program directors, explained that funding depends on grants, contracts, fund raising, and donations. Staff include two part-time positions, although professional consultants, primarily psychologists, are available to assist victims. None of the staff have any professional training in working with sex trafficking victims. At the time of the interview, six women were living in the NGO’s housing while waiting for trial after which they would be assisted in finding other housing.

The NGO is involved in campaigns to increase trafficking awareness, including displaying posters at airports, hosting and managing a web site, and appearing on radio spots that discuss trafficking. Volunteer staff members also give talks to students and the military about the problem and the issues it involves: ‘We try to change attitudes towards victims who the public either ignores or perceives as prostitutes’.

Referrals come from the police and from other NGOs that contact them when shelter or employment is needed. However, as the agency often does not receive sufficient information about the victim, her background, or needs, case planning can be difficult: ‘Although agencies communicate with each other, concerns over maintaining their own power and interests impede sharing information and coordination’.

Policy implementation was also impaired by a lack of public awareness of trafficking and bureaucratic procedures. ‘Victims can be kept waiting for four years before their cases are heard and many simply give up and return home’. Moreover, ‘as traffickers are able to hire expensive skilled lawyers, it is difficult for prosecutors to win cases’.

Corruption was viewed as continuing to undermine the system with many in power profiting from trafficking:

In one cabaret, the owners were friendly with the police. If the police came, they went directly to the owner’s office and ignored the women working there. Victims were unwilling to go to the authorities as they felt they would not be believed and could be further punished by the owners.

Freedom Dolls, established in 2014, focuses on raising awareness about sex trafficking and providing work for victims such as making dolls or jewelry to be sold. It also operates a safe house for seven victims that can be used while they are waiting for trial. However, according to the director, ‘as a relatively new agency, getting referrals is difficult as they must compete with more established services’. Finances are a challenge for the new program, and thus, it depends on volunteer staff who have no specific training in working with sex trafficking victims. The interviewee was hoping to obtain charity status for the program in order to be eligible for more funding.

The respondent felt there was a general reluctance among NGOs to share information making assessments difficult. She was also critical of the government’s role in trafficking. ‘The overall lack of training of government workers who generally hold negative perceptions of victims makes it difficult to develop relationships’. In addition, ‘The practice of prosecuting traffickers with the charge of committing grievous bodily harm, a minor offense in comparison to trafficking, results in minimal penalties. Thus, it has no real impact on reducing the problem’.

Caritas Cyprus, founded in 1974, is a Catholic organization and a member of the Christian Organizations against Trafficking in Human Beings, a group of approximately six members that meets to discuss common issues and raise awareness about human trafficking and needs for victim assistance. Victims are referred to Caritas by the police or by a shelter when they need further housing. Staff, primarily volunteers, provide counseling and case management if needed and referrals to other agencies.

The official from Caritas mirrored the response of several of the interviewees that the government fails to treat sex trafficking as a priority and thus services have insufficient resources and policies are not fully implemented. The official was very critical of the Ministry of Welfare: ‘It does not provide sufficient counseling, psychological support, or assistance to victims and does not want to cooperate with the NGOs. Moreover, the Ministry’s social workers are insensitive and punishing’.

The interviewee felt that coordination with other NGOs was improving with fewer services being duplicated. ‘However, even with these services, victims are often unemployable, ignorant of the systems, and remain stigmatized and vulnerable’. Any coordination that was developing was not yet responsive to their needs.

The director of a Finnish faith-based agency focusing on victim services also emphasized the problem with service coordination. According to the interviewee, ‘Coordination and cooperation are very poor and NGO’s tend to compete for limited resources. This competition leads to reluctance to share vital victim information as a means of maintaining control’.

As an example, another NGO recently referred a victim for assistance but the fact that she had been rescued from Boko Harum which held her as a slave was not shared, a critical fact that would have helped in understanding the trauma experienced by the woman.

The director felt that rather than placing the well-being of victims as the highest priority, agencies are often most concerned with their own preservation and safeguarding of power. The scarcity of resources allocated to trafficking heightens this agency competition. Consequently, service fragmentation continues and victims remain vulnerable.

International organizations

Interviews were conducted with representatives of the US Embassy in Cyprus and with the UN Refugee Agency (United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR)), both of which are concerned with human trafficking. The Embassy official stated that Cyprus is making progress in dealing with sexual trafficking with better care of victims and more arrests and convictions. In 2014, the government obtained its first serious conviction on the charge of trafficking and that was against a Cypriot who received an 8-year sentence. However, the interviewee claimed that the country still had to strengthen its efforts to prosecute and convict traffickers and assure that they received appropriate sentences. ‘Corruption among officials acts as a barrier to prosecutions and convictions. Often the traffickers have connections with persons in power and are protected from prosecution and deportation’. To effectively combat trafficking, ‘it was critical to identify and prosecute those officials who were complicit in the system’. Finally, although Cyprus has attempted to improve the education and training of personnel, the interviewee felt that it was still very rudimentary and that more education was essential.

The representative from UNDHR reported that Cyprus operated in a reactive rather than proactive stance toward trafficking but was hopeful that the situation would improve. A major concern was the lack of coordination among services and the absence of case management, which continues to impede victim trust and their willingness to testify. Moreover, without locating the trafficker, many victims who could qualify for asylum are not identified. ‘The process depends on trust and relationship between the professional and the victim and this trust is often missing. Strong professional social work support could strengthen these relationships’.

Summary of major themes

Micro-level themes

At the micro-level, trust was identified as a major factor impacting the anti-trafficking system. The importance of developing trust with victims and developing relationships was continually reported as critical in that without trust, victims are reticent to seek services or to prosecute traffickers. The NGOs providing direct services have very few professional staff trained in working with the special traumas victims may have. Social workers in the Ministry of Social Welfare have little specialized training in dealing with sex trafficking victims and tend to give these cases little priority. More training is critical for all staff involved in working with sex trafficking victims as without training that deals with the traumas these victims have experienced and increases the sensitivity, and skills of staff relationships are difficult to build and victims remain at risk.

Meso system

Agency collaboration and coordination was a major theme impacting the effectiveness of the meso-system. Almost all respondents reported difficulties with collaboration both with the government and among the NGOs themselves. Government officials were frustrated with the absence of a clear system of services, a lack of clarity as to which NGO to refer victims, and the lack of understanding by the public and others of their roles. This lack of coordination impedes the effectiveness of the system and leads to further fragmentation. The development of the coordinating council indicates concern with the network of services involved with trafficking and their development. However, confusion with regard to policies and who is responsible for their implementation continues within the system and seriously impedes its effectiveness.

The need for more information to clarify the roles of the agencies and programs dealing with trafficking as well as current information on policies was an important theme in the interviews. The need for clarity is visible in the confusion raised about who should be responsible for what services and for victims. While government respondents felt that NGOs should assume leading roles in working with victims, the NGOs tended to feel that the government should assume this responsibility.

Macro-system

Policies have been developed to deal with sex trafficking, but they are not routinely or effectively implemented. Traditional attitudes appear to continually influence responses to sex trafficking as it is not perceived or treated as a major social problem or a human rights concern. Moreover, a general sense of apathy that anything can really change further impedes real commitment to dealing with trafficking. These attitudes contribute to the low priority and subsequent insufficient resources allocated to the problem. Attitudes that perceive corruption as a normal part of society further constrain policy implementation. In addition, the profits produced through trafficking further hamper motivation and efforts to deal with it. The government’s response to sex trafficking is reflected in its responses to other pressing social issues such as the refugee crisis and gender discrimination. The difficulties of cooperation among NGOs and government agencies in dealing with the recent refugee crisis find that a lack of sensitivity and knowledge, too many actors, a lack of capacity to accomplish any objectives, the inability of anyone to assume responsibility for dealing with the refugee issue, and the government’s overall unwillingness to listen to the opinions of the NGOs on concerns such as racism and employment are barriers to the development and implementation of any effective policy (Michalak et al., 2015).

Discrimination is evident in the rigid gender roles and gender inequality that can be found in the underrepresentation of women in government, wide gender pay gap, and persistent forms of violence against women (Kapsou and Christou, 2011). Specifically, with regard to gender violence, an Advisory Committee composed of various government, Social Welfare, Police, Health Services, Education, and NGO professionals was established in 1996. Although the Committee drafted a manual that outlines the functions and roles of those involved in handling cases of family violence, the EU’s Report on Gender Equality (2012) found the Manual was not routinely followed and that although gender equality policies were strong on paper, they were not adequately implemented, a process that appears to be occurring with regard to trafficking.

Conclusion

The exploratory nature of the research and the small number of respondents limit the conclusions that can be drawn from the results. However, the findings reveal the roles and challenges within systems that can seriously impede the effectiveness of policies dealing with sex trafficking.

Social workers in the Ministry of Social Welfare appear to have primary responsibility for victims, but the department appears to lack a real commitment to sex trafficking. Thus, the ability to fulfill the role of ‘Guardian of Victims of Trafficking and Exploitation’ is limited. In fact, as noted by the respondent, the preference is for the NGOs to assume the case management roles. On the micro-level, workers have difficulty establishing trust with victims, which may be explained by their lack of interest in trafficking and specific training. Dealing with victim trauma necessitates both sensitivity and skills for forming trusting relationships, abilities they have not yet developed.

Interagency cooperation and referrals, important at the meso-level, with social workers involved in system development appear to be absent. There is a pervasive feeling of hopelessness with regard to beliefs that anything will change and that trafficking will become a priority. Such feelings act as barriers to actions in the macro-system as social workers refrain from advocacy efforts that they may perceive as useless. Consequently, the profession is responding to rather than leading efforts against sex trafficking. The lack of cohesion within the system limits its effectiveness in supporting victims and leaves them vulnerable to additional risks and re-exploitation (Doran et al., 2014).

A major weakness with regard to victim assistance and practice is that social workers are not routinely employed by NGOs that depend primarily on volunteers for services. For the most part, these persons have no social work background or professional training, thus their skills in providing counseling to victims; particularly those suffering from trauma are questionable. The overall difficulty in getting victims to prosecute traffickers may at least partially be explained by the lack of skills in relationship building at the micro-level by both social workers and NGO staff.

The NGOs are the major advocates in the country for resources and policies necessary for the successful combating of trafficking. Thus, they assume critical social work roles in educating the public about trafficking and working for stronger policy implementation and resources. The policy challenges in the areas of refugees and gender equality suggest that barriers to implementation are not unique to the area of trafficking. As noted by Weaver (2010), obstacles to implementation include a lack of coordination among agencies, a lack of information by those responsible for programs, inadequate monitoring and sanctions, and politicians’ interventions on agency policies. All of these factors are evident in some degree in the Cypriot system where a pervasive lack of motivation and consequent insufficient allocation of resources prevails.

In dealing with sex trafficking, the difficulties in coordination among all agencies is a major impediment to its control as it leads to duplication of efforts, inefficient use of resources, and incoherent or contradictory interventions that can lead to less effective responses (UNODC, 2009: 12). Without coordination, victims are unlikely to trust agencies, receive needed services, and obtain the support they require for investigations and prosecutions (Heinrich and Sreeharsha, 2013).

Another major underlying barrier is corruption, a global concern in the fight against trafficking (UNODC, 2011). Complicity between police and traffickers seriously erodes anti-trafficking measures as traffickers are assured of impunity resulting in victims’ lack of trust in the system (European Commission, 2014). As long as this complicity continues, full implementation of anti-trafficking measures will be difficult to achieve.

Implications

Social work is a human rights profession with its roots embedded in fostering social justice and a commitment to the oppressed and most vulnerable in society. Victims of sexual trafficking who are robbed of their freedom and thus basic human rights are among the most vulnerable. Implications for social work are embedded within the myriad approaches intended to combat sex trafficking.

To date, the social work profession in Cyprus has not assumed a leading role in efforts to combat trafficking. This may be at least partially explained by the relative newness of the profession which first obtained licensure in 2000. The profession lacks status within the country and is still learning how to deal with challenging situations (Spaneas, 2011). Consequently, their ability to assume leadership positions in the struggle for human rights is limited.

At the micro-level, social workers need education and training on the identification of victims and intervention strategies that can foster trust and building relationships with them. This education is basic for victim support and rehabilitation and for their willingness to take action against traffickers.

The meso-level must involve their educating of the community on the seriousness of sex trafficking and the vulnerability and exploitation of victims who are unwillingly trapped and denied their basic human rights. Social workers can also work toward developing system cohesiveness and agency collaboration through an integrated case management system that provides clear roles and procedures for all involved in the anti-trafficking network. By reducing the fragmentation between existing government and NGO services, victims are more likely to be protected and supported and traffickers more likely to be prosecuted.

Macro-involvement involves reaching out to stakeholders, those who create and implement policies, to assure that sufficient resources and funding to combat trafficking are available. Advocating for those who cannot advocate for themselves is a fundamental responsibility of the profession. With many policies already in place, social workers can begin to focus on ensuring that sex trafficking is treated as a priority by the government, with traffickers held accountable and victims adequately supported.

Traditional patriarchal and xenophobic attitudes appear to influence public and government responses to sex trafficking. Social workers, even through the use of case studies, can play important roles in educating groups about the insidious nature of the crime and its impact on the victims. Helping people to understand that by ignoring trafficking they are contributing is an important step in combating it. However, this step depends upon the willingness of social workers to examine their own personal biases and attitudes and how these impact their commitment to fight sex trafficking. To quote one of the interviewees, ‘We need to stop judging victims by our own logic and rid ourselves of our prejudices, only then can we truly help’.

Cyprus provides a case study that highlights many factors involved in the implementation of sex trafficking policy. Although the country is making progress in dealing with trafficking, further efforts are needed to eradicate it. The challenge for social work, with its commitment to social justice and human rights and its involvement in micro-, meso-, and macro-systems, is to assume a key role in eradicating this horrendous crime. Research on social work’s role in dealing with sex trafficking in other countries could further elucidate the ways in which culture and society impact their participation in anti-trafficking policies and implementation. Hopefully, this description of the Cypriot experience will contribute to further strengthening anti-trafficking policies and programs while underscoring the need for social work involvement in eliminating this major human rights abuse.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author biography

Carole Beth Cox is Professor of Social Work at the Graduate School of Social Service, Fordham University. She completed this study on trafficking while a Fulbright Scholar at the European University of Cyprus.

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