The most extensive historical study of practicas is MatthäusKlaus, “Zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Kalenderwesens”, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, ix (1969), 965–1396. For the later sixteenth century, a very useful essay is Robin Bruce Barnes, “Hope and despair in sixteenth-century German almanacs”, in The Reformation in Germany and Europe: Interpretations and issues. Die Reformation in Deutschland und Europa: Interpretationen und Debatten, ed. by GuggisbergHans R. (Gütersloh, 1993), 440–61.
2.
BurmeisterKarl Heinz, “‘Mit subtilen Fündlein und sinnreichen Speculierungen …’: Die ‘Practica auff das M.D.XLvj. jar’ des Achilles Pirmin Gasser im Umfeld zeitgenössischer Astrologen”, Montfort: Vierteljahresschrift für Geschichte und Gegenwart Vorarlbergs, lv (2003), 107–20, p. 109: “Und noch etwas sei hervorgehoben: In Gassers ‘Practica auff das M.D.XLvj. jar’ bzw. in dem zugehörigen Widmungsbrief wird erstmals der Name des Nikolaus Kopernikus in einem Buch in deutscher Sprache genannt; bisher wurde er nur in der lateinischen Fachliteratur erwähnt”.
3.
KremerRichard L., “Copernicus among the astrologers: A preliminary study”, in Astronomy as a model for the sciences in early modern times, ed. by FolkertsMensoKühneAndreas (Augsburg, 2006), 225–52, pp. 228, 237.
4.
DanielsonDennis, “Achilles Gasser and the birth of Copernicanism”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xxxv (2004), 457–74, p. 464; DanielsonDennis, The first Copernican: Georg Joachim Rheticus and the rise of the Copernican revolution (New York, 2006), 118.
5.
The most extensive treatment of Aurifaber remains Eduard David Schnaase, “Andreas Aurifaber und seine Schola Dantiscana: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Schulen in Danzig”, Altpreußische Monatsschrift, n.s., xi (1874), 304–25, 456–80. Schnaase (p. 308) takes note of Aurifaber's practica, but knows of its existence only from the notes of an earlier historian rather than from the work itself. A concise biography of Aurifaber with further literature appears in BautzFriedrich Wilhelm, “Aurifaber (Goldschmid), Andreas”, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (Hamm, 1990), i, 302–3.
6.
Danielson, First Copernican (ref. 4), 79, 90.
7.
On Osiander's role in the publication of De revolutionibus, see Danielson, First Copernican (ref. 4), 106–13.
8.
Edited in BirkenmajerLudwik Antoni, Stromata Copernicana: Studja, poszukiwania i materjaly biograficzne, z jednaa rycina w tekscie (Cracow, 1924), 359: “Commendat se tibi M. Georgius Joachimus Rheticus, mittitque tibi tria folia narrationis suae excusa.” See also BiskupMarian, Regesta copernicana (Wrocław, 1973), 185.
9.
The first three sections correspond to Edward Rosen's English translation of the Narratio prima in Three Copernican treatises, 2nd edn (New York, 1959), 109–40, concluding with the section “The principal reasons why we must abandon the hypotheses of the ancient astronomers” in its entirety and the first few lines of the next section, “Transition to the explanation of the new hypotheses for the whole of astronomy”. The first edition of the Narratio prima has been digitized by the Linda Hall Library of Science, Engineering and Technology and is available online (http://www.lindahall.org/services/digital/ebooks/rheticus/).
10.
“Interrumpo cogitationes tuas….” Translation as in Rosen, Three Copernican treatises (ref. 9), 140.
11.
See CarotiStefano, “Melanchthon's astrology”, in ‘Astrologi hallucinati’: Stars and the end of the world in Luther's time, ed. by ZambelliPaola (Berlin, 1986), 109–21.
12.
On the fate of Melancthon's library, see GöberWilli, “Aus Melanchtons Bibliothek”, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, xlv (1928), 297–302.
13.
Kremer, “Copernicus among the astrologers” (ref. 3), 227, cites examples beginning in 1904 of the claim (made without much evidence, as Kremer notes) that Copernicanism was spread via practicas. Aurifaber's practica is G 2563 in the Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts (VD 16), searchable online at http://gateway-bayern.bib-bvb.de/aleph-cgi/bvb_suche?sid=VD16. Aurifaber's practica is also listed in the bibliographies of Zinner (Nr. 1737) and Hellmann, which cites a copy in the Königsberg university library whose fate after 1945 is unknown. See HellmannGustav, Versuch einer Geschichte der Wettervorhersage im XVI. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1924), 26, and ZinnerErnst, Geschichte und Bibliographie der astronomischen Literatur in Deutschland zur Zeit der Renaissance, 2nd edn (Stuttgart, 1964), 195.
This is substantially identical to another of Aurifaber's notes of ownership, “Sum Andreae Aurifabrj Wratislauiensis D. 1545”. See DeckertHelmut, Katalog der Inkunabeln der sächsischen Landesbibliothek zu Dresden (Leipzig, 1957), 44. On the disposition of Aurifaber's personal library, see TondelJanusz, Eruditio et Prudentia: Die Schloßbibliothek Herzog Albrechts von Preußen. Bestandskatalog 1540–1548 (Wiesbaden, 1998), 29, fn. 117.
16.
See BarkerPeterGoldsteinBernard R., “Patronage and the production of De revolutionibus”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xxxiv (2003), 345–68.
17.
Danielson, First Copernican (ref. 4), 69.
18.
WestermanRobert S., “The Melanchthon circle, Rheticus, and the Wittenberg interpretation of the Copernican theory,”Isis, lxvi (1975), 165–93.
19.
Kremer, “Copernicus among the astrologers” (ref. 3), 238–9.
20.
SwerdlowNoel M.NeugebauerO., Mathematical astronomy in Copernicus's De revolutionibus (New York, 1984) i, 17–18; BarkerGoldstein, “Patronage and the production of De revolutionibus” (ref. 16), 346; 362, n. 5. For the text of the 1535 letter from Bernhard Wapowski to Sigismund von Herberstein that describes the almanac, first discovered by Eugen Brachvogel in 1935, and further literature, see KühneAndreas (ed.), Nicolaus Copernicus: Gesamtausgabe, vi/1: Documenta Copernicana: Briefe; Texte und Übersetzungen (Berlin, 1994), 186–8.
21.
Cf. BarkerGoldstein, “Patronage and the production of De revolutionibus” (ref. 16), 361: “Simple chronology dictates that the early reception of Copernicanism up to and including Osiander's preface to De revolutionibus should be understood as responses to the Narratio prima and not directly to the work by Copernicus himself”.
22.
Danielson, First Copernican (ref. 4), 212 (translating Gasser's dedicatory epistle to his practica for 1546). On Gasser's use of printed ephemerides in his practicas, see Kremer, “Copernicus among the astrologers” (ref. 3), 233.