Abstract
The authors of this article contend that although the universal affirmation of human dignity remains an ambition whose vast dimensions would be exceedingly daunting for all but the truly visionary, reimagining contextual and contemporary emancipatory thinking has the potential to contribute towards alleviating the conditions and circumstances that threaten and debilitate human dignity. It is particularly noteworthy that developing countries, and their rural areas in particular, continue to be afflicted by a lack of access to basic needs such as adequate access to basic education, social development and housing.
Introduction
As a result of various forms of marginalisation, exploitation and discrimination that are experienced by the populations of developing countries throughout the world, these populations are becoming increasingly deeply mired in conditions that are characterised by vulnerability, poverty, social injustice and inequalities with respect to access to health services, which the authors of this article maintain constitutes a brutal attack on human dignity. These conditions are further aggravated by the globalisation of financial capital, which makes it extremely difficult for developing countries to defend their financial sovereignty (Li and Zhou, 2015). From this perspective, the tendency of controversial Western-driven initiatives, such as the structural adjustment programmes, to fail to bring about much needed change and, instead, to entrench conditions of poverty and inequality in developing countries, acquires particular significance (Gibson, 2004). The disastrous effects of interventions of this sort continue to deepen in many instances, posing serious threats to the futures of the population groups affected. Although numerous programmes, policies and bodies have been created to attempt to deal with these challenges, grave concerns continue to be expressed concerning their implications for human dignity. A great many authors have concurred that the widespread corruption and maladministration which tends to bedevil the developing countries make all attempts to alleviate the plight of the needy and vulnerable an arduous and uphill task (Gibson, 2004; Manomano and Kang’ethe, 2015; Manomano, 2015). Some African countries have expressed, vociferously, that there is a great need for Western countries to give proper consideration to the plight of the African countries. For example, the exclusion of African countries from having access to the power of veto at the United Nations (UN) has been a contentious issue for African countries growing weary of hearing hollow speeches, Robert Mugabe, the president of Zimbabwe, complained. The authors of this article also feel that the rhetoric of world bodies such as the UN serves as a further extension of the polarisation of politics and economics, which leaves the dignity of poor countries severely compromised. To borrow from the utopian vision of inclusive politics of Nelson Mandela, economic integration at all levels confers on every ordinary citizen the feeling that their existence is worthwhile and necessary. The rather indifferent attitudes expressed by many developed countries and the rigid approaches which they have adopted have resulted in some of the developing countries acting in unexpected ways in order to redress perceived imbalances. As an example, the failure of the United Kingdom to remedy the imbalances imposed by the colonial administration on Zimbabwe when the country was known as Rhodesia, largely through dispossessing the indigenous population groups of most of the fertile land in the country, eventually resulted in a drastic land resettlement programme being instituted to appease those who felt that political liberation had not been accompanied by social justice with respect to the ownership of land. A similar situation persists in South Africa in the protracted aftermath of the ostensible demise of apartheid, as the new ruling elite and the main players in the economy collectively drag their feet in the domain of land redistribution, at the expense of the Black majority. In addition, there are still despicable inequalities with respect to access to health services in the domains of maternal health, HIV and AIDS, particularly in the making available of antiretroviral (ARV) treatment, and remotely located health facilities to serve the poorest sectors of the population, which are often overloaded and short-staffed (Kang’ethe and Manomano, 2014). Largely unknown is the extent to which these inequalities affect people with special needs, such as the disabled, the elderly and children. We draw inspiration and motivation for the crafting of this article from the following quote by Vishantie Sewpaul: Social work is directed at promoting social justice, respecting human dignity, enhancing human well-being and strengthening universal human rights while balancing these against various forms of diversities. Indeed, the relationship between social work, politics and human rights is indivisible. Social workers witness, on a daily basis, the suffering engendered by political decisions and policies on the lives of people. They are thus in strategic positions to contribute to the development of humane and just social policies, challenge those that are harmful and bridge the dichotomy between macro- and micro-level analyses and intervention. (Sewpaul, 2015: 2)
In South Africa, as occurred in other African countries in which racial discrimination was practised, apartheid resulted in the marginalisation and the extreme subjugation of the Black majority. It became an immediate priority for the new post-apartheid government to redress this state of affairs after the attainment of democracy in 1994. However, the conditions and circumstances in which large portions of the population groups that comprise the Black majority continue to live at present suggest very strongly that human dignity continues to be undermined after the official demise of apartheid, a situation which is viewed by many as a violation of the sacrosanct commitment to providing access to basic needs to the Black majority of South Africans (Basson, 2007).
Problem statement
The research problem that directs this study will be investigated through an analysis of the access which needy and vulnerable population groups have to basic needs and health services, the degree to which they are empowered to participate, the responses of the government to climate change, and the implications which all of these concerns have for the human dignity of the needy and vulnerable in South Africa, through a review of the available relevant literature.
Objective of the article
The principal aim of the article was to conduct an assessment of the extent to which the human dignity of the needy and vulnerable in South Africa is being upheld and respected in the aftermath of the apartheid era.
The key objectives were to understand the following:
the promises which have been made to preserve the human dignity of all South Africans by the government;
the pitfalls which either inhibit or prevent the fulfilment of the promises to guarantee the human dignity of all citizens.
Methodological approach
This article takes the form of a literature review concerning human dignity within the context of this research study, which will be augmented with relevant findings from the personal experience of the authors of this article. Books, articles from journals, the documents of international organisations such as the UN, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, government gazettes and a range of other sources have all been consulted in order to determine the extent to which human dignity is being affirmed in post-apartheid South Africa, particularly with respect to the vulnerable and the needy, and to pave the way for other researchers to challenge existing approaches to the problem and to stimulate the development and promotion of better ways to realise the true mandate for a post-apartheid South Africa.
Observations and discussions
This section of the study will be devoted to a discussion of the observations that were made with respect to access to basic needs, the participation of citizens, inequalities with respect to access to health services and the adverse effects of climate change.
Access to basic needs such as water, housing and education
Access to basic needs is a crucial concern which is held by social analysts to be a prerequisite for daily survival and well-being. Of the almost 1.5 billion people in the 101 developing countries covered by the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), approximately 29 percent of their populations live in conditions which meet the criteria that are used to determine multidimensional poverty (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2015). It was found in 2014 that at least 33 percent of the same indicators identified acute levels of deprivation in terms of health, education and standards of living and that a further 900 million people were vulnerable to poverty in the event of either financial or natural setbacks (UNDP, 2015). Although the Human Development Index (HDI) for South Africa was slightly above average at 0.666 in 2014 (UNDP, 2015), the intensity of deprivation was estimated to be of the order of 39.6 percent, with deficiencies in education contributing 8.4 percent and those in standards of living 30.2 percent to the overall poverty of the country. Goal 6 of the new Sustainable Development Goals of the UN (2017) is to ensure access to water and sanitation for all. Statistics show that although 2.6 billion people have gained access to improved drinking water since 1990, 663 million still have not and 1.8 billion people throughout the world use sources of drinking water that are contaminated by sewage. In addition, 2.4 billion people lack access to basic sanitation services and close to 1000 children die each day as a result of preventable diseases, which are caused by a lack of potable water and sanitation. Water scarcity affects more than 40 percent of the world’s population and this figure is projected to rise. According to Global Housing Indicators (2015), although the target of improving the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers has been met, these gains have been neutralised by the fact that the number of people residing in slums increased from 776.7 million people in 2000 to 827.6 million in 2010 and is expected to rise to close to 2 billion in two decades. It has also been noted that although a great deal of progress has been made in Asia, the African continent has lagged behind.
Access to basic needs is subject to a great deal of politicisation in South Africa. Maslow has tabled these needs in a hierarchy that includes psychological needs such as self-actualisation, self-esteem, love and a sense of belonging and safety, and physiological needs. Although these needs are either inherently or expressly recognised in both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the National Constitution of South Africa (Manomano, 2013), this article will draw specifically on concerns discussed in the literature which pertain to access to clean water, education and housing in South Africa, as they are concerns which directly affect the dignity of all people.
The literature makes it clear that the new government inherited a huge housing backlog from the apartheid regime, under which many were obliged to live in poor shelters, creating a considerable predicament for the post-apartheid government to raise standards of housing against the backdrop of the rapid urbanisation which was to follow the first democratic elections and continues to present great challenges to the fledgling democracy. Various policies have been instituted, such as the housing programme of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) (Republic of South Africa [RSA], 1994), and numerous pieces of legislation promote access to housing, such as the stipulation made by the Constitution that everyone has the ‘right to have access to adequate housing and that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures [within its available resources] to achieve the progressive realisation of this right’ (RSA, 1996: Chapter 2). Programmes promoting the upgrading of slums have also been launched in many centres in South Africa, in an attempt to improve access to adequate housing for the people living in areas which have been identified and designated as slums. Access to clean water and education at all levels has also been identified in various policy documents as important objectives to be achieved (RSA, 1994). However, great disparities continue to characterise the degree of access which the various population groups have to clean water, adequate housing and education. It has been found that countries with significantly large populations of poor people, including South Africa, have a great many people in their populations living in shelters that do not protect them adequately against the elements and have inadequate sanitation (Sawers and Stillwaggon, 2010), while research conducted by Manomano (2013, 2015) in Golf Course, Alice and the Amathole District found that most of the houses provided by the government under the auspices of the RDP are small and have insufficient space, with many exhibiting flaws such as cracking walls, falling roofs, poor floors, insecure windows and fragile toilet seats. It was also found that most of the houses were located very far from those social services which were available to the residents (Manomano, 2013, 2015). In addition, continuous access to clean water was found to be uncommon in most cases. This problem resulted in people living in RDP houses in Fort Beaufort opting to use bucket toilets. Further statistics indicate that 26 percent (3.8 million) of households in formal areas in South Africa have been found to receive substandard sanitation services, owing to a deterioration of infrastructure which has been caused by deficiencies such as a lack of technical capacity, maintenance and sufficient water resources. A total of 23 municipalities were found to be in a state of crisis concerning the providing of water, while a further 38 percent were at high risk of reaching a state of crisis (South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), 2015: 13).
Access to education has been embedded in various policy frameworks, such as the Millennium Development Goals and the National Constitution (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 1990; the Millennium Development Goals [UN, 2000; UNESCO, 1990, 2000, 2005]). According to the HDI report for 2014, the expected average number of years of schooling in South Africa is 13.6 years and the mean is 9.9 years (UNDP, 2015). While the mean of 9.9 years may be above the 6.2 years which constitutes the norm for medium human development, it still does not augur well for education in South Africa as it is indicative of severe and possibly even debilitating factors pertaining to access to education. Although many people in various parts of South Africa are affected adversely by a lack of adequate access to education, of even greater significance is the quality of the education that is available to some groups of the population. The rural areas are particularly problematic in this respect, as good educational opportunities are limited, to a considerable extent, by the distances between the houses of the inhabitants of rural areas and the schools. Consequently, if the standard of education provided by a particular school is very poor, children living nearby have no other option owing to the logistical problems created by the distances involved (Christensen et al., 2011). As most schools, particularly in the rural areas, are located far from where the people reside, both the learners and the teachers are required to travel long distances to these locations. In many cases, the distances to and from the schools serve to demotivate learners and to expose them to a high-risk of being kidnapped (Manomano and Kang’ethe, 2015). Access to higher education is also threatened, with the ‘#fees must fall’ movement rampaging through most universities, which makes it abundantly obvious that open discussions with all stakeholders are needed in order to place the present situation on a footing that gives due consideration to the concerns of all groups involved. Although violent behaviour cannot be condoned under any circumstances, problems concerning funding suggest that the grievances of the students are not without foundation. As an example, some of the bursaries, which are provided to assist students, fail to take into account the circumstances of these students and the high living expenses with which they are constantly faced. Their vociferous protests give a clear indication of the poverty of some students that has been neglected, effectively creating a bottleneck in access to higher education. If the students had not protested, some of the institutions were intending to block many of them and to curtail their aspirations in higher education, thereby undermining the pledge of the government to make higher education available to those groups who had been excluded under apartheid and the culture of rescuing the needy and vulnerable. Most of the students who were faced with being excluded from the universities were from vulnerable and needy backgrounds and unable to pay their annual fees. By making their voices heard, they have reminded the government of its commitment to higher education for the previously disadvantaged people of South Africa through a call which the government needs to heed.
Participation of citizens in their own areas of development and social and political thinking
Any endeavour to promote human rights needs to ensure the active participation of citizens in their own areas of development, social and political thinking. The government is to be commended for proclaiming both verbal and non-verbal participation as a basic human right, provided that all forms of participation are both orderly and peaceful. The Batho Pele (people first) principles have also made it compulsory for government departments to ensure that the people who are being served also have the means to participate actively, as opposed to being obliged to remain as passive actors, and this is also affirmed in the National Development Plan 2030. The HDI, which measures key areas of achievement in human development such as standard of living, education, per capita income and life expectancy, shows that the HDI for South Africa lowered progressively since 1994 although it is within medium development. Important concerns show that rural areas have lower HDI than urban areas and the same applies to urban and rural provinces of the country (Prinsloo, 2016). The downward spiral of the HDI since 1994 has resulted in a further marginalisation: unintended social exclusion of rural areas as well as the poor and unemployed despite various policy commitments such as the National Development Plan (NDP). Where people are socially excluded, it makes it difficult for them to participate but paves way for them to deal with the cities, as noted by Prinsloo (2016). Taking lessons from other successful countries such as Norway, Australia could assist in addressing the inhibiting factors to human development which also affects participation due to persistent inequalities. Document analysis performed by Mattes (2008) reveals that a lack of public participation in South Africa remains a serious problem owing to the logistical problems created by distances and the lack of contact between individual citizens and councillors, which is even more pronounced at the higher levels of government. This state of affairs has contributed to high levels of corruption within the administrations of public offices and with respect to the services they provide, which has, in turn, resulted in citizens becoming mistrustful and losing confidence in the system that is imposed upon them. The low levels of voter turnout, which would not normally be associated with poor people who have at last been granted the right to vote, appear to suggest that many no longer believe that their vote can serve to improve their lives (Mattes, 2008). The findings of a study, conducted by Meier, Pardue and London, of the policy framework for participation in the Western Cape Province, revealed that attempts to promote participation by communities were failing, as a result of not specifying the roles and functions of community representation and not explaining how the communities could effectively engage with the government. It was also found that there is a lack of training in capacity building for community representatives (Meier et al., 2012). A study, conducted by Winkler (2011), of participation by citizens in Johannesburg found that participation was still greatly skewed, as a result of the ‘deepening centralisation of decision making, a focus on performance management and the powerful role of politics in planning’ (p. 258). Consequently, real transformative participation needs to include citizens and even to allow them to participate in influencing changes in policies, as they are either the direct beneficiaries of or else affected by the policies that are enacted by the government. It is the considered opinion of the authors of this article that the present relationship between the government and its citizens is very harmful to the growth, development and freedom of citizens. It appears that not much has changed in terms of participation for many citizens who had been marginalised and discriminated against under the apartheid regime. A great deal was expected of South Africa’s first democratically elected government after the end of apartheid, in terms of ensuring that the well-being of all of the country’s people became its central concern. Although there has been much talk about participation, it is evident that there is a clash of interests in terms of the interests of the government on the one hand and those of the citizens on the other, and a great lack of clarity concerning how the active participation of the citizens is to be realised. Studies conducted by Manomano (2013, 2015) established that there are many serious problems associated with ensuring the active participation of the targeted beneficiaries in government projects, as it is insufficient that they should have the right to speak out if that right is not accompanied by the right to influence the direction which policy takes. Some of the participants in the studies maintained that beneficiaries were often not consulted, and that on those occasions on which they were included, their views were given scant consideration as the officials already had their own agendas with respect to how the projects were to be carried out. Grave concerns arise as a result of the ever-increasing passivity being forced on citizens in the name of participation, as it effectively denies them their citizenship and all of the rights which it entails (Manomano, 2013, 2015).
Large proportions of population groups are still affected by gross inequalities in access to health services, which has grave implications for their health and well-being
Inequalities, with respect to health services, are experienced in diverse forms in South Africa. The authors feel that it is impossible to remain silent concerning the projection provided by the Statistics Department, noting that the co-infection rates of HIV and tuberculosis (TB) exceed 70 percent, with TB being the most common opportunistic disease in the country (Statistics South Africa, 2013). In addition, the World Health Organization (WHO) report revealed that the burden of non-communicable diseases was two or three times higher than it is in the developed countries (WHO, 2011). Braathen et al. (2013) explain that although South Africa is a wealthy country, it has a great disease burden and the majority of its people live in poor areas, particularly in the rural areas. Meyer (2010) has established that the public health system is also in a lamentable state, which would inevitably be aggravated by the heavy burden imposed by HIV and AIDS and the great disparities between the private and public health sectors. Kang’ethe and Manomano (2014) have pointed out the large numbers of people in the rural areas of South Africa who are in urgent need of ARV treatment, despite the collaborative efforts on the part of the government and various non-governmental organisations to treat and to contain the problem. According to the WHO (2011), 60 percent of those infected still lack access to ARV treatment, while 40 percent live without knowing their HIV status, which also affects the trajectories of their infections. Other types of inequalities are experienced in the domain of maternal health. A research study investigated data from a representative national sample of 4668 households and established that factors such as socio-economic status, race, insurance status and location in either urban or rural areas had a great influence on the extent of access to healthcare in South Africa, while poor, uninsured Blacks, and particularly those in the rural areas, are most adversely affected by limited access to healthcare. In addition, inequalities in the infrastructure of healthcare services also impose serious limitations, despite the change of dispensation in South Africa (Harris et al., 2011). Anecdotal literature reveals the tendency for unemployed mothers to be excluded from maternity benefits. Some are obliged to seek help from their in-laws or friends, and if assistance is not forthcoming from sources such as these, they are saddled with the high costs that maternity entails. A lack of income, owing to unemployment, imposes an arduous strain on these unemployed mothers, and temporarily employed women are also likely to be affected similarly. Other problems arise as a result of slow and inefficient administration affecting those who apply for maternity benefits, particularly in those cases where they lack the financial resources needed to influence the speed with which services are delivered or provided (Boswell and Boswell, 2011). The various forces and variables that affect the inequalities, with respect to both access to health services and the quality of the services which are available, also need to be understood. It has been observed that poor countries are less likely to afford safe and effective medical care than richer countries. In the poorer countries, good-quality healthcare tends to be confined mainly to those who earn high incomes and it has been found that the controlling of infection is lower in poor countries than it is in rich countries. Mishra et al. (2007) explain that although wealthy men in poor countries are likely to be circumcised, with the widespread incidence of unsafe medical practices, circumcision tends rather to contribute towards spreading the virus than protecting against it. The fight against HIV and AIDS is made particularly difficult owing to the inextricable relationship between the prevalence of the virus and poverty. There is a very clear link between poverty and the likelihood of engaging in risky sexual behaviour and the prevalence of unhealthy and unsafe medical practices, both of which encourage the spread of HIV and AIDS (Sawers and Stillwaggon, 2010). In some cases there are gender-based inequalities, notably with respect to access to information concerning healthcare for women, which contributes to the disproportionate numbers of women who become the victims of HIV and AIDS (Global Coalition on Women and AIDS 2005, cited by Nattrass, 2008), which has resulted in some researchers talking in terms of the feminisation of HIV and AIDS. Apart from gender-based inequalities, unequal access to healthcare is further compounded by the phenomenon of medical xenophobia, although the Department of Health has issued statements to confirm constitutional imperatives which allow foreigners the same degree of access to healthcare as citizens of South Africa. In a survey conducted in 2006 which polled a representative sample of the population, it was found that most South Africans believed that foreign immigrants should not be given access to medical healthcare, maintaining that access should depend on citizenship and legal status. This finding is particularly significant in the light of the stipulation contained in the Constitution which extends the right to healthcare to all, irrespective of nationality (Crush and Tawodzera, 2014). Expressions of xenophobia of this sort make it imperative for social workers to form a vanguard to educate the public with respect to the dangers to the health and stability of society posed by xenophobia and to develop research projects and campaigns to instil constitutional perspectives in the general public in order to avoid a recurrence of the brutal xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals of 2008 and 2015, which tarnished the image of South Africa as a shining example of a country that had overcome racism.
Climate change has also imposed severe socio-economic challenges, with which political responses have not been adequately aligned
Climate change is a global concern which threatens to force more than 100 million people into extreme poverty by 2030 if no measures to reinvigorate climate resilience are taken. The endeavour to deal effectively with climate change cannot be dissociated from poverty (Hallegate et al., 2016: xi). The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has indicated that of the continents, Africa is the most vulnerable to the forces of climate change. Risks associated with climate change include reductions in food security, agricultural productivity – particularly in the sphere of subsistence agriculture, severe stresses being placed on water sources, and ‘the potential for increased exposure to disease and other health risks, increases risks to human health’ (Turpie and Visser, 2013: 100). In addition, Chikulo (2014) emphasises that climate change may actually increase the risk of violent conflict, owing to the fact that it may undermine opportunities and services that people need to sustain their livelihoods. This grim forecast could point to some of the underlying reasons for the violent protests at many universities in South Africa and the xenophobic attacks of 2008 and 2015. Great pressure on limited resources and a lack of capacity on the part of the government would certainly have been factors, without ignoring the tendency of racial stereotypes and other apartheid era influences on this behaviour. In addition, authoritative literature explains that although South Africa relies on coal-fired power stations for its energy, concerns have been raised regarding emissions of carbon dioxide from the process (Friends of the Earth International [FOEI], 2011). Statistics have shown that South Africa’s emissions are in excess of the world average (Mqadi and Steynor, 2005). Climate studies concerning South Africa show that during the 21st century there will be more temperature increases, decreases in rainfall, increased risk of drought, rising sea levels and an increased likelihood of early winters. Tol (2014) points out that the implementation of appropriate measures to deal with climate change is hindered by a crisis in governance and a lack of understanding regarding the trade offs that are entailed by endeavouring to cope with climate change and socio-economic concerns such as poverty. Against the backdrop of this prognosis, challenges with respect to providing adequate housing still persist, access to clean water is still denied to many, educational opportunities are few and the quality of education is often poor for the poor and vulnerable, while hunger and poverty continue to threaten their lives and their livelihoods. Climate change has also affected the ability of the country to combat the scourge of HIV and AIDS (Amusan and Olutola, 2016). The rand has weakened badly since 2015 and shows no signs of ever regaining its value against the major currencies of the world. At the time of writing, some provinces are already facing water shortages to enable them to survive the first 6 months of the year 2016, as a result of the drought of 2015 and 2016. The basic human dignity of many is not only at risk, but is also being relegated to the outer limits of human concern by a tacit acceptance of the idea that the benefits accruing from liberation are the preserve of the dynasties of the chosen few. A leading figure from the liberation struggle has been reported to have said that he did not participate in the struggle in order to remain poor. Although there are various policy frameworks which aim to promote economic growth among the vulnerable and the needy and to develop their livelihoods, there is a lack of political will to drive them, as the government departments and agencies which are tasked with their implementation are weakened by corruption and maladministration (Manomano and Kang’ethe, 2015). The police services are also riddled with corruption, while foreign companies have lost confidence in South Africa. The dream of meaningful liberation for all and the end of endemic racism is over, and South Africa needs to search its soul for workable solutions if the spirit of the rainbow nation is not to perish on the trash heap of its broken promises to its people.
Conclusion
It has been concluded that the ability to respect and uphold the human dignity of all in South Africa, particularly that of the vulnerable and needy, whose lives were ravaged for generations by cruel and inhuman policies of apartheid, is still a long way from being realised, despite the notable efforts that have been made in an attempt to protect them and to enable them to improve their standards of living. The implementation of programmes to provide housing and social services is at present being carried out without consulting their intended beneficiaries, which has resulted in the absence of a credible social contract, the breaking down of communication between the people and the government who ostensibly serve them and, in many cases, violent protests against poor service delivery. In addition, the prevention, treatment and raising awareness of HIV and AIDS have not been carried out sufficiently effectively, particularly in the rural areas, which have been further aggravated by the effects of climate change, which, in turn, is further compromising the ability of the government to ensure that access to basic social services is extended to all.
Recommendations
The following recommendations are offered by the authors of this article. The practice of social work identifies with the promoting of access of basic needs. These researchers, as social workers, recommend that there be a significant need by both government and non-government actors to strengthen families, educators, academics and educational institutions to enable more learners and students to progress with their studies. Identifying both risk and protective factors holds the key to improving the circumstances of learners, students, families, communities, schools, colleges and universities. Although the financial resources of the state are of crucial importance to the advancement of educational goals, it is imperative to minimise or cut any wasteful spending in order to channel as much money as possible towards increasing access to educational institutions. Educators and other practising professionals in the field of social work need to consider the development of strategies to hold both the government and non-governmental organisations accountable for ensuring the provision of access to education. Petitions by bodies which represent social workers and those who are concerned with promoting access to education could inform the government of the priority that needs to be given to education in a peaceful manner.
As access to housing that is adequate and of acceptable quality is a fundamental human need, departments which are tasked with the establishment and the maintenance of human settlements need to improve contracting processes and to show corrupt officials zero tolerance. Applying the specifications of the UN for the quality and adequacy of housing and ensuring the involvement of government departments other than the Department of Human Settlements, the citizens of the country and parliament would help ensure that housing needs are adequately met. Priority also needs to be given to water, and the authors of this article recommend learning from successful projects that have been undertaken by other countries, such as the multipurpose Three Gorges Dam Project on the Yangtze River in China. Multipurpose water projects both achieve the main goal of providing clean water and also provide income and employment through the processes of maintaining the machinery and equipment that is used to ensure the sustainability of access to clean water.
Although South Africa, through its democratic Constitution and other bodies that seek to promote human rights, has at last taken its rightful place in the international community, it is of vital importance that education concerning human rights should be promoted throughout the country to enable all citizens, from a diverse range of socio-economic backgrounds and histories, to know what their rights mean and how they may be gainfully exercised to ensure their effective participation in matters that pertain to their development, their needs, their interests and their aspirations, which is one of the key principles of the social development approach.
It is of crucial importance for the government to consider making a significant investment in pollution-free energy sources, such as wind energy and solar energy, while at the same time educating the public to consider using solar energy in their businesses and homes. An example is provided by the initiative of the British Embassy in Zimbabwe, which uses solar energy to power the entire embassy building in Harare, making it no longer dependent upon hydro power. Initiatives of this sort will enable climate-related challenges to be tackled much more effectively than is possible at present.
Food insecurity is aggravated by both drought and climate change. Consequently, the cultivation of drought-resistant crops and the introduction of irrigation alternatives that are not wasteful need to be encouraged, as does the saving of water in all industrial, commercial and domestic settings. The development of rural areas needs to be prioritised, as they are among the most vulnerable to climate change. It hardly needs to be reiterated that providing access to basic needs and social services remains the greatest priority of all for the post-apartheid government to fulfil its mandate to the people of South Africa. The economic growth that is desperately needed will not be achieved without a concerted drive to promote the development of literacy, numeracy and practical skills, which requires that providing access to good-quality education is progressively realised until the pledge to provide education for all has been honoured.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This article was edited by David Masters.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.